
Class 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



'+■&* 





[As President of Washington CollegeJ 



FRONTISPIECE 



LIFE AND LETTERS OF 

Robert Edward Lee 

SOLDIER AND MAN 



BY 



Rev. J. WILLIAM JONES, D. D. 

Editor of fourteen "volumes of ci Tbe Southern Historical Papers" and author of -various 
books relating to Southern History 



WITH PORTRAITS OF GEN. LEE 



NEW YORK AND WASHINGTON 

THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY 

1906 



.1 



LI8HA«V»f CONGBFSS 

Two C»ntep Received 

AUG 31 1906 

Geoynem tntry 

CLAS^/ CL XXc. No. 

COPY B. 



COPYRIGHT, 1906 
BY THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY 




TO 

My Beloved Wife 

Judith Page Jones 

The little woman who, in the early spring of 
1 86 1, buckled on my armor and sent me to the 
front to join the standard of Lee ; who followed 
me through those years of carnage with warmest 
sympathies and most fervent prayers ; who 
counts it a proud privilege to have been the 
friend of Lee, and cherishes in her heart of 
hearts his memory; and whose steady en- 
couragement, wise suggestion, and loving help 
have done more than anything else to promote 
any success I have had in literary, and historical 
work, this book is affectionately dedicated by 

The Author. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. Lineage and Boyhood 

* Lineage — "Light Horse Harry'' — Genl. Lee's own account of his 
lineage — Birth at Stratford, Westmoreland County, Virginia, the land 
of great men — Anne, the mother of Lee — Boyhood — His early teachers, 
Mr. Leary and Mr- Hallowell — "Both son and daughter" to his wid- 
owed mother — The boy's quiet rebuke to an old man 13 

CHAPTER II. The West Point Cadet and the Young Army Officer 

The West Point Cadet — Graduated second in his class without ever 
having received a demerit — The young engineer officer — His courtship 
and marriage to Mary Custis — Arlington and the Washington relics — 
His children — Stationed at St. Louis — Letters to his family — Letter to 
Jos. E. Johnston — At Fort Hamilton, and the services he rendered in 
constructing the defenses of New York Harbor — Letters to his sons. ... 28 

CHAPTER III. The Mexican War 

His rapid promotion — General Scott's compliments in his official 
reports — General Hunt's incident concerning Lee's conduct at the 
Pedrigal — Gen. C. M. Wilcox on his career in Mexico — Lee's letters to 
his wife and others — Letter to his brother in which he disclaims the 
honors heaped on himself, and warmly defends his commander, General 
Scott — Letter to his brother on his return to Arlington 43 

CHAPTER IV. From the Mexican War to the War 

Between the States 

Capt. Robt. E. Lee's Recollections of his Father — At Baltimore — 
Description of his person — Family letters — Superintendent at West 
Point — Lieutenant-Colonel of the famous Second Cavalry — Service on 
the frontier — Family letters — Death of Mr. Custis and his return to 
Arlington to settle up his estate — Letters to his two sons in the Army — 
His connection with the "John Brown Raid" — Return to Texas — Let- 
ters to his sons — His comment on the promotion of Jos. E. Johnston 
over him — His expressions concerning the state of the country — An 
ardent Union man, yet deprecating "a Union maintained by swords and 
bayonets" g 

CHAPTER V. - - The First Year of the War Between the States 

Breaking out of the war — Ordered to "report to the Commander-in- 
Chief at Washington" — Not a secessionist, but an ardent Virginian — 
The supreme command of the United States Army in the field tendered 
him, and his refusal — Statement of Mr. Blair — Scott's opinion of Lee — 
Statement of Hon. Simon Cameron, Mr. Lincoln's first Secretary of 
War— General Lee's letter on the subject to Senator Reverdy Johnson — 
The struggle it cost him to leave the United States Army — His letter to 
General Scott, and his letter of resignation — Letters to his sister and to 
his brother, Captain Lee of the Navy— He goes to Richmond and ac- 
cepts the command of the Virginia forces— Letters to Mrs. Lee—Letters 
from Hon. Wm. C. Reves and Bishop Meade— Labor of organizing the 
raw recruits— General McDowell's kind letter to Mrs. Lee— Lee's West 



8 CONTENTS 

Virginia campaign — His letters at the period — Capt. Robert E. Lee's 
recollections — The failure of the West Virginia campaign — "Newspaper 
generals" — His service on the South Carolina and Georgia coast, and 
able preparation for the defense of Charleston and Savannah — Family- 
letters 123 

CHAPTER VI. The Second Year of the War 

"Military adviser of the President" — Question of rank, in which Lee 
took no part — The Confederate disasters of the spring of 1862 — The 
situation at Richmond — The Merrhnac {Virginia) and the Monitor — 
Jackson's Valley campaign and its results — Battle of Seven Pines (Fair 
Oaks) — Jos. E. Johnston wounded and Lee put in command of the 
Army — The situation at Richmond — Lee's strategy — Seven days' battles 
around Richmond and their results — Letters to his family — Second 
Manassas campaign — Battle of Cedar Run — Pope's orders — General 
Lee's letters — A description of his war-horse "Traveler" — The battle of 
second Manassas — Capture of Harper's Ferry — Battle of Sharpsburg 
(Antietam) — Death of his daughter Anne, and how he bore it — 
Family letters — Removal of General McClellan — Battle of Fredericks- 
burg — Family letters — General Long's incidents — Capt. Robert E. Lee's 
recollections — General orders — Letter from an English officer 163 

CHAPTER VII. The Third Year of the War 

Resignation of General Burnside and appointment of General Hooker 
— Mr. Lincoln's letter — General Lee's letters to his family — Kelley's 
ford — The campaign and battle of Chancellorsville — Death of Stonewall 
Jackson — Affectionate friendship between Lee and Jackson — Their last 
meeting and who suggested the flank movement — Lee's order announ- 
c : ng Jackson's death — His letters — His order announcing the victory — 
The cavalry battle of Fleetwood — Family letters — The Gettysburg cam- 
paign and battle — Accounts of this battle by Gen. Fitz Lee, General 
Long, Col. W. H. Taylor — Colonel Henderson of the British Army and 
Gen. R. Taylor — Family letters — General Lee's letter proposing to 
resign his command and President Davis's reply — Letters — His refusal 
of the gift of a house from the city of Richmond — In camp along the 
Rapidan — Letters to his sons, his wife, and others — The great revival 
in the Army — Family and other letters 222 

CHAPTER VIII. The Last Year of the War 

The last year of the war — Relative numbers and resources — Battle of 
the Wilderness — Spottsylvania Court House — Sheridan's raid and the 
death of Stuart — Hanover Junction — Cold Harbor — Fearful slaughter 
of 13,500 Federals to only 750 Confederates — Failure to carry Peters- 
burg by assault — Failure of Hunter to capture Lynchburg — Defeat of 
Sheridan at Trevillian's Depot by Hampton and Fitz Lee — Hunter 
driven from Lynchburg and Early advancing on Washington — Grant 
besieging Richmond and Petersburg — Summary of the campaign — The 
siege of Petersburg and many brilliant affairs — Early's Valley cam- 
paign — In winter quarters — Lee's bold plan to unite with Johnston, 
and strike Sherman defeated by the weather, the roads, and the weak- 
ness of his starved horses — Capture of Fort Steadman — Letters show- 
ing Lee's feelings, hopes, and fears — Opening of the campaign — The 
immense odds of numbers and resources which Grant opposed to Lee — 



CONTENTS 9 

Confederate disaster at Five Forks — Lee's lines broken in several places 
at Petersburg — Evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg — Retreat — 
Great disaster at Sailor's Creek — The true story of Appomattox as told 
by General Lee himself — The story of Grant and Lee meeting under an 
apple tree and Grant returning Lee's sword refuted — General Lee's fare- 
well address to his army — The magnanimous treatment of Lee and his 
army by Grant and his troops — Lee's agony of mind but calm deport- 
ment — Capt. Robert E. Lee's recollections 309 

CHAPTER IX. After the War — Promoting Peace 

In Richmond — Removal to Powhatan County — Indicted for "treason" 
in Judge Underwood's court — His letter to General Grant and applica- 
tion for amnesty — General Grant's letter to General Lee, and magnani- 
mous course — General Lee's letters to his old soldiers and others, urg- 
ing them to be law-abiding citizens — His refusal to become Governor 
of Virginia — He did not believe in "military statesmen or political gen- 
erals" — His want of bitterness toward the North illustrated — His quiet 
rebuke of a distinguished clergyman and of other friends 382 

CHAPTER X. The College President 

Circumstances of his election — The condition of Washington College 
— Its history and associations — General Lee's feelings and purposes — 
His letter of acceptance — His simple arrival in Lexington and inaugu- 
ration as president — His reforms and improvements in the College — His 
system of discipline — His thorough knowledge of the class standing and 
deportment of each student — His efforts for the religious welfare of the 
students — His great influence in that direction — Letter to the pastors — 
Conference with them and active cooperation — Prof. Edward S- Joynes 
on Lee as college president — Letters 405 

CHAPTER XI. Analysis of his Character 

Devotion to duty the keynote of his life — This illustrated by an anec- 
dote given by Gen. John B. Magruder — Incident given by Ex-President 
Davis — Bishop Wilmer's interview with him — What he wrote on loose 
sheets found in his army satchel — Modest humility, simplicity, and gen- 
tleness of Lee illustrated by incidents and his own letters — His tem- 
perate habits and efforts to promote temperance in others — His refusals 
to accept gifts — Illustrations — His lack of nepotism illustrated — His 
social character illustrated — Wonderful memory of names and faces — 
Genial conversation, quiet wit or broad humor illustrated by anecdotes 
and letters — His domestic life further illustrated — Letter to Mr. Davis 
on his release from prison — His love for children illustrated — His 
Christian character illustrated by incidents, letters and extracts from 
his orders and dispatches — A man of prayer and a devout Bible stu- 
dent — A "son of consolation" to the afflicted 436 

CHAPTER XII. - His Death and Funeral Service and the World's 

Tribute to his Memory 

Causes of his sickness — From a vestry meeting to his death-bed — His 
last moments — His funeral — The world's tribute to his fame 474 



PREFACE 

It is not my purpose in this book to treat of the great war 
between the States, its causes, its conduct, or its results. Nor 
can I treat fully, in the space I shall use, of Lee the soldier, or 
Lee the man. But as it was my proud privilege to know General 
Lee in war and in peace, and to enjoy some peculiar facilities for 
studying his life and character, I think I may, without improper 
egotism, claim some qualifications for writing of him as he 
really was. 

In the Army I came in somewhat frequent contact with him, 
but when he was President of Washington College from Octo- 
ber, 1865, to October, 1870, 1 was one of his chaplains, and came 
into almost daily association with him, making it my business, 
as it was my great pleasure, to study those noble traits which 
made him grander in peace than in war. I was one of that 
band of loving hands who bore him to the tomb, when two con- 
tinents mourned his death, and I had the honor of being 
selected by Mrs. Lee and the faculty of the College to edit the 
"Lee Memorial Volume" which it was proposed to publish soon 
after his death. When the publication of that book was 
abandoned I was encouraged and authorized to publish, with 
their full approval, my "Personal Reminiscences, Anecdotes, 
and Letters of R. E. Lee." At that time I was given free access 
to General Lee's private letters and papers, and from that day 
I have carefully studied and preserved everything concerning 
him that has been published, or which I have been able to pro- 
cure. 

I come, then, to my present task with full knowledge of my 
subject and with warm and loving heart, desiring to present 
Lee to the world as I knew, and honored, and loved him myself. 



XII PREFACE 

I should be unworthy of the great man of whom I write if 
I should allow to creep into this book any of "the bitter 
memories of a stormy past," any partisan expression, anything 
which could reasonably offend the most sensitive of any section 
of our common country. 

In the preparation of this volume I have consulted and, as 
occasion offered, used Gen. Fitzhugh Lee's "Life of Robert E. 
Lee," Gen. A. L. Long's Memoirs, Col. Walter H. Taylor's 
"Four Years with Lee," and Capt. Robert E. Lee's "Recollec- 
tions of my Father," and many magazine and newspaper arti- 
cles which I have preserved; and I have freely used my own 
"Personal Reminiscences." But it will be found that my treat- 
ment of the subject is fresh, and that a large proportion of the 
incidents and letters have never been published. 

I send forth this book with the earnest prayer and confident 
hope that it may be acceptable to all lovers of true Christian 
manhood, and that it may prove useful, especially to the youth 
of our busy, bustling, progressive country, just entering upon 
the new century. 

J. W. J. 

Richmond, Va., June 5, 1906. 



LIFE AND LETTERS OF 
ROBERT E. LEE 

SOLDIER AND MAN 



CHAPTER I 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 



Lineage— "Light Horse Harry" — Genl. Lee's own account of his lineage — 
Birth at Stratford, Westmoreland County, Virginia, the land of great 
men — Anne, the mother of Lee — Boyhood — His early teachers, Mr. 
Leary and Mr. Hallowell — ''Both son and daughter" to his widowed 
mother — The boy's quiet rebuke to an old man. 

We naturally desire to know about the ancestry of great 
men ; for while it is far more important that men are something 
themselves than that their ancestors were great or good, yet it 
is true that "blood will tell," and that the lives of men are 
greatly influenced by the characteristics of those from whom 
the}" are descended. 

Robert Edward Lee came of a long line of illustrious ances- 
tors whose names were conspicuous both in England and 
America. Indeed, it may be justly claimed that he was the 
product of the highest type of our Anglo-Saxon manhood. 

While we may insist that he was in himself a very king of 
men, and needs no royal lineage to add luster to his fame, yet 
jit is gratifying to his admirers to know that his ancestry can be 
(traced back to that noble Chief — Robert the Bruce. 

The Lee family, which has given so many great men to 
America, is of ancient and honorable descent. As early as the 
year 1333 we are informed by an old manuscript that Johes de 
Lee, a soldier, received lands from one Hugo de Hinton. The 



14 



LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 



son of this Jones de Lee was Robertus de la Lee and he mar- 
ried Margarita, daughter and heiress of Thomas Astley, of 
Nordley, about the year 1400. Later still, we find the name 
Thomas Lee, of Cotton, in King's Nordley, in the Parish of 
Alvely, who was the son of Johannes Lee. Later still, in the 
reign of Charles I, of England, the Lee family were located in 
the county of Shropshire, and were of the Cavalier stock. One 
of these, Richard Lee, a gentleman of good position and many 
accomplishments, determined to emigrate to the New World, 
concerning which such marvelous tales were being told. 
'Brs-riep-Meajde of Virginia says of him, "He was a man of good 
stature, comely visage, enterprising genius, a sound head, a 
vigorous spirit, and generous nature. When he got to Vir- 
ginia, which at that time was not much cultivated, he was so 
pleased with the country that he made large settlements there 
with the servants he carried over." 

Richard Lee came to the Colony as secretary and member 
of the King's Privy Council. He made several voyages back 
to England, and finally settled in that part of Virginia lying 
between the Potomac and Rappahannock Rivers, known as the 
Northern Neck. He was for a long time the Secretary of the 
Colony, under Sir William Berkeley, and exercised a marked 
influence upon the course which it pursued in the great revolu- 
tion which made Cromwell master of England. Lee was a 
thorough royalist, and, together with the Governor, held the 
Colony firm in its allegiance to "Charlie over the water," He 
was prominent in negotiating the treaty between Virginia and 
the Commonwealth of England, which was so honorable to the 
Colony, and which recognized it as a free and independent 
State, and on the death of Cromwell he induced Governor 
Berkeley to have Charles II proclaimed "King of England, 
Scotland, France, Ireland, and Virginia" two years before the 
Restoration. In consequence of this step, the ancient motto 
of Virginia was En dat Virginia quintain, changed after the 
union of England and Scotland to En dat Virginia quartam. 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 15 

Richard Lee died and was buried in Virginia. He left two 
sons, John and Richard. John was educated at Oxford, and 
was so accomplished that he was offered a fine opening in the 
church, with the prospect of advancement, but the offer was 
declined, as it was his father's wish that he should settle in Vir- 
ginia. He died before his father. Richard Lee, the son, was 
a man of great learning. He passed his life in study, writing 
his notes habitually in Greek, Hebrew, or Latin. Some of 
these are now preserved in Virginia. He was a member of the 
Council, and held other posts of honor and emolument. He 
married a Miss Corbin, of England, and died about the year 
1690, leaving five sons, Richard, Philip, Francis, Thomas, 
Henry, and one daughter who married William Fitzhugh, of 
Eagle's Nest, King George County, Virginia. 

Of the sons, Richard, the eldest, went to England as a Vir- 
ginia merchant, and became a partner of his maternal uncle, 
Thomas Corbin. He married in England and had three 
children, one son and two daughters, who came back to Vir- 
ginia. Philip Lee, the second son, settled in Maryland and left 
a numerous progeny. Francis, the third son, died a bachelor. 
Thomas, the fourth son, married Miss Hannah Ludwell, a lady 
of fine family. The fifth son, Henry Lee, will be noticed 
farther on. 

Thomas Lee, the fourth son of Richard Lee, was in many 
respects a remarkable man. By his marriag'e he allied himself 
with the Ludwells and Grymeses, two wealthy and influential 
families. He was a man of great learning, the greater part of 
which he taught himself, and eventually, though a younger son, 
became possessed of a large fortune. He soon acquired a lead- 
ing position in the Colony, and was made President of the 
Council, which post he held many years, until his death. He 
became impressed at an early day with the idea that the west- 
ern part of the Colony would be settled at some future time by 
a thriving community, and employed an engineer of note to 
explore the lands in that section, especially those bordering 
the Ohio River. 



16 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

While President of the Council he declared to a friend that 
the Colonies would, of necessity, eventually be independent of 
Great Britain, and predicted that "the seat of Government 
would be located near the Little Falls of the Potomac River," 
where he soon after acquired large tracts of land, which were, 
within the present century, the property of his descendants. 

He, resided at Stratford, but his mansion was destroyed by 
fire. He at once set about rebuilding it, and so greatly was he 
esteemed in the Colony and in England, that the Government 
and merchants alike, and, it is said, even Queen Caroline, con- 
tributed to defray the cost of the structure. Of this edifice Mr. 
Lossing says, "There is no structure in our country to compare 
with it. The walls of the first story are two and a half feet 
thick, and the second story two feet, composed of brick 
imported from England. It originally contained about one 
hundred rooms. Besides the main building, there are four 
offices, one at each corner, containing fifteen rooms. The 
stables are capable of accommodating one hundred horses. Its 
cost was about $80,000." 

Thomas Lee died in 1750, and left six sons and two daugh- 
ters. The eldest son, Philip Ludwell Lee, married a Miss 
Steptoe, and by her he had two daughters, of whom Matilda, 
the elder, married her second cousin, Col. Henry Lee (the father 
of Gen. R. E. Lee). 

The second son of Thomas Lee was Thomas Ludwell Lee. 
The third son was Richard Henry Lee, the great champion 
of American independence. He was born on the 21st of Janu- 
ary, 1732, and died June 19, 1794. 

Richard Henry Lee it was who, by direction of the Virginia 
Convention on the 7th of June, 1776, offered in the Continental 
Congress the famous resolution, "That the United Colonies are, 
and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they 
are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that 
all political connection between them and the State of Great 
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 17 

The fourth son of Thomas Lee was Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
born October 14, 1734, died in April, 1797. He was, like his 
brother, Richard Henry, one of the signers of the Declaration 
of Independence. 

The fifth son was William Lee, who settled in London. The 
sixth son was Arthur Lee, who, says Bishop Meade, "As a 
scholar, a writer, a philosopher, a politician, and a diplomatist 
was surpassed by none, and equalled by few, of his contem- 
poraries. The services rendered by him to his country, as her 
minister at foreign courts, were most valuable." 

We must now return to Henry Lee, the fifth son of Richard 
Lee, the ancestor of the subject of this memoir. He married 
a Miss Bland and had several children. His third son, Henry, 
married a Miss Grymes, and by her had five sons and three 
daughters, viz : Henry, the famous soldier of the Revolution ; 
Charles, Richard Bland, Theodoric, and Edmund, and Mary, 
Lucy and Anne. 

Henry Lee, the eldest son, was born January 29, 1756. He 
was educated at first by a private tutor at home, and then sent 
to Princeton College, then under charge of Dr. Witherspoon, 
where he graduated in 1774. In 1776 Patrick Henry nominated 
him to the command of a cavalry company raised in Virginia 
for service in the Continental Army, under the general com- 
mand of Colonel Bland. 

In 1777 Lee's corps was placed under Washington's imme- 
diate control, and under the energetic leadership of its young 
captain acquired a high reputation for discipline and efficiency. 
Lee was made a major and his legion performed many daring 
exploits. 

In July, 1779, he captured a British fort at Paulus Hook 
(Jersey City), for which he received from Congress the thanks 
of that body and a gold medal. In November, 1780, he was 
made lieutenant-colonel, and early in 1781 joined General 
Greene in the Carolinas, where he increased his already brilliant 
renown. About the beginning of 1782, after the battle of 
Eutaw Springs, Colonel Lee returned to Virginia, and married 



18 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

his first wife, Matilda, daughter of Philip Ludwell Lee, Esq., 
of Stratford, where he resided with his father-in-law and 
inherited this historic old place. In 1786 he was elected to a 
seat in Congress. In 1791 he was chosen Governor of Virginia. 
In 1794 he was appointed by Washington, his warm friend and 
admirer, to command the troops sent to quell the Whiskey 
Insurrection in Pennsylvania. 

In 1799 he was again a member of Congress, and was chosen 
by that body to pronounce a funeral oration on the death of 
Washington, in the House of Representatives. He prepared 
the oration, but being imperatively called away, it was delivered 
by his friend Judge Marshall. It was in this oration on the 
"Father of his Country" that General Lee used the famous and 
often-quoted eulogy, "First in war, first in peace, and first in 
the hearts of his fellow-citizens." 

Having been greatly distinguished as a soldier, General Lee 
became famous as an orator, and his "Memoirs of the War of 
'76" gave him wide reputation as a writer, and is still con- 
sidered a standard, so far at least as operations in the Southern 
Department are described. 

Two editions of this book having been exhausted, Gen. 
Robert E. Lee in 1869 brought out a third, which contains a 
charming biography of "Light Horse Harry" written by his 
still more illustrious son, who neglected his proposed history of 
his own campaigns that he might pay this loving tribute to his 
distinguished father. 

Gen. Henry Lee stood in the Virginia Convention with 
James Madison, John Marshall, Edmund Randolph, and others 
in favor of the ratification of the Constitution of the United 
States adopted by the Convention of 1787. He was one of the 
ablest debaters in meeting the opposition led by such men as 
Patrick Henry — "the forest-born Demosthenes," George 
Mason, Benjamin Harrison, and William Grayson. 

But while heartily favoring the Federal Union, he was an 
ardent States' Rights man, and favored the famous Virginia 
and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-99, and said in that debate, 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 19 

"Virginia is my country; her will I obey, however lamentable 
the fate to which it may subject me." In a letter to Mr. Madi- 
son in January, 1792, General Lee said, "No consideration on 
earth could induce me to act a part, however gratifying to me, 
which could be construed into disregard of, or faithlessness to, 
this commonwealth." It was in this school that his son Robert 
Edward was reared. 

Gen. Henry Lee had moved to Alexandria for the purpose 
of educating his children, and was living there when the 
war of 1 81 2 broke out, and he was offered and had accepted 
a commission as major-general in the United States Army. On 
a visit to Baltimore, however, while defending a friend whose 
house was being attacked by an angry mob, he received injuries 
which prevented him from serving in the Army, and ultimately 
resulted in his death. 

Ill health caused by these injuries impelled him to go to the 
West Indies, where he remained for nearly five years, when 
abandoning all hope of recovery he started for home. He grew 
so much worse, however, as the schooner on which he sailed 
neared the south Georgia coast that he begged to be landed on 
Cumberland Island, where at "Dungeness," the estate of his 
old Revolutionary commander, Gen. Nathaniel Greene, he 
found a safe asylum and careful nursing from the daughter of 
General Greene, Mrs. James Shaw. 

But all was in vain. He lingered in great suffering for two 
months after he landed, and on March 25, 1818, the gallant and 
gifted soldier answered his "last roll call," and was buried at 
the home of his old commander and loved friend, General 
Greene. 

Just before the breaking out of the great war between the 
States, the legislature of Virginia passed resolutions looking to 
the removal of his remains to Richmond and the erection of a 
monument to his memory, but the war and the sad days which 
followed prevented the carrying out of this purpose, and "Light 
Horse Harry" still sleeps at beautiful "Dungeness." 



20 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

General Lee's second wife was Anne Hill Carter, daughter 
of Charles Hill Carter of Shirley, one of those famous old 
places on the James River. 

The four children by his first wife all died early. His children 
by his second marriage were Algeron Sydney, Charles Carter, 
Sydney Smith, Robert Edward, Anne, and Mildred. 

The eldest boy died in infancy. 

The second, Charles Carter Lee, was educated at Cambridge, 
studied law, and was widely known and sought after for his 
literary tastes, ability as a speaker and writer, and high social 
qualities. His songs and stories, wit and humor made him the 
life of every circle in which he moved, and the idol of his 
immediate friends and relatives. 

The third son, Sydney Smith Lee, entered the United States 
Navy, served his country in that branch of the service for 34 
years with great ability and high distinction, "went with his 
State" when Virginia seceded from the Union, and served with 
zeal, gallantry, and skill in the Confederate Navy so far as 
opportunity offered. His oldest son was Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, 
the distinguished Confederate cavalryman who rode with "Jeb" 
Stuart and Wade Hampton, and so ably commanded the Cav- 
alry Corps of the Army of Northern Virginia at the close of 
the war ; who was one of the best and most popular Governors 
Virginia ever had ; who won wide reputation for his ability, 
conservatism, and firmness as Consul General at Havana prior 
to the war between the United States and Spain; who was 
major-general of Volunteers in that war, and commanded a 
Department of Cuba since; who was made brigadier-general 
in the Regular Army of the United States, and was then placed 
on the retired list. His death, which occurred last year, caused 
wide-spread sorrow North and South. He was popular with 
all sections and all classes, and added new luster to the honored 
name he bore. 

Gen. Henry Lee's oldest daughter married Mr. William 
Marshall of Baltimore, who remained a Union man during the 
war, and it was to this sister that Gen. R. E. Lee wrote his 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 21 

famous letter on resigning from the United States Army. The 
other daughter, Mildred, married Mr. Edward Vernon Childe 
of Massachusetts, and afterwards lived in Paris, where she 
died. Edward Lee Childe, their oldest son, wrote in French a 
very popular life of Robert E. Lee, which was translated into 
English, and had considerable sale in England and in this 
country. 

Robert Edward Lcc, the fourth son of Gen. Henry Lee, was 
born at Stratford, Westmoreland County, Virginia, January 
19, 1807. 

Is there another State in America which has given birth to as 
many illustrious sons as "the old Dominion" ? Is there another 
county that has produced greater men than Westmoreland? 
Pope's Creek, where George Washington was born, is in the 
same county, only a short distance from Stratford, and within 
an hour's ride are the birthplaces of President Madison, Presi- 
dent James Monroe, Charles Lee, Washington's Attorney- 
General ; and Arthur Lee, the accomplished diplomat who nego- 
tiated the treaty between France and the Colonies in 1777. And 
is there a house in America where there were born so many 
illustrious men as Stratford, where in the same room were born 
Richard Henry Lee, the mover of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and "the Cicero of the American Revolution" ; Francis 
Lightfoot Lee, one of the signers of the Declaration, Sydney 
Smith Lee, one of the brightest ornaments of the American 
Navy; and Robert Edward Lee, the great soldier and model 
man of America? 

Anne Carter, the mother of Robert E. Lee, was of equally 
illustrious ancestry as his father, since she was of one of the 
noblest families in Virginia and in England. Her grandmother 
was a daughter of Alexander Spottswood, who fought with 
Marlborough at Blenheim, was Governor of Virginia in 1770, 
led across the mountains to the beautiful Valley of Virginialtot ' 
gallant band of gentlemen whom he dubbed as "Knights of the 
golden horseshoe," and whose own descent has been traced in 
a direct line back to King Robert the Bruce of Scotland. 



22 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

And thus it is seen that our hero was of the noblest lineage 
through both his paternal and maternal descent. 
But it will be shown that he was, himself, 

"The knightliest of the knightly race 
Who, since the days of old, 
Have kept the fires of chivalry 
Aglow in hearts of gold." 

General Lee does not seem to have troubled himself much 
about his ancestry. In February, 1865, he wrote to his wife 
from his camp near Petersburg : 

I am very much obliged to Mr. for the 

trouble he has taken in reference to the Lee genealogy. I have no 
desire to have it published, and do not think it would afford suffi- 
cient interest beyond the immediate family to compensate for the 
expense. I think that the money had better be applied to relieving 
the poor. 

It will be of interest, however, to add a letter which he wrote 
in 1865 to a gentleman who insisted on having from him a 
statement of the Lee genealogy. It is as follows : 

Lexington, Va., November 20, 1865. 
My dear sir : 

I received by the last mail your letter of the 13th inst., inquiring 
into my family history. 

I am a poor genealogist and my family records have been de- 
stroyed or are beyond my reach. But as you "insist" on my fur- 
nishing the information asked for, and desire it for your "own 
private use," I will endeavor to give you a general account. 

I am the youngest son of Henry Lee of the Revolutionary War, 
who commanded Lee's Legion under General Greene in the South- 
ern Department of the U. S., and was born at Stratford on the 
Potomac, Westmoreland County, Va., the 19th of January, 1807. 

My mother was Anne Hill Carter, daughter of Mr. Charles 
Carter, of Shirley on James River. My father was twice married, 
first to Miss Lee and then to Miss Carter. "Major Henry Lee" of 
the war of 181 2, of whom you inquire, was the only son of the 
first marriage, and consequently my half brother. "Charles Carter 
Lee," of whom you also ask, and Sydney Smith Lee are my full 
brothers. I had two sisters, Mrs. Anne R. Marshall and Mrs. C. 
Mildred Childe, neither of whom are living. The first left one son, 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 23 

Col. Louis H. Marshall of the U. S. Army, and the second a son 
and daughter who reside in Europe. "Gen. Fitzhugh Lee" is the 
eldest son of my second brother, Sydney Smith Lee, who has five 
other sons. My eldest brother, Charles Carter Lee, has also six 
children, the oldest of whom, George, is about 18 years old. I have 
three sons, Custis, Wm. H. Fitzhugh, and Robert, and three 
daughters, Mary, Agnes, and Mildred. My father died in 1818; 
my mother in 1829. My grandfather was Henry Lee of Stafford 
County; my great-grandfather, Henry Lee, son of Richard Lee, 
who first came from England to America and from whom the 
Southern Lees are descended. Richard Henry, Arthur, and Fran- 
cis Lightfoot Lee, of the Revolution, were cousins of my father. 
"John Fitzgerald Lee," whom you mention, is the grandson of 
Richard Henry Lee. 

I believe I have answered all your questions and must now 
express the pleasure I feel in learning that your ancestors were 
fellow-soldiers with mine in the great war of the Revolution. 
This hereditary bond of amity has caused me, at the risk of being 
tedious, to make to you the foregoing family narrative. I am 
also led by the same and other feelings to grieve with you at the 
death of your brave nephews who fell in the recent war. May 
their loss be sanctified to you and to their country. 
Very respectfully, 

Yr. obdt. svt, R. E. Lee. 

We do not know a great deal of the details of the boyhood of 
Robert Lee, but enough to show that in his case "the boy was 
the father of the man" ; that he possessed as a boy traits of 
character which developed into the noble man that he became. 

He was indeed exceedingly fortunate in having as his mother 
a Virginia matron of the old school who, instead of spending 
her time mounting the platform and "pleading for home," 
stayed with her household, and by womanly arts, graces, and 
virtues made a home for her children. As has been seen, her 
husband was absent in quest of health for some years before 
his death, and thus she, in very delicate health as she was, had 
thrown upon her all of the cares, responsibilities, and duties 
of the household. Refined, cultivated, pious, and very tactful, 
she nobly met her obligations, and reared her children for 
humanity, for God, and for truth. 



24 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Alongside of "Mary, the Mother of Washington," among 
American women, should stand Anne, the Mother of Lee. 

It has been already noted that the family had removed from 
their country home to the city of Alexandria, south of the 
Potomac from Washington, in order that the children might 
have the best educational advantages, and in this quaint, intel- 
ligent, and conservative old Virginia town the youth of Robert 
Lee was spent. His first teacher was an Irish gentleman, Mr. 
W. B. Leary, who always spoke in the most enthusiastic terms 
of his studious, well-behaved, gentle, manly pupil, and he in 
turn was greatly attached to his old teacher. While living in 
Lexington, Virginia, as President of Washington College, 
General Lee invited Mr. Leary to visit him at his home, and I 
chanced to witness the cordial, affectionate meeting between the 
old teacher and his now famous pupil. 

General Lee showed Mr. Leary every respect and attention 
while he was a guest under his roof, taking pains to introduce 
him to members of the faculty of the College and others, and 
not long after he left wrote him the following letter : 

Lexington, Va., 15 December, 1866. 
Mr. Wm. B. Leary. 

My dear sir : Your visit has recalled to me years long since 
passed when I was under your tuition, and received daily your 
instruction. In parting from you, I beg to express the gratitude I 
have felt all my life for the affectionate fidelity which characterized 
your teaching and conduct towards me. 

I pray that the evening of your days may be blessed with 
peace and tranquillity, and that a merciful God may guide and pro- 
tect you to the end. 

Should any of my friends, wherever your lot may be cast, desire 
to know your qualifications as a teacher, I hope you will refer them 
to me ; for of them I can speak knowingly and from experience. 

Wishing you health, happiness, and prosperity, I am, 
Affectionatelv, your friend, 

R. E. Lee. 

Under Mr. Leary' s instruction he acquired that knowledge 
of the classics and fondness for them which surprised some of 
his friends who knew only of his military education. 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 25 

Miss Emily V. Mason in her "Popular Life of General Lee" 
gives the following account of his early life : 

When he was but four years of age his father removed to 
Alexandria the better to educate his children ; and there are many 
persons yet living in that old town who remember him at that 
early age. From these sources we are assured that his childhood 
was as remarkable as his manhood for the modesty and thoughtful- 
ness of his character, and for the performance of every duty which 
devolved upon him. The family lived on Cameron Street, near 
the old Christ Church — then on Orinoco Street — and afterwards 
in the house known as the Parsonage. 

At this period General Henry Lee was absent in the West Indies 
in pursuit of health, and in one of his admirable letters written to 
his son Carter, then a student at Cambridge, he says : "Robert, 
who was always good, will be confirmed in his happy turn of mind 
by his ever-watchful and affectionate mother." 

When eleven years of age his father died. 

From one of the family who knew him best, we are told that 
from his excellent mother he learned at this early age to "practice 
self-denial and self-control, as well as the strictest economy in all 
financial concerns," virtues which he retained throughout his life. 

This good mother was a great invalid ; one of his sisters was 
delicate, and many years absent in Philadelphia under the care of 
physicians. The oldest son, Carter, was at Cambridge, Sydney 
Smith in the Navy, and the other sister too young to be of much 
aid in household matters. So Robert was the housekeeper, carried 
the keys, attended to the marketing, managed all of the outdoor 
business, and took care of his mother's horses. 

At the hour when the other school-boys went to play, he hurried 
home to order his mother's drive, and would then be seen carrying 
her in his arms to the carriage, and arranging her cushions with 
the gentleness of an experienced nurse. One of his relatives, who 
was often the companion of these drives, still lives. She tells us of 
the exertions he would make on these occasions to entertain and 
amuse his mother ; assuring her with the gravity of an old man that 
unless she was cheerful the drive would not benefit her. When she 
complained of cold, or draughts, he would pull from his pocket a 
great jack-knife and newspaper and make her laugh with his ef- 
forts to improvise curtains, and shut out the intrusive wind which 
whistled through the crevices of the old family coach. 



26 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

When he left her to go to West Point, his mother was heard to 
say, "How can I live without Robert? He is both son and 
daughter to me." 

Years after, when he came home from West Point, he found one 
of the chief actors of his childhood's drama — his mother's old 
coachman, "Nat" — ill, and threatened with consumption. He im- 
mediately took him to the milder climate of Georgia, nursed him 
with the tenderness of a son, and secured him the best medical ad- 
vice. But the springtime saw the faithful old servant laid in the 
grave by the hands of his kind young master. 

General Lee used to say that he was very fond of hunting when 
a boy — that he would sometimes follow the hounds on foot all 
day. This will account for his well-developed form, and for that 
wonderful strength which was never known to fail him in all the 
fatigues and privations of his after life. 

Only last summer, when General Lee was in Alexandria, one 
of the old neighbors found him gazing wistfully over the palings 
of the garden in which he used to play. "I am looking," said he, 
"to see if the old snowball trees are still here. I should have been 
sorry to miss them." 

One of his friends gives a remarkable incident to show the in- 
fluence which, even at this early day, his simple dignity and high 
sense of right exercised upon all who came in contact with him, 
the old as well as the young. Being invited during a vacation to 
visit a friend of his family who lived in the gay, rollicking style 
then but too common in old Virginia, he found in his host one of 
the grand old gentlemen of that day, with every fascination of 
mind and manner, who, though not of dissipated habits, led a 
life which the sterner sense of the boy could not approve. 

The old man shrunk before the unspoken rebuke of the youthful 
hero. Coming to his bedside the night before his departure, he 
lamented the idle and useless life into which he had fallen, excus- 
ing himself upon the score of loneliness, and the sorrow which 
weighed upon him in the loss of those most dear. In the most 
impressive manner he besought his young guest to be warned by 
his example ; prayed him to cherish the good habits he had already 
acquired, and promised to listen to his entreaties that he would 
change his own life, and thereby secure more entirely his respect 
and affection. 

General Lee's recollections of his childhood home were always 
as vivid as they wefe tender and pleasant. To the young lady 



LINEAGE AND BOYHOOD 27 

who made the sketch of his birthplace he wrote the following 
characteristic letter : 

Lexington, Va., 28 May, 1866. 
Miss Mattie Ward, 

Care Rev. Win. N. Ward, 

Warsaw P. O., Va. 
My dear Miss Ward : I have just received from Richmond the 
two photographic copies of your painting of Stratford. Your pic- 
ture vividly recalls scenes of my earliest recollections and happiest 
days. Though unseen for years, every feature of the house is 
familiar to me. 

I return my sincere thanks for the pleasure you have given me, 
and beg you to accept my earnest wishes for your future happiness. 

With great respect, I am, 

Yr. obdt. svt., 

R. E. Lee. 

When it was decided that he would go to West Point young 
Lee entered the school of Mr. Benjamin Hallowell in Alexan- 
dria, for many years one of the best and most prominent in that 
section, and Mr. Hallowell, though he adhered to the Federal 
cause during the war, always spoke in the most enthusiastic 
terms of admiration of his old pupil. He thus wrote of him : 

Robert E. Lee entered my school in Alexandria, Virginia, in the s 
winter of 1824-25, to study mathematics preparatory to his going 
to West Point. He was a most exemplary student in every respect. 
He was never behind-time at his studies ; never failed in a single 
recitation ; was perfectly observant of the rules and regulations of 
the institution ; was gentlemanly, unobtrusive, and respectful in all 
his deportment to teachers and his fellow-students. His specialty 
was finishing up. He imparted a finish and a neatness, as he pro- 
ceeded, to everything he undertook. One of the branches of 
mathematics he studied with me was conic sections, in which 
some of the diagrams were very complicated. He drew the ,.--•"' 
diagrams on a slate ; and although he well knew that the one he 
was drawing would have to be removed to make room for an- 
other, he drew each one with as much accuracy and finish, letter- 
ing and all, as if it were to be engraved and printed. The same 
traits he exhibited at my school he carried with him to West 
Point, where, I have been told, he never received a mark of 
demerit, and graduated at the head of his class. 



CHAPTER II 

THE WEST POINT CADET AND THE YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 

The West Point Cadet — Graduated second in his class without ever having 
received a demerit — The young engineer officer — His courtship and 
marriage to Mary Custis — Arlington and the Washington relics — His 
children — Stationed at St. Louis — Letters to his family — Letter to 
Jos. E. Johnston — At Fort Hamilton, and the services he rendered 
in constructing the defenses of New York Harbor — Letters to his 
sons. 

It seemed very natural that the son of "Lighthorse Harry" 
should desire to enter the United States Army, and besides this 
ambition to follow in the footsteps of his distinguished father, 
he was no doubt influenced by the desire to relieve his mother 
of the further expense of his education and support. Accord- 
ingly he made application for an appointment as cadet at the 
Military Academy at West Point, and going over to Washing- 
„.. ton with his aunt, Mrs. Lewis, was introduced to President 
Jackson, and made so favorable an impression on "Old 
Hickory" that he used his personal influence to secure him the 
appointment, and in 1825 he was entered on the rolls of that 
famous school. 

In his very admirable memoir of his uncle, Gen. Fitzhugh 
Lee says of his career at West Point : 

He had now four years of hard study, vigorous drill, and was 
absorbing strategy and tactics to be useful in after years. His 
excellent habits and close attention to all duties did not desert him ; 
he received no demerits ; was a cadet officer in his class, and during 
his last year held the post of honor in the aspirations of cadet life — 
the adjutant of the corps. He graduated second in a class of forty- 
six, and was commissioned second lieutenant in the Corps of En- 
gineers. It is interesting to note that his eldest son, George Wash- 
ington Custis Lee, also entered the Military Academy twenty-one 



THE CONFEDERATE GENERAL 25 

" During the whole of that time — more than a quarter 
of a century — I have experienced nothing but kindness 
from my superiors and a most cordial friendship from 
my comrades. To no one, General, have I been as much 
indebted as to yourself for uniform kindness and con- 
sideration, and it has always been my ardent desire 
to merit your approbation. I shall carry to the grave 
the most grateful recollections of your kind considera- 
tion, and your name and fame shall always be dear to 
me. 

" Save in the defense of my native State, I never desire 
again to draw my sword. 

"Be pleased to accept my most earnest wishes for 
the continuance of your happiness and prosperity, and 
believe me most truly yours, 

"(Signed) 

"R. E. Lee." 

His resignation was written the same day. 

"Arlington, Washington City P. O., April 20, 1861. 
" Honourable Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. 

"Sir: I have the honour to tender the resignation of 
my command as Colonel of the First Regiment of Cavalry. 
"Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, 
"Colonel First Cavalry." 

To show further his great feeling in thus having to 
leave the army with which he had been associated so 
long, I give two more letters, one to his sister, Mrs. 
Anne Marshall, of Baltimore, the other to his brother, 
Captain Sydney Smith Lee, of the United States Navy : 

"Arlington, Virginia, April 20, 1861. 
" My Dear Sister: I am grieved at my inability to see 
you. ... I have been waiting for a 'more con- 
venient season,' which has brought to many before me 



26 RECOLLECTIONS OF GENERAL LEE 

deep and lasting regret. Now we are in a state of war 
which will yield to nothing. The whole South is in a 
state of revolution, into which Virginia, after a long 
struggle, has been drawn; and though I recognise no 
necessity for this state of things, and would have for- 
borne and pleaded to the end for redress of grievances, 
real or supposed, yet in my own person I had to meet 
the question whether I should take part against my 
native State. 

"With all my devotion to the Union and the feeling 
of loyalty and duty of an American citizen, I have not 
been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against 
my relatives, my children, my home. I have therefore 
resigned my commission in the Army, and save in de- 
fense of my native State, with the sincere hope that my 
poor services may never be needed, I hope I may never 
be called on to draw my sword. I know you will blame 
me; but you must think as kindly of me as you can, 
and believe that I have endeavoured to do what I thought 
right. 

"To show you the feeling and struggle it has cost me, 
I send you a copy of my letter of resignation. I have 
no time for more. May God guard and protect you and 
yours, and shower upon you everlasting blessings, is 
the prayer of your devoted brother, R. E. Lee."- 

"Arlington, Virginia, April 20, i860. 
"My Dear Brother Smith: The question which was 
the subject of my earnest consultation with you on the 
1 8th inst. has in my own mind been decided. After the 
most anxious inquiry as to the correct course for me 
to pursue, I concluded to resign, and sent in my resig- 
nation this morning. I wished to wait till the Ordinance 
of Secession should be acted on by the people of Virginia ; 

but war seems to have commenced, and I am liable at 

• 

any time to be ordered on duty which I could not con- 
scientiously perform. To save me from such a position, 
and to prevent the necessity of resigning under orders, I 



THE CONFEDERATE GENERAL 27 

had to act at once, and before I could see you again on 
the subject, as I had wished. I am now a private citizen, 
and have no other ambition than to remain at home. 
Save in defense of my native State, I have no desire ever 
again to draw my sword. I send you my warmest love. 
"Your affectionate brother, 

"R.E.Lee." 

I will give here one of my father's letters, written 
after the war, in which is his account of his resignation 
from the United States Army: 

"Lexington, Virginia, February 25, 1868. 
"Honourable Reverdy Johnson, 

"United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 
"My Dear Sir: My attention has been called to the 
official report of the debate in the Senate of the United 
States, on the 19th instant, in which you did me the 
kindness to doubt the correctness of the statement made 
by the Honourable Simon Cameron, in regard to myself. 
I desire that you may feel certain of my conduct on the 
occasion referred to, so far as my individual statement 
can make you. I never intimated to any one that I 
desired the command of the United States Army; nor 
did I ever have a conversation with but one gentle- 
man, Mr. Francis Preston Blair, on the subject, which 
was at his invitation, and, as I understood, at the instance 
of President Lincoln. After listening to his remarks, I 
declined the offer he made me, to take command of the 
army that was to be brought into the field; stating, as 
candidly and as courteously as I could, that, though 
opposed to secession and deprecating war, I could take 
no part in an invasion of the Southern States. I went 
directly from the interview with Mr. Blair to the office 
of General Scott ; told him of the proposition that had 
been made to me, and my decision. Upon reflection 
after returning to my home, I concluded that I ought 
no longer to retain the commission I held in the United 



2 8 RECOLLECTIONS OF GENERAL LEE 

States Army, and on the second morning thereafter I 
forwarded my resignation to General Scott. At the 
time, I hoped that peace would have been preserved; 
that some way would have been found to save the country 
from the calamities of war; and I then had no other 
intention than to pass the remainder of my life as a 
private citizen. Two days afterward, upon the invi- 
tation of the Governor of Virginia, I repaired to Rich- 
mond; found that the Convention then in session had 
passed the ordinance withdrawing the State from the 
Union; and accepted the commission of commander of 
its forces, which was tendered me. 

"These are the ample facts of the case, and they 
shew that Mr. Cameron has been misinformed. 

" I am with great respect, 

"Your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee." 

My father reached Richmond April 22, 1861. The 
next day he was introduced to the Virginia Convention, 
and offered by them the command of the military forces 
of his State. In his reply to Mr. John Janney, the 
President, who spoke for the Convention, he said : 

"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
Deeply impressed with the solemnity of the occasion 
on which I appear before you, and profoundly grate- 
ful for the honour conferred upon me, I accept the 
position your partiality has assigned me, though I 
would greatly have preferred your choice should have 
fallen on one more capable. 

" Trusting to Almighty God, an approving conscience, 
and the aid of my fellow-citizens, I will devote myself 
to the defense and service of my native State, in whose 
behalf alone would I have ever drawn my sword." 

On April 26th, from Richmond, he wrote to his wife: 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 29 

years after his father, was also the cadet adjutant, graduated first 
in his class, and was assigned to the Engineer Corps. During his 
whole course at West Point, Robert was a model cadet, his clothes 
looked nice and new, his cross-belts, collar, and summer trousers 
were as white as the driven snow mounting guard upon the moun- 
tain top, and his brass breast and waist plates were mirrors to 
reflect the image of the inspector. He conscientiously performed 
his tours of guard duty, whether the non-commissioned officer of 
the guard was approaching his post or sleeping in his quarters. He 
never "ran the sentinel post," did not go off the limits to the 
"Benny Havens" of his day, or put "dummies" in his bed to deceive 
the officer in charge as he made his inspection after taps, and at 
the parades stood steady in line. It was a pleasure for the in- 
specting officer to look down the barrel of his gun ; it was bright 
and clean, and its stock was rubbed so as to almost resemble 
polished mahogany. 

He is spoken of by his cotemporaries as being singularly 
handsome, genial, and universally popular with all who knew 
him. 

Immediately on his graduation, July 4, 1829, he was 
appointed brevet second lieutenant in the Engineer Corps of 
the United States Army — an honor bestowed only on the high- 
est graduates. He was assigned to duty at Fortress Monroe, and 
for four years was busily engaged in strengthening the defenses 
of Hampton Roads. 

On- June 3^, 1831, at Arlington, near Alexandria, he was 
married to Miss Mary A. R. Custis, the daughter of George 
Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of Mrs. Washington, 
and the adopted son of "the Father of his country." 

While a boy Robert Lee was frequently at Arlington as the 
playmate of little Mary Custis, and when, at the age of twenty, 
as a young cadet on furlough, he came home dressed in his 
beautiful uniform, and one- of the handsomest, most graceful, 
and most fascinating youths that ever wooed fair lady, it was 
not surprising that she encouraged his addresses, and that he 
went back to his studies at the Academy engaged to the charm- 
ing heiress of Arlington. Mrs. Mary Custis Lee was worthy 
to share the fortunes, grace the home, and rear the children of 



30 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Robert Edward Lee. Of strong intellect, fine education, and 
rare accomplishments, charming person, and fascinating man- 
ners, she was at the same time very domestic in her tastes, and 
such a housekeeper as was to be found only among the matrons 
of her day when our women were "keepers-at-home," instead 
of butterflies of fashion, platform speakers, or leaders in public 
matters. 

It was not my privilege to know her in those days of her 
early married life, but as I saw her frequently at her home in 
Lexington, Virginia, during the last years of her life, and 
noted how — though confined to her invalid chair — she looked 
after all of the affairs of her household, and cared for the com- 
fort and pleasure of her husband and her children, I was fully 
prepared to believe what others have so abundantly shown, that 
she was from the beginning a model wife and mother. 

It is said that at first Mr. Custis was opposed to the match — 
not that he could object to Lieutenant Lee, but because he was 
unwilling that his only child and heiress should marry any one; 
but he finally gave his consent, and they had at Arlington an 
old-fashioned Virginia wedding, the marriage ceremony being 
performed by Rev. Dr. Keith of the Episcopal Theological 
Seminary near Alexandria. After serving for two years at 
Old Point, Lieutenant Lee was made assistant to the Chief 
Engineer in Washington, and was enabled to live at Arlington, 
riding to and from his office on a fine Virginia horse. 

Miss Emily Mason gives the following description of Arling- 
ton as it then was : 

This fine mansion stands on the heights opposite Washington 
City, overlooking the Potomac, and was for many years an object 
of attraction to all visitors to Washington on account of its histor- 
ical associations, and the Washington relics collected and preserved 
by the patriotic father of Mrs. Lee. Here were to be seen the orig- 
inal portraits of General and Mrs. Washington, painted at the time 
of their marriage, which have been so constantly reproduced ; the 
portrait of Mrs. Washington's first husband, Col. Parke Custis, of 
many of his progenitors, and several pictures of the great Revo- 
lutionary battles, painted by Mr. Custis, whose delight it was to 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 31 

perpetuate upon canvas the features of the great man who had 
been to him a father, and to commemorate the important scenes in 
which he had been an actor. 

Here, also, was the last original portrait of General Washington 
by Sharpless, a distinguished English artist who painted in crayons. 
Many of the pictures and much of the old furniture of Mount 
Vernon were here; the china presented to Mrs. Washington by 
certain English merchants, upon which was her monogram ; that 
given to General Washington by the Society of the Cincinnati ; the 
tea table at which Mrs. Washington always presided ; a book case 
made by General Washington's own directions ; and the bed upon 
which he died. 

Arlington House was surrounded by groves of stately trees, ex- 
cept in front, where the hill descended to a lovely valley spreading 
away to the river. The view from the height showed Washington, 
Georgetown, and a long stretch of the Potomac in the foreground, 
with wooded hills and valleys making a background of dark foliage. 

This beautiful home was the abode of an "old Virginia hospi- 
tality" as cordial as it was lavish and refined ; and as the years 
went on, Arlington was made all the more attractive by the sun- 
shine which children bring into the home. 

It may as well be stated here that there were bom at Arling- 
ton to this couple, who so beautifully blended the families of 
Washington and Lee. George Washington Custis Lee, Mary 
Custis Lee, William Henry Fitzhugh Lee, Agnes Lee, Robert 
Edward Lee, Mildred Lee, and Anne Carter Lee. 

The oldest son, Custis, graduated first in his class at West 
Point, was an accomplished officer in the Engineer Corps, 
resigned his commission on the secession of Virginia, was aid 
to President Davis, brigadier and then major-general in the 
Confederate Army, and after the close of the war was Profes- 
sor of Engineering in the Virginia Military Institute, and suc- 
ceeded his father as President of Washington and Lee Uni- 
versity. 

W. H. F. Lee ("Rooney" was the affectionate name by 
which his father called him) graduated at Harvard, was 
appointed lieutenant in the army on the special application of 
General Scott, had resigned and was living at his home — the 



32 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

White House on the Pamunkey — when the war between the 
States broke out, and he raised a cavalry company of which he 
was made captain. He was steadily promoted "for gallantry 
and skill," until he became major-general in the Cavalry Corps. 

After the war he retired to his plantation at the White 
House, and became one of the most prominent citizens of the 
State — serving in the Virginia Senate, and the Federal Con- 
gress until death cut him off from yet higher honors that 
awaited him. 

Robert E. Lee was a student at the University of Virginia 
when the war began and promptly enlisted in the famous Rock- 
bridge Artillery, in which he served gallantly and efficiently 
until December, 1862, when he was given a place on the staff of 
his brother, Gen. W. H. F. Lee, and rose to the rank of captain. 
Since the war he has been a successful planter and a useful 
citizen. 

Miss Anne Carter Lee died during the war, and Miss Agnes 
not long after the death of her father. Miss Mary is still 
living; Miss Mildred died last year. [ £\$& 

In 1835 Captain Lee was sent to St. Louis in charge of a 
corps of engineers, where he performed a most important serv- 
ice in preventing the Mississippi River from changing its 
course so as to leave the city high and dry, and devised a sys- 
tem of river improvements which is followed to this day with 
the best results. 

I cannot better picture the life and character of Lee at this 
period than by giving some of his private letters, for which I 
am indebted to members of his family. But first I give the fol- 
lowing characteristic letter, which I copy from Gen. Fitzhugh 
Lee's Memoir : 

St. Louis, August 20, 1838. 
My dear Cassius and Cousin : 

I believe I once spoke to you on the subject of getting for me the 
crest, coat of arms, etc., of the Lee family, and which, sure enough, 
you never did. My object in making the request is for the purpose 
of having a seal cut with the impression of said coat, which I think 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 33 

is due from a man of my large family to his posterity, and which 
I have thought, perhaps foolishly enough, might as well be right as 
wrong. If, therefore, you can assist me in this laudable enterprise, 
I shall be much obliged, and by enveloping it securely, directed to 
me at this place, and sending it either by mail or some safe hand to 
the Engineer Office, Washington City, without any word or further 
direction, it will come safely to hand. I once saw in the hands of 
Cousin Edmund, for the only time in my life, our family tree, and 
as I begin in my old age to feel a little curiosity relative to my fore- 
fathers, their origin, whereabouts, etc., any information you can 
give me will increase the obligation. 

So sit down one of these hot evenings and write it off for me, 
or at any rate the substance, and tell my cousin Philippa not to let 
you forget it. I wish you would at the same time undeceive her on 
a certain point, for, as I understand, she is laboring under a griev- 
ous error. 

Tell her that it is farthest from my wish to detract from any of 
the little Lees, but as to her little boy being equal to Mr. Rooney,* 
it is a thing not even to be supposed, much less believed, although 
we live in a credulous country, where people stick at nothing from 
a coon story to a sea serpent. You must remember us particularly 
to her, to Uncle Edmund, Cousins Sally, Hannah and the Lloyds. 

I believe I can tell you nothing here that would interest you, 
except that we are all well, although my dame has been a little 
complaining for a day or two. The elections are all over, the 
"Vanities" have carried the day in the State, although the Whigs 
in this district carried their entire ticket, and you will have the 
pleasure of hearing the great expunger again thunder from his 
place in the Senate against banks, bribery, and corruption. While 
on the river I cannot help being on the lookout for that stream of 
gold that was to ascend the Mississippi, tied up in silk-net purses ! 
It would be a pretty sight, but the tide has not yet made up here. 
Let me know whether you can enlighten me on the point in question. 
And believe me, Yours very truly, 

R. E. Lee. 
C. F. Lee, Esq. 

Alexandria, Virginia, 

Under date of October 16, 1837, he thus writes from St. 
Louis to his wife : 



*A pet name for his son William H. F. Lee. 






34 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The improved condition of the children, which you mention, was 
a source of great comfort to me; and as I suppose by this time 
you have all returned to Arlington, you will be able to put them 
under a proper restraint, which you were probably obliged to relax 
while visiting among strangers, and which that indulgence will 
probably render more essential. Our dear little boy seems to have 
among his friends the reputation of being hard to manage, — a 
distinction not at all desirable, as it indicates self-will and obstinacy. 
Perhaps these are qualities which he really possesses, and he may 
have a better right to them than I am willing to acknowledge ; but 
it is our duty, if possible, to counteract them and assist him to 
bring them under his control. I have endeavored in my intercourse 
with him, to require nothing but what was in my opinion necessary 
or proper, and to explain to him temperately its propriety, at a 
time when he could listen to my arguments, and not at the moment 
of his being vexed and his little faculties warped by passion. I 
have also tried to show him that I was firm in my demands, and 
constant in their enforcement, and that he must comply with them ; 
and I let him see that I look to their execution in order to relieve 
him, as much as possible, from the temptation to break them. 
Since my efforts have been so unsuccessful, I fear I have altogether 
failed in accomplishing my purpose, but I hope to be able to profit 
by my experience. You must assist me in my attempts and we must 
endeavor to combine the mildness and forbearance of the mother 
with the sternness and, perhaps, unreasonableness of the father. 

This is a subject on which I think much, though M may blame 

me for not reading more. I am ready to acknowledge the good 
advice contained in the text books, and believe that I see the merit 
of their reasoning generally ; but what I want to learn is to apply 
what I already know. I pray God to watch over and direct our 
efforts in guarding our dear little son that we may bring him up in 
the way he should go. 

Oh ! what pleasure I lose in being separated from my children. 
Nothing can compensate me for that; still I must remain here, 
ready to perform what little service I can, and hope for the best. 

While on his way to St. Louis two years later, he wrote Mrs. 
Lee the following letter : 

Louisville, June 5, 1839. 
My dearest Mary : 

I arrived here last night, and before going out will inform you of 
my well doing thus far. 

After leaving Staunton I got on very well, but did not reach 
Gayandotte till Sunday afternoon, where before alighting from 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 35 

the stage I espied a boat descending the river, in which I took 
passage to Cincinnati. You do not know how much I have 
missed you and the children, my dear Mary. To be alone in a- 
crowd is very solitary. In the woods I feel sympathy with the 
trees and birds, in whose company I take delight, but experience 
no pleasure in a strange crowd. 

I hope you are all well and will continue so ; and therefore must 
again urge you to be very prudent and careful of those dear child- 
ren. If I could only get a squeeze at that little fellow turning up his 
sweet mouth to "keeze Baba !" You must not let him run wild in 
my absence, and will have to exercise firm authority over all of 
them. This will not require severity, or even strictness, but con- 
stant attention, and an unwavering course. Mildness and for- 
bearance, tempered by firmness and judgment, will strengthen their 
affection for you, while it will maintain your control over them. 

General Long, in his Memoirs, gives a letter from Captain 
Lee to Lt. Joseph E. Johnston, of the Topographical Engineers, 
— afterwards tihe distinguished Confederate general, — which 
is so characteristic in its description of the- service that I repro- 
duce it in full. "Colonel" was the pet name which his intimate 
friends gave to Lieutenant Johnston. The letter follows : 

St. Louis, 26th July, 1839. 
My dear Colonel : 

Upon my return here some few days since from the Rapids I 
found your letter of the 1st. It did me good to hear of the boys, 
especially as it was all good. Kan's fishing project I fear is more 
natural than feasible, and its merits in so benighted a place as 
Washington will never be appreciated. I now contemplate you, 
therefore, as one of the stars in General Scott's staff. While up 
the river I fell in with Dick, and escorted him from Galena to 
Burlington, his headquarters. 

General Brooke happened at Galena while we were there, and 
besides the pleasure of meeting him again, we had much sport in 
fighting the battles of West Point over again. But it was done 
temperately and in a temperance manner, for the General has for- 
sworn strong potations, and our refreshments consisted of only 
soda water and ice-cream, delicacies that had been untasted by 
the General for the last nine years, and four times a day did we pay 
our respects to the fountain and freezer. 

Dick had been up to Dubuque to let out one of his roads, and, 
finding some spare days on his hands, "accoutered as he was," he 



36 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

plunged into a pleasure-party for the Falls of St. Anthony that 
came along in fine spirits with music playing and colors flying. 
Would you like to hear of his apparel? A little short-sleeved, 
short-waisted, short-skirted, brown linen coat, well acquainted 
with the washboard, and intended for a smaller man than our 
friend ; a faded blue calico shirt ; domestic cloth pants ; a pair of 
commodious brogans ; and a hat torn, broken, and discolored. Now, 
hear him laugh as he presents himself for a dance, arms akimbo, 
and you have him before you. I believe, though, it was a con- 
certed thing with him, for whom should he meet but his Indian 
friend "Hole-in-the-Day'' and his faithful Red She, who showed 
him his old blanket that she religiously wrapped herself in; but 
upon examining his fingers her good copper rings were not there ! 
He complains bitterly of his present waste of life, looks thin and 
dispirited, and is acquainted with the cry of every child in Iowa. 
He is well practiced in pork-eating, and promiscuous sleeping, and 
is a friend to Quakers, or rather their pretty daughters. 

News recently arrived that the Sioux had fallen upon a party of 
Chippewas and taken one hundred and thirty scalps. The Hole- 
in-the-Day, Dick's friend, had gone in advance with the larger 
party, and they did not come up with him. It is expected that this 
chief, who is represented as an uncommon man, will take ample 
revenge, and this may give rise to fresh trouble. You will see the 
full account in the papers. 

Bliss is well at the Rapids, with the whole fleet, and I hope jerk- 
ing out the stones fast. 

R. E. Lee. 

There was always a warm friendship existing between Lee 
and Joseph E. Johnston, and General Long gives the following 
extract from a letter from General Johnston written after Gen- 
eral Lee's death : 

No one among men but his own brothers had better opportunity 
to know General Lee than I. We entered the Military Academy 
together as classmates, and formed then a friendship never im- 
paired. It was formed very soon after we met, from the fact that 
my father served under his in the celebrated Lee's Legion. We had 
the same intimate associates, who thought, as I did, that no other 
youth or man so united the qualities that win warm friendship and 
command high respect. For he was full of sympathy and kindness, 
genial and fond of gay conversation, and even of fun, that made 
him the most agreeable of companions, while his correctness of 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 37 

demeanor and language and attention to all duties, personal and 
official, and a dignity as much a part of himself as the elegance of 
his person, gave him a superiority that every one acknowledged in 
his heart. He was the only one of all the men I have known who 
could laugh at the faults and follies of his friends in such a manner 
as to make them ashamed without touching their affection for him, 
and to confirm their respect and sense of his superiority. 

I saw strong evidence of the sympathy of his nature the morning 
after the first engagements of our troops in the Valley of Mexico. 
I had lost a cherished young relative in that action, known to 
General Lee only as my relative. Meeting me, he suddenly saw 
in my face the effect of that loss, burst into tears, and expressed 
his deep sympathy as tenderly in words as his lovely wife would 
have done. 

J. E. Johnston. 

After his very important service at St. Louis, and on the 
river, he was ordered to Fort Hamilton, in New York Harbor, 
and did such skilful engineering in strengthening the defenses 
of the harbor that the city is today indebted for its ability to 
defy any foreign foe to the able plans of the modest officer of 
engineers, Capt. Robert Edward Lee. 

While stationed at Fort Hamilton he wrote the following- 
letters to his boys, which I am glad to be able to give in full 
as the letters of a model father : 

Fort Hamilton, N. Y., 30th November, 1845. 

I received last night, my dear son, your letter of the 25th inst. and 
was much gratified to perceive the evident improvement in your 
writing and spelling and to learn that you were getting on well in 
your studies. 

You must endeavor to learn, in order to compensate me for the 
pain I suffer in being separated from you, and let nothing dis- 
courage or deter you from endeavoring to acquire virtue and 
knowledge. 

I am pleased with your progress so far, and the last report sent 
me by Mr. Smith gave you a very good standing in all your studies. 
I was surprised to see that you were lower in algebra than in any 
other. How was that? — for I thought you had some talent for 
mathematics. Louis Marshall writes his father that he finds he 
(Louis) has no sense, for he has to study his eyes out to get along, 
and finds great difficulty in his mathematics. 



38 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I hope you will not make the same discovery. You may probably 
not have heard of the accident that has happened to our dear 
Rooney. Last Monday afternoon (24th) while I was in N. Y. and 
your mother had gone out to tell the neighbors good-by, prepar- 
atory to leaving for Arlington, he feeling lonesome, went down 
to the public barn where they were putting in some hay for the 
horses, and got up in the loft, and before Jim was aware of it, com- 
menced to cut some hay with the straw cutter and took off the 
ends of the fore and middle fingers of the left hand. The first 
just at the root of the nail and the second at the first joint. Jim 
took him immediately into the fort to the hospital, but unfortun- 
ately Dr. Eaton was also in N. Y. So that more than an hour and a 
quarter elapsed before they could be dressed. All that time he sat 
in the hospital with his fingers bleeding profusely, without com- 
plaining, and frequently scolded Jim for making a fuss about it. 

Jim got on one of the horses and went for Dr. Carpenter, but he 
was not at home. As soon, however, as Dr. Eaton arrived, which 
was about sunset, he sewed the ends on and bound them up. The 
officers who were present said they were astonished to see so young 
a boy behave so well, that they had seen many men under less try- 
ing circumstances behave worse. They had brought him home 
before I arrived, and I found him sitting before the fire waiting for 
me, to take his supper. I sent up early next morning to N. Y. for 
Dr. Monroe to see what further could be done. 

He came down again this afternoon, but has not yet taken off 
the ligatures put on by Dr. Eaton, for fear of displacing the ends 
of the fingers, which would destroy all hope of their uniting. We 
do not know yet, therefore, whether the ends will unite with the 
fingers or not. 

I pray God that they may, and that his hand may be entirely re- 
stored. I hope, my dear son, this may be a warning to you to 
meddle or interfere with nothing with which you have no concern, 
and particularly to refrain from going where you have been pro- 
hibited, or have not the permission of your parents or teachers. 

Fearing that some accident might happen to Rooney from his 
recklessness, I had prohibited his leaving the yard without per- 
mission, and never to go to the stable without my assent, and Jim 
had told him never to go near the cutting-box ; notwithstanding all 
this he did both, and you see the fruits of his disobedience. He 
may probably lose his fingers and be maimed for life. You cannot 
conceive what I suffer at the thought. 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 39 

Do take warning from the calamity that has befallen your 
brother. I am now watching by his bedside lest he should disturb 
his hand in his sleep. I still hope his hand may be restored. Since 
the accident he has done all in his power to repair his fault. He has 
been patient and submissive, giving us no trouble and never com- 
plaining. 

He has been more distressed at your mother's sufferings and 
mine than his own, and says he can do very well without his 
fingers, and that we must not mind their loss. Although he is at 
times obstinate and disobedient, which are grave faults, he has 
some very good qualities, which give us much pleasure. 

I hope this will be a lesson to him, and that in time he will cor - 
rect his evil ways. I read him your letter. He says he wants to 
see you very much, that he will not forget his skates, and hopes to 
have a great deal of fun with you when he comes to Arlington. 
Rob says I must tell "Boo Yob's coming to ee him." Your mother 
and A. send much love. Write to me whenever you can. Stephen 
hears Aleck his lessons now every day, and I am told he improves 
very fast. Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Fort Hamilton, N. Y., March 31, 1846. 
I cannot go to bed, my dear son, without writing you a few lines 
to thank you for your letter, which gave me great pleasure. I am 
glad to hear you are well, and hope you are learning to read and 
write, and that the next letter you will be able to write yourself. 
I want to see you very much, and to tell you all that has happened 
since you went away. I do not think that I ever told you of a fine 
boy I heard of in my travels this winter. He lived in the mountains 
of New Hampshire. He was just 13 years old, the age of Custis. 
His father was a farmer and he used to assist him to work on the 
farm as much as he could. The snow there this winter was deeper 
than it has been for years, and one day he accompanied his father 
to the woods to get some wood. They went with their wood-sled, 
and after cutting a load and loading the sled, this little boy, whose 
name was Harry, drove it home while his father cut another load. 
He had a fine team of horses and returned very quickly, when he 
found his father lying prostrate on the frozen snow under the 
large limb of a tree he had felled during his absence, which had 
caught him in its fall and thrown him to the ground. He was cold 
and stiff, and little Harry, finding that he was not strong enough 
to relieve him from his position, seized his axe and cut off the limb, 
and then rolled it off him. He then tried to raise him, but his 
father was dead and his feeble efforts were all in vain. Although 



40 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

he was out in the far woods by himself, and had never before seen 
a dead person, he was nothing daunted, but backed his sled close up 
to his father, and with great labor got his body on it, and placing 
his head in his lap, drove home to his mother as fast as he could. 
The efforts of his mother to reanimate him were equally vain with 
his own, and the sorrowing neighbors came and dug him a grave 
under the cold snow and laid him quietly to rest. His mother was 
greatly distressed at the loss of her husband, but she thanked God 
who had given her so good and brave a son. 

You and Custis must take great care of your kind mother and 
dear sisters when your father is dead. To do that you must learn 
to be good. Be true, kind, and generous, and pray earnestly to God 
to enable you to "keep his commandments, and walk in the same 
all the days of your life." Alec and Frank are well, and the former 
has begun to ride his pony "J nT1 " again. Captain Bennett has 
bought his little boy a donkey, and as I came home I met him riding 
with two large Newfoundland dogs following one on each side. 
The dogs were almost as large as the donkey. My horse "Jerry" 
did not know what to make of them. I go to New York now, on 
horseback, every day ; one day I ride "Jerry" and the next "Tom" 
and I think they begin to go better under the saddle than formerly. 
I hope to come on soon to see that little baby you have got to show 
me. You must give her a kiss for me and one to all the children, 
and to your mother and grandmother. 

Good-by, my dear son. 

Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

On his way to Mexico Captain Lee wrote as follows to his 
two older boys : 

Ship Massachusetts, off Lobos, February 27, 1847. 
My dear Boys : 

I received your letters with the greatest pleasure, and, as I 
always like to talk to you both together, I will not separate you in 
my letters, but write one to you both. I was much gratified to 
hear of your progress at school, and hope that you will continue to 
advance and that I shall have the happiness of finding you much 
improved in all your studies on my return. I shall not feel my long 
separation from you if I find that my absence has been of no injury 
to you, and that you have both grown in goodness and knowledge, 
as well as stature. But oh, how much I will suffer on my return, 
if the reverse has occurred ! You enter into all my thoughts, in 
all my prayers ; and on you, in part, will depend whether I shall be 
happy or miserable, as you know how much I love you. You must 
do all in your power to save me pain. 



WEST POINT CADET AND YOUNG ARMY OFFICER 41 

You will learn, by my letter to your grandmother, that I have 
been to Tampico. I saw many things to remind me of you, though 
that was not necessary to make me wish that you were with me. 
The river was so calm arid beautiful, and the boys were playing 
about in boats, and swimming their ponies. Then there were troops 
of donkeys carrying water through the streets. They had a kind 
of saddle, something like a cart saddle, though larger, that carried 
two ten gallon kegs on each side, which was a load for a donkey. 
They had no bridles on, but would come along in strings to the 
river, and as soon as their kegs were rilled, start off again. They 
were fatter and sleeker than any donkeys I had ever seen before, 
and seemed to be better cared for. I saw a great many ponies, too. 
They were larger than those in the upper country, but did not seem 
so enduring. I got one to ride around the fortifications. He had 
a Mexican bit and saddle on, and paced delightfully, but every time 
my sword struck him on the flanks, would jump and try to run off. 
Several of them had been broken to harness by the Americans, and 
I saw some teams in wagons, driven four in hand, well matched 
and trotting well. We had a grand parade on General Scott's ar- 
rival. The troops were all drawn up on the bank of the river, and 
fired a salute as he passed them. He landed at the market, where 
lines of sentinels were placed to keep off the crowd. In front of the 
landing the artillery was drawn up, which received him in the 
center of the column and escorted him through the streets to his 
lodgings. They had provided a handsome gray horse, richly ca- 
parisoned, for him to ride, but he preferred to walk with his staff 
around him, and a dragoon led the horse behind us. The windows 
along the streets we passed were crowded with people, and the 
boys and girls were in great glee — the Governor's Island band play- 
ing all the time. 

There were six thousand soldiers in Tampico. Mr. Barry was 
the adjutant of the escort. I think you would have enjoyed with 
me the oranges and sweet potatoes. Major Smith became so fond 
of the chocolate that I could hardly get him away from the house. 
We only remained there one day. I have a nice stateroom on board 
this ship. Joe Johnston and myself occupy it, but my poor Joe is 
so sick all the time, I can do nothing with him. I left "Jem" to 
come on with the horses, as I was afraid they would not be properly 
cared for. Vessels were expressly fitted up for the horses, and 
parties of dragoons detailed to take care of them. I had hoped they 
would reach here by this time, as I wanted to see how they were 
fixed. I took every precaution for their comfort, provided them 
with bran, oats, etc., and had slings made to pass under them and 



42 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

be attached to the coverings above, so that, if in the heavy sea they 
should slip or be thrown off their feet, they could not fall. I had 
to sell my good old horse "Jim," as I could not find room for him, 
or, rather, I did not want to crowd the others. I know I shall want 
him when I land. "Creole" was the admiration of every one at 
Brazos, and they hardly believed she had carried me so far, and 
looked so well. Jem says there is nothing like her in all the country, 
and I believe he likes her better than "Tom" or "Jerry." The 
sorrel mare did not appear to be so well after I got to the Brazos. 
I had to put one of the men on her whose horse had given out, and 
the saddle hurt her back. She had gotten well, however, before 
I left, and I told Jem to ride her every day. I hope they may both 
reach the shore again in safety, but I fear they will have a hard 
time. They will first have to be put aboard a steamboat and carried 
to the ship that lies about two miles out at sea, then hoisted in, 
and how v/e shall get them ashore again I do not know. Probably 
throw them overboard and let them swim there. I do not think 
we shall remain here more than one day longer. General Worth's 
and General Twigg's divisions have arrived, which include the 
regulars, and I suppose the volunteers will be coming on every day. 
We shall probably go on the first (ist) down the coast, select a 
place for debarkation, and make all the arrangements preparatory 
to the arrival of the troops. I shall have plenty to do there, and 
am anxious for the time to come, and hope all may be successful. 
Tell Rob he must think of me very often, be a good boy, and always 
love papa. Take care of "Speck" and the colts. Mr. Sedgwick and 
all the officers send their love to you. 

The ship rolls so that I can scarcely write. You must write to 
me very often. I am always very glad to hear from you. Be sure 
that I think of you, and that you have the prayers of 

Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The General related a pleasing incident of one of his boys 
with whom he was walking out in the snow one day at Arling- 
ton. The little fellow lagged behind, and looking over his 
shoulder the father saw him imitating his every movement, 
with head and shoulders erect and stepping exactly in his own 
foot-prints. "When I saw this," said the General, "I said to 
myself, Tt behooves me to walk very straight, when this fellow 
is already following in my tracks.' " And accordingly there 
was never a more circumspect father than was this great man. 



CHAPTER III 

THE MEXICAN WAR 

His rapid promotion — General Scott's compliments in his official reports — 
General Hunt's incident concerning Lee's conduct at the Pedrigal — 
Gen. C. M. Wilcox on his career in Mexico — Lee's letters to his wife 
and others — Letter to his brother in which he disclaims the honors 
heaped on himself, and warmly defends his commander, General Scott 
— Letter to his brother on his return to Arlington. 

The breaking out of the Mexican war gave to Captain Lee 
and other young officers of the Regular Army an opportunity 
of showing that they were not mere theoretical soldiers, but 
were prepared to meet the test of real war, and to pass with 
credit through the fiery ordeal of battle. 

The causes of the Mexican war, and the detailed account of 
how the principal American armies, under Generals Taylor and 
Scott, won victory after victory until the Stars and Stripes 
were planted on the walls of the Montezumas, and Scott 
realized his purpose of "conquering peace," cannot be detailed 
here. Nor can there be given in full the part borne by Captain 
Lee of the Engineers, who performed such gallant and able 
service, and won so completely the approbation of his superiors, 
the applause of his comrades, and the admiration of the 
country. 

For a brief season Captain Lee was attached to General 
Wool's division, and I once heard the General relate the follow- 
ing incident, amusing in some of its details, but illustrating the 
zeal, energy, and perseverance which this young officer dis- 
played in the discharge of any duty committed to him. 

Not long before the battle of Buena Vista, General Wool 
was in doubt as to the movements of the enemy and found it 
very difficult to get reliable information. One evening he 



44 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

received the most positive assurances that Santa Anna with an 
immense army had crossed the mountains and was encamped 
only twenty miles off. Capt. R. E. Lee happened to be present 
and at once volunteered to ascertain the truth of the report. 
His offer was gladly accepted and he was directed to secure 
a guide, take a company of cavalry, which would meet him at 
the outer picket line, and proceed at once on the scout. Secur- 
ing, after a good deal of difficulty, a young Mexican who knew 
the country, Captain Lee quietly showed him his pistols and 
told him to expect their contents if he played false. By some 
means he missed the picket post and consequently his cavalry 
escort, and found himself, before he was aware of it, some miles 
beyond the American lines with no company but his guide. To 
go back might make it too late to accomplish the scout during 
the night, and he determined to dash on. When within five 
miles of the point at which the enemy were reported he dis- 
covered by the moonlight that the road was filled with tracks 
of mules and wagons, and though he could see no artillery 
tracks, he concluded that they had been obliterated by the 
others, and that these were certainly the traces of a large force 
that had been sent forward to forage, or to reconnoiter and had 
now returned to the main army. Most officers (even the most 
daring) would have returned upon these evidences of the truth 
of the first information that had been received. But Captain 
Lee determined to go on until he came to the enemy's picket 
posts. To his surprise he did not encounter any pickets, and 
had concluded that he had somehow missed them as he had his 
own and had gotten unawares within the Mexican lines, when 
this opinion was confirmed by coming in sight of large camp- 
fires on a hillside not far in front of him. His guide, who had 
been for some time very much alarmed, now begged piteously 
that he would go back, saying that there was a stream of water 
just at that point and he knew that it was Santa Anna's whole 
army, and that to go on would be certain capture and death. 
But Captain Lee determined that he would have a still nearer 
view, and allowing the guide to await him at this point he 



THE MEXICAN WAR 45 

galloped forward. As he came nearer he saw what seemed to 
be a great number of white tents gleaming in the moonlight, 
and encountering no pickets he rode through the little town 
and down to the banks of the stream, on the opposite side of 
which he heard loud talking and the usual noise incident to a 
large camp. Here he discovered that his "white tents" were an 
immense flock of sliccp, and that the supposed army was simply 
a large train of wagons, and a herd of cattle, mules, etc., being 
driven to market. 

Conversing with the teamsters and drovers he ascertained 
that Santa Anna had not crossed the mountains, and galloped 
back to relieve his guide and still more his friends at headquar- 
ters, who were having the most serious apprehensions concern- 
ing his safety. "But," said General Lee, "the most delighted 
man to see me was the old Mexican, the father of my guide, 
with whom I had been last seen by any of our people and whom 
General Wool had arrested and proposed to hang if I was not 
forthcoming." 

Notwithstanding he had ridden forty miles that night, he 
only rested three hours before taking a body of cavalry, with 
which he penetrated far beyond the point to which he had be- 
fore gone, and ascertained definitely the position, force, etc., of 
the enemy. 

Soon after this he joined General Scott and entered upon 
that brilliant career which illustrated every step of the progress 
of the American army in its march to the City of Mexico. 

At the siege of Vera Cruz Captain Lee was ordered to throw 
up such works as were necessary to protect a battery which was 
to be manned by the sailors of a certain man-of-war, and to use 
these gallant tars in constructing the work. The time being 
short the young engineer pushed on the work very rapidly, and 
the sons of Neptune began to complain very loudly that "they 
did not enlist to dig dirt;" and they did not "like to be put 
under a 'land-lubber,' anyhow." 



46 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

At last the captain of the frigate — a thorough specimen of a 
United States naval officer in the palmy days of the service — 
came to Captain Lee and remonstrated, and then protested 
against the "outrage" of putting his men to digging dirt. "The 
boys don't want any dirt to hide behind," said the brave old 
tar, with deep earnestness and not a few expletives, "they only 
want to get at the enemy, and after you have finished your 
banks we will not stay behind them — we will get up on top 
where we can have a fair fight." 

Captain Lee quietly showed his orders, assured the old salt 
that he meant to carry them out, and pushed on the work amid 
curses both loud and deep. 

Just about the time the work was completed the Mexicans 
opened upon that point a heavy fire, and these gallant sons of 
the sea were glad enough to take refuge behind their despised 
"bank of dirt," feeling very much like the ragged Confederate 
who said one day, as the bullets flew thick against a pit which 
he had dug the night before, "I don't begrudge now nary cupful 
of dirt I put on this bank." 

Not long afterwards the gallant captain, who by the way was 
something of a character, met Captain Lee, and feeling that 
some apology was due him said, "Well, I reckon you were 
right. I suppose the dirt did save some of my boys from being 
killed or wounded. But I knew that we would have no use for 
dirt banks on shipboard — that there what we want is clear 
decks and an open sea. And the fact is, Captain, I don't like 
this land fighting anyway. It ain't clean." 

The General related these incidents with evident relish (he 
was fond of talking of events that occurred prior to the great 
war) and gave many details of interest which I am unable to 
recall. 

Captain Lee now entered upon a career that was as brilliant 
as it was useful to the cause. He was brevetted major at Cerro 
Gordo, April 18, 1847; lieutenant-colonel at Contreras and 
Churubusco, and colonel at Chapultepec. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 47 

That he deserved these promotions there is the most abundant 
evidence. General Scott made the most favorable mention of 
him in every report he made the War Department. In his report 
of the battle of Cerro Gordo he says : 

I am compelled to make special mention of Ca.pt. R. E. Lee, 
Engineer. This officer greatly distinguished himself at the siege 
of Vera Cruz ; was indefatigable during these operations in recon- 
naissances, as daring as laborious, and of the utmost importance. 
Nor was he less conspicuous in planning batteries, and in conduct- 
ing columns from stations under the heavy fire of the enemy. 

A very distinguished soldier of the Mexican War, as quoted 
by Gen. Fitzhugh Lee in his Memoir, says : 

Before the battle of Contreras, General Scott's troops had be- 
come separated on the field of Pedrigal, and it was necessary to 
communicate instruction to those on the other side of this barrier 
of rocks and lava. General Scott says in his report thatHie had 
sent seven officers since about sundown to communicate instruc- 
tions; they had all returned without getting through, but the gal- 
lant and indefatigable Captain Lee, of the Engineers, who has 
been constantly with the operating forces, is just in from Shields, 
Smith, Cadwalader, etc. 

Subsequently, Scott, while giving testimony before a court of 
inquiry, said, "Captain Lee, of the Engineers, came to me from 
Contreras with a message from Brigadier-General Smith. I think 
about the same time (midnight) he, having passed over the difficult 
ground by daylight, found it just possible to return on foot and 
alone to St. Augustine in the dark, the greatest feat of physical and 
moral courage performed by any individual to my knowledge, 
pending the campaign." 

His deeds of personal daring, his scientific counsels, his coup 
d'oeil of the battlefield, his close personal reconnaissances under 
the scorching rays of a tropical sun, amid the lightning's flash or 
thunder's roar, did much to mould the key which unlocked the 
gates of the Golden City. 

Gen. Henry J. Hunt of the Artillery, who so greatly dis- 
tinguished himself in the Army of the Potomac during the war 
between the States, was an active participant in these operations 
in Mexico, and has written an interesting and valuable account 
of them in which he speaks in the most emphatic and com- 
plimentary terms of the services of Captain Lee. 



48 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

General Hunt has, also, given the following incident, quoted 
by General Long, of what occurred at a meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Branch of the Cincinnati Society, held in Boston, July 
4, 1871 : 

Upon that occasion Gen. Silas Casey was admitted to the Society. 
As usual, a speech of welcome was made. With admirable taste 
he ignored in his acknowledgment the civil war, but gave them 
interesting points on the Mexican war (he commanded the storm- 
ers of Twiggs's division at Chapultepec), and in his speech he re- 
ferred to me. So, as usual on such occasions, they had me up. I 
was "dead broke" on matter for a speech, but it occurred to me 
that, as the Pedregal was fresh in my mind, I would give them a 
little more Mexican history, and I recited, glibly enough, the story. 
Of course, I did not mention the name of the hero. I saw that 
they all thought it was General Casey. I kept dark until the close, 
amidst repeated demands of "Name him! Name him!" When I 
got through and the name was again vociferously demanded, I re- 
plied, "It is a name of which the old Army was and is justly 
proud — that of Robert E. Lee, then a Captain of Engineers, and 
since world-wide in fame as the distinguished leader of the Confed- 
erate armies." 

For a moment there was unbroken silence, then such a storm of 
applause as is seldom heard. I remarked that I had been desirous 
to test the Society, which presented all shades of political opinions, 
and was glad to see they could recognize heroism and greatness 
even in a former enemy. 

C. M. Wilcox, who was an accomplished officer in the old 
Army, and a gallant major-general in A. P. Hill's corps, Army 
of Northern Virginia, writes as follows : 

General Persifer Smith, in his report of Contreras and Churu- 
busco, says : "In adverting to the conduct of the staff I wish to 
record particularly my admiration of the conduct of Captain Lee of 
the Engineers. His reconnaissances, though pushed far beyond 
the bounds of prudence, were conducted with so much skill that 
their fruits were of the utmost value, the soundness of his judg- 
ment and his personal daring being equally conspicuous." General 
Shields, who with General Pierce attacked in the rear of Churu- 
busco, in his report says : "As my command arrived I established 
the right upon a point recommended by Captain Lee of the Engi- 
neers, in whose skill and judgment I had the utmost confidence." 



THE MEXICAN WAR 49 

A testimonial to the same effect is given by General Twiggs in 
his report of the battle of Cerro Gordo, in which his division carried 
the heights and stormed the fortifications of the enemy. He re- 
marks : "Although whatever I may say may add little to the good 
reputation of Captain Lee of the Engineer Corps, yet I must in- 
dulge in the pleasure of speaking of the invaluable services which 
he rendered me from the time I left the main road until he con- 
ducted Riley's brigade to its position in rear of the enemy's strong 
work on the Jalapa road. I consulted him with confidence and 
adopted his suggestions with assurance. His gallantry and good 
conduct on both days, 17th and 18th of April, deserve the highest 
praise." 

Colonel Riley, in his report of the same engagement, says : 
"Although not appropriately within the range of this report, yet, 
coming under my immediate observation, I cannot refrain from 
bearing testimony to the intrepid coolness and gallantry exhibited 
by Captain Lee of the Engineers when conducting the advance 
of my brigade under the heavy flank fire of the enemy." 

General Twiggs, in his report of the battle of Contreras, further 
says : "To Captain Lee of the Engineers I have again the pleasure 
of tendering my thanks for the exceedingly valuable services rend- 
ered throughout the whole of these operations." 

General Wilcox first made the acquaintance of Robert E. \ 
Lee at the siege of Vera Cruz, and says of him at that time : 

I was much impressed with his fine appearance, either on horse I 
or foot. Then he was in full manly vigor and theJianjdsjDmest man \ 
in the army. < 

General Wilcox concludes : 

I have given a brief outline of the operations in Mexico, in order 
that the references made to Captain Lee in the official reports of his 
superiors might be properly appreciated. It will be seen that the 
compliments won by him were deserved — that he was active, untir- 
ing, skilful, courageous, and of good judgment. He is referred to 
as making roads over difficult routes, locating and constructing 
batteries, bringing over the Pedregal in the night important in- 
formation that enabled the commanding general to give orders ex- 
actly applicable to the field of Contreras, and which were so bril- 
liantly executed at an early hour the next morning, and in which 
the diversion under Colonel Ransom, directed by Captain Lee, had 
such good results, having been converted into a real attack. The 
quotations then show on what important missions he was sent 



50 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

during the conflict at Churubusco ; that then he was sent to look 
at the base and hospital at Mixcoac, to see that it was made as 
secure as possible, for at it were the sick and wounded, reserve ord- 
nance, etc. ; and, finally, that he was wounded at Chapultepec 
slightly, and pretty well worn out from excessive work by night 
and day. It could hardly have been otherwise than that a captain 
with such encomiums from his superiors would be greatly dis- 
tinguished should occasion ever be presented. All who knew him 
were prepared to accept him at once as a general when he was as- 
signed to the command of the Army of Northern Virginia, and 
his success, great as it was, was only what had been anticipated. 

General Lee's private letters written during the Mexican war 
were of deepest interest, and well illustrated traits of his char- 
acter. I give the following from Gen. Fitzhugh Lee's Memoir : 

In a letter to Mrs. Lee, dated Rio Grande, October n, 1846, Cap- 
tain Lee says : "We have met with no resistance yet. The Mex- 
icans who were guarding the passage retired on our approach. 
There has been a great whetting of knives, grinding of swords, and 
sharpening of bayonets ever since we reached the river." 

It seems on the eve of active operations Captain Lee's thoughts 
were ever returning to his family and home. In a letter to his two 
eldest sons (one thirteen and the other nine years of age), written 
from camp near Saltillo, December 24, 1846, he says : "I hope 
good Santa Claus will fill my Rob's stocking to-night; that Mil- 
dred's, Agnes's, and Anna's may break down with good things. 
I do not know what he may have for you and Mary [his daughter] , 
but if he only leaves for you one-half of what I wish, you will want 
for nothing. I have frequently thought if I had one of you on 
each side of me riding on ponies, such as I could get you, I would 
be comparatively happy." 

The little fellows had been writing to their father asking about 
his horses and the ponies in Mexico, etc. In reply he tells them, 
"The Mexicans raise a large quantity of ponies, donkeys, and 
mules, and most of their corn, etc., is carried on the backs of these 
animals. These little donkeys will carry two hundred pounds on 
their backs, and the mules will carry three hundred on long 
journeys over the mountains. The ponies are used for riding, and 
cost from ten to fifty dollars, according to their size and quality. 
I have three horses. 'Creole' is my pet ; she is a golden dun, active 
as a deer, and carries me over all the ditches and gullies that I have 



THE MEXICAN WAR 51 

met with ; nor has she ever yet hesitated at anything- 1 have put her 
at; she is full-blooded and considered the prettiest thing in the 
army; though young, she has so far stood the campaigns as well 
as any horses of the division." 

In one of his private letters he thus describes the battle of 
Cerro Gordo : 

Perote, April 25, 1847. 

The advance of the American troops, under Generals Patterson 
and Twiggs, were encamped at the Piano del Rio, and three miles 
to their front Santa Anna and his army were intrenched in the pass 
at Cerro Gordo, which was remarkably strong. The right of the 
Mexican line rested on the river at a perpendicular rock, unscalable 
by man or beast, and their left on impassable ravines ; the main 
road was defended by field works containing thirty-five cannon; 
in their rear was the mountain of Cerro Gordo, surrounded by 
intrenchments in which were cannon and crowned by a tower over- 
looking all — it was around this army that it was intended to lead 
our troops. I reconnoitered the ground in the direction of the 
ravines on their left, and passed around the enemy's rear. On the 
1 6th a party was set to work in cutting out the road, on the 17th I 
led General Twiggs's division in the rear of a hill in front of Cerro 
Gordo, and in the afternoon, when it became necessary to drive 
them from the hill where we intended to construct a battery at 
night, the first intimation of our presence or intentions were known. 
During all that night we were at work in constructing the battery, 
getting up the guns, ammunition, etc., and they in strengthening 
their defenses on Cerro Gordo. Soon after sunrise our batteries 
opened, and I started with a column to turn their left and to get 
on the Jalapa road. Notwithstanding their efforts to prevent us 
in this, we were perfectly successful, and the working party, follow- 
ing our footsteps, cut out the road for the artillery. In the mean- 
time our storming party had reached the crest of Cerro Gordo, and, 
seeing their whole left turned and the position of our soldiers on 
the Jalapa road, they broke and fled. Those in the pass laid down 
their arms. General Pillow's attack on their right failed. All their 
cannon, arms, ammunition, and most of their men fell into our 
hands. The papers cannot tell you what a horrible sight a field of 
battle is, nor will I, owing to my accompanying General Twiggs's 
division in the pursuit, and being since constantly in the advance. 
I believe all our friends are safe. I think I wrote you that my 
friend Joe Johnston* was wounded the day before I arrived at the 

*Afterwards the distinguished commander. 



52 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Piano del Rio while reconnoitering. He was wounded in the arm 
and about the groin ; both balls are out, and he was doing well and 
was quite comfortable when I left; the latter wound was alone 
troublesome. Captain Mason, of the rifles, was badly wounded in 
the leg, and General Shields was wounded in the chest; I have 
heard contradictory reports that he was doing well and that he was 
dead. I hope the former. 

Jalapa is the most beautiful country I have seen in Mexico, and 
will compare with any I have seen elsewhere. I wish it was in 
the United States, and that I was located with you and the children 
around me in one of its rich, bright valleys. I can conceive noth- 
ing more beautiful in the way of landscape or mountain scenery. 
We ascended upwards of four thousand feet that morning, and 
whenever we looked back the rich valley was glittering in the 
morning sun and the light morning clouds flitting around us. On 
reaching the top, the valley appeared at intervals between the 
clouds which were below us, and high over all towered Orizaba, 
with its silver cap of snow. 

The castle or fort of Perote is one of the best finished that I 
have ever seen — very strong, with high, thick walls, bastioned 
fronts, and deep, wide ditch. It is defective in construction and is 
very spacious, covers twenty-five acres, and although there is with- 
in its walls nearly three thousand troops, it is not yet full. Within 
the fort is a beautiful chapel, in one corner of which is the tomb of 
Guadalupe Victoria. There are various skulls, images, etc., in the 
sanctuaries. This morning I attended the Episcopal service within 
the fort. It was held on the parade. The minister was a Mr. 
McCarty, the chaplain of the Second Brigade, First Division. 
Many officers and soldiers were grouped around. I endeavored to 
give thanks to our Heavenly Father for all his mercies to me, for 
his preservation of me through all the dangers I have passed, and 
all the blessings which he has bestowed upon me, for I know I fall 
far short of my obligations. 

We move out tomorrow toward Pueblo. The First Brigade — 
Duncan's battery, light infantry and cavalry — form the advance. 
I accompany the advance. General Worth will remain a day or 
two with the remainder of his division until the Second Division, 
under General Twiggs, shall arrive. General Scott is still at Ja- 
lapa, Major Smith with him. I have with me Lieutenants Mason, 
Tower, and the Engineer Company. In advance, all is uncertain 
and the accounts contradictory. We must trust to an overruling 
Providence, by whom we will be governed for the best, and to our 
own resources. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 53 

And in another letter to his eldest son, dated same day and 
place, he writes : 

I thought of you, my dear Custis, on the 18th in the battle, and 
wondered, when the musket balls and grape were whistling over 
my head in a perfect shower, where I could put you, if with me, 
to be safe. I was truly thankful that you were at school, I hope 
learning to be good and wise. You have no idea what a horrible 
sight a battlefield is. 

In a letter to Capt. Sydney Smith Lee. dated City of Mexico, 
May 21, 1848, he writes : 

My Dear Rose [he calls him by a pet name] : I have a little good 
news to tell you this evening and as little time to tell it in. The 
mail from Quereton last night brought letters from reliable per- 
sons, one of whom I saw, stating that on the evening of the 15th 
inst. a vote was taken in the Chamber of Deputies on the general 
passage of the Treaty of Peace and carried in the affirmative by 
forty-eight votes to thirty-six. That it would come up on the 19th 
on its final passage, and, after being passed, be sent to the Senate, 
where it would undoubtedly pass by an unusual majority, and 
probably by the 24th. So certain was its passage through the Sen- 
ate considered, that the President, Pena y Pena, had determined, as 
soon as it had finally passed the Deputies, to write our Commission- 
ers to Quereton to be ready to make the interchange, etc. This 
morning at 10 a. m. a special express arrived from Quereton with 
the intelligence of the final passage by the Chamber of Deputies 
of the treaty with all the modifications of our Senate, by a vote of 
fifty-one to thirty-five. It therefore only wants the confirmation 
of the Senate, of which those who ought to know say there is no 
doubt. We all feel quite exhilarated at the prospect of getting 
home, when I shall again see you and my dear Sis Nannie. Where 
will you be this summer? I have heard that the Commissioners 
start for Quereton tomorrow. I know not whether it is true. 
General Smith will probably leave here for Vera Cruz on the 24th 
or 25th to make arrangements for the embarkation of troops. As 
soon as it is certain that we march out, and I make the necessary 
arrangements for the engineer transportation, etc., I shall endeavor 
to be off. I shall, therefore, leave everything till I see you. Sev- 
eral of your naval boys are here who will be obliged to "cut out." 
Love to Sis Nannie and the boys. Rhett, Buchanan, and all friends 
are well. Verv truly and affectionately, 

R. E. Lee. 



54 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

In another letter he says : 

Mr. Gardener and Mr. Trist depart tomorrow. I had hoped 
that after the President has adopted Mr. Trist's treaty, and the 
Senate confirmed it, they would have paid him the poor compliment 
of allowing him to finish it, as some compensation for all the abuse 
they had heaped upon him ; but I presume it is perfectly fair, hav- 
ing made use of his labors, and taken from him all that he had 
earned, that he should be kicked off as General Scott has been, 
whose skill and science, having crushed the enemy and conquered 
a peace, can now be dismissed, and turned out as an old horse to 
die. 

In reference to the terms of peace with Mexico, he writes : 

These are certainly not hard terms for Mexico, considering how 
the fortune of war has been against her. For myself, I would not 
exact now more than I would have taken before the commence- 
ment of hostilities, as I should wish nothing but what was just, 
and that I would have sooner or later. I can readily see that the 
terms said to be offered on the part of Mexico may not prove 
satisfactory to a large part of our country, who would think it right 
to exact everything that power and might could require. Some 
would sacrifice everything under the hope that the proposition of 
Messrs. Clay, Calhoun, etc., would be acted upon, and save what 
they term the National honor. Believing that peace would be for 
the advantage of both countries, I hope that some terms, just to 
one and not dishonorable to the other, may be agreed on, and that 
speedily. 

The following extracts have their special interest : 

I rode out a few days since for the first time to the church of Our 
Lady of Remedies. It is situated upon a hill at the termination of 
the mountains west of the city, and is said to be the spot to which 
Cortez retreated after being driven from the city on the memorable 
Noche Triste. I saw the cedar tree at Popotla, some miles nearer 
the city, in which it is said he passed a portion of that night. The 
"Trees of the Noche Triste," so-called from their blooming about 
the period of that event, are now in full bloom. The flower is a 
round ellipsoid, and of the most magnificent scarlet color I ever 
saw. I have two of them in my cup before me now. I wish I could 
send them to you. The holy image was standing on a large silver 
maguey-plant, with a rich crown on her head and an immense 
silver petticoat on. There were no votaries at her shrine, which was 
truly magnificent, but near the entrance of the church on either 
side were the offerings of those whom she had relieved. They 



THE MEXICAN WAR 55 

consist of representations in wax of the parts of the human body 
that she had cured of the diseases with which they had been af- 
fected. And I may say there were all parts. I saw many heads 
severed from the trunks. Whether they represented those she had 
restored I could not learn. It would be a difficult feat. 

It seems that all in Alexandria are progressing as usual, and 
that nothing will stop their marrying and being given in marriage. 

Tell Miss she had better dismiss that young divine and marry 

a soldier. There is some chance of the latter being shot, but it 
requires a particular dispensation of Providence to rid her of the 
former. Since the reception of your letter we have had the official 
notification of the ratification of the treaty by our Senate, brought 
on by Major Graham, and have learned of the arrival at Vera 
Cruz of the Commissioner, Mr. Sevier, who has been preceded 
by the Attorney-General, Mr. Clifford. I fear this hot dispatch 
of envoys will cause the Mexicans to believe that we are over- 
anxious to accept their terms, and that they will be as coy, in pro- 
portion, as we appear eager, to ratify on their part. They are very 
shrewd, and it will be difficult to get them to act before trying the 
strength of the new commissioner and making an effort for a 
mitigation of terms. The opportunity afforded them for pow-wow- 
ing they will be sure not to lose, but the time thus consumed, so 
precious to us, we cannot regain. In my humble opinion it would 
have been better to have sent out the naked instrument to General 
Butler, with instructions to submit it to the Mexican Government,, 
and if within the prescribed time they thought proper to ratify it to 
pay them down the three millions and march the army home ; but if 
not to tear up the paper and make his arrangements to take the 
country up to the line from Tehuantepec to Osaqualco or whatever 
other southern boundary they should think proper for the United 
States. I think we might reasonably expect that they would lose 
no time in ratifying the present treaty. I might make a rough di- 
plomatist, but a tolerably quick one. 

I have been permitted to make the following extract from an 
unpublished autograph letter, written by Capt. R. E. Lee to his 
brother, Sydney Smith Lee of the Navy. It is dated "City of 
Mexico, 4th of March, 1848." It was not only written without 
any expectation of its ever being published, but the writer even 
took the precaution to say to the loved brother, whom he play- 
fully addressed as "My Darling Rose," that "this is intended 
only for your eyes." And yet it will be seen that this rising 



56 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

young officer, writing with all the freedom of brotherly con- 
fidence, not only does not seek to exalt himself by detracting 
from the merits of his chief, but modestly pushes aside the 
personal fame he had so justly won, that he might pay tribute 
of admiring friendship to his loved general. After writing 
in a charming manner about various family and social matters, 
Captain Lee says : 

Your commendations upon the conduct of the Army in this war 
have filled me with pleasure; they justly deserve it. There is no 
danger too great for them to seek, and no labor too severe for them 
to undertake. The fall of a comrade did not retard a single step, 
but all pressed forward to their work. Better soldiers never died 
on any field. Nor has the Navy been behind them in their duties. 
They have risked every exposure and every disease, have served on 
land with as much alacrity as on ship-board, have captured every 
port they could reach, and now hold the whole coast closely block- 
aded. They have only lacked the opportunities offered to the 
Army. I think our country may well be proud of the conduct of 
both arms of the service. As to myself, your brotherly feelings have 
made you estimate too highly my small services, and though praise 
from one I love so dearly is sweet, truth compels me to disclaim it. 
I did nothing more than what others in my place would have done 
much better. The great cause of our success was in our leader. 
It was his stout heart that cast us on the shore of Vera Cruz ; his 
bold self-reliance that forced us through the pass at Cerro Gordo ; 
his indomitable courage that, amid all the doubts and difficulties 
that surrounded us at Puebla, pressed us forward to this capital, 
and finally brought us within its gates, while others, who croaked 
all the way from Brazos, and advised delay at Puebla, finding 
themselves at last, contrary to their expectations, comfortably 
quartered within the city, find fault with the way they came there. 
With all their knowledge, I will defy them to have done better. I 
agree with you as to the dissensions in camp ; they have clouded a 
bright campaign. It is a contest in which neither party has any- 
thing to gain and the Army much to lose, and ought to have been 
avoided. The whole matter will soon be before the court, and if it 
be seen that there has been harshness and intemperance of language 
on one side, it will be evident that there has been insubordination 
on the other. 

It is difficult for a general to maintain discipline in an army, 
composed as this is, in a foreign country, where temptations to dis- 



THE MEXICAN WAR 57 

orders are so great, and the chance of detection so slight. He re- 
quires every support and confidence from his government at home. 
If he abuses his trust or authority, it is then time to hold him to 
account. But to decide the matter upon an ex-parte statement of 
favorites ; to suspend a successful general in command of an army 
in the heart of an enemy's country; to try the judge in place of the 
accused, is to upset all discipline; to jeopardize the safety of the 
army and the honor of the country, and to violate justice. I trust, 
however, that all will work well in the end. 

I had strong hopes of peace on the basis of the project of the 
treaty submitted by the Mexican Government, of which you have 
learned through the papers. Had Congress promptly granted the 
means for prosecuting the war asked by the President, I believe the 
treaty, if acceptable to our country, would have been ratified by 
the Mexican Congress. But the discussions in Congress and 
speeches of some of our leading men are calculated to so confuse 
the public mind here that it may encourage them to delay and pro- 
crastinate in the hope that the plan of withdrawing the army, no 
indemnity, etc., may be adopted. These other difficulties that I 
have spoken of, especially the recall of General Scott, may prove 
unfavorable. It is rather late in the day to discuss the origin of the 
war; that ought to have been understood before we engaged in it. 
It may have been produced by the act of either party or the force of 
circumstances. Let the pedants in diplomacy determine. It is cer- 
tain that we are the victors in a regular war, continued, if not 
brought on, by their obstinacy and ignorance, and they are whipped 
in a manner of which women might be ashamed. We have the 
right, by the laws of war, of dictating the terms of peace and re- 
quiring indemnity for our losses and expenses. Rather than forego 
that right, except through a spirit of magnanimity to a crushed foe, 
I would fight them ten years, but I would be generous in exercising 
it. 

In reference to the prospects of his own promotion, he writes : 

City of Mexico, April 8, 1848. 
I hope my friends will give themselves no annoyance on my ac- , 
count, or any concern about the distribution of favors. I know 
how those things are awarded at Washington, and how the Pres- 
ident will be besieged by clamorous claimants. I do not wish to be 
numbered among them. Such as he can conscientiously bestow, 
I shall gratefully receive, and have no doubt that those will exceed 
my deserts. It is a singular coincidence that in 1836 Santa Anna, 
as he passed through Fredericktown, Maryland, should have found 



58 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

General Scott before the court of inquiry clapped upon him by 
General Jackson. Our present President thought perhaps he ought 
to afford the gratification to the same individual to see Scott before 
another court in presence of the troops he commanded. I hope, 
however, all will terminate in good. The discontent in the Army 
at this state of things is great. 

As soon as he could, after peace with Mexico had been 
declared, he returned home, and soon after his arrival he wrote 
his brother, Capt. Sydney Smith Lee of the Navy, the follow- 
ing characteristic letter from Arlington : 

Here I am once again, my dear Smith, perfectly surrounded by 
Mary and her precious children, who seem to devote themselves to 
staring at the furrows in my face and the white hairs in my head. 
It is not surprising that I am hardly recognizable to some of the 
young eyes around me and perfectly unknown to the youngest, but 
some of the older ones gaze with astonishment and wonder at me, 
and seem at a loss to reconcile what they see and what was pictured 
to their imaginations. I find them, too, much grown, and all well, 
and I have much cause for thankfulness and gratitude to that good 
God who has once more united us. I was greeted on my arrival by 
your kind letter, which was the next thing to seeing you in person. 
I wish I could say when I shall be able to visit you, but I as yet 
know nothing of the intention of the Department concerning me, 
and cannot now tell what my movements will be. Mary has re- 
cently returned from a visit to poor Anne,* and gives a pitiable 
account of her distress. You may have heard of her having hurt 
her left hand ; she is now consequently without the use of either, 
and cannot even feed herself. She has suffered so much that it is 
not wonderful that her spirits should be depressed. She sent many 
injunctions that I must come to her before even unpacking my 
trunk, and I think of running over there for a day after the Fourth 
of July, if practicable. You say I must let you know when I am 
ready to receive visits. Now ! Have you any desire to see the 
celebration, etc., of the Fourth of July ? Bring Sis Nannie and the 
little ones ; I long to see you all ; I only arrived yesterday, after a 
long journey up the Mississippi, which route I was induced to take 
for the accommodation of my horse, as I wished to spare her as 
much annoyance and fatigue as possible, she having already 
undergone so much suffering in rav service. I landed her at 



*His sister, Mrs. Marshall. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 59 

Wheeling and left her to come over with Jim. I have seen but few 
of our friends as yet, but hear they are all well. Cousin Anna is at 
Ravensworth. I met Mrs. John Mason yesterday as I passed 
through W. All her people are well. I hear that that pretty Rhett, 
hearing of my arrival, ran off yesterday evening to take refuge with 
you. Never mind, there is another person coming from Mexico 
from whom she cannot hide herself. Tell her with my regrets that 
I brought muchas cosas from her young rifleman, who is as bright 
and handsome as ever. No, Sis Nannie, your sister was not here 
when I arrived. Are you satisfied ? She had gone to Alexandria 
to learn the news and do a little shopping, but I have laid violent 
hands on her now. An opportunity has just offered to the post- 
office, and I have scribbled off this to assure you of my love and 
remembrance. With much love to Sis Nannie and the children, 
and kind regards to Mrs. R. and Misses V. and C, I remain, 

Affectionately your brother, 

R. E. Lee. 



CHAPTER IV 

FROM THE MEXICAN WAR TO THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 

Capt. Robt. E: Lee's Recollections of his Father — At Baltimore — Description 
of his person — Family letters — Superintendent at West Point — Lieut- 
enant-Colonel of the famous Second Cavalry — Service on the fron- 
tier — Family letters — Death of Mr. Custis and his return to Arlington 
to settle up his estate — Letters to his two sons in the Army — His con- 
nection with the "John Brown Raid" — Return to Texas — Letters to 
his sons — His comment on the promotion of Jos. E. Johnston over 
him — His expressions concerning the state of the country — An ardent 
Union man, yet deprecating "a Union maintained by swords and 
bayonets." 

Capt. R. E. Lee, Jr., has published in Frank Leslie's Monthly 
a series of papers entitled "Recollections of my Father," which 
are so fresh and vivid, so charmingly written, and so valuable 
as giving an inside picture of Lee's private life, that I shall avail 
myself of his kind permission, and quote very copiously from 
them. 

Of this period of his father's life, Captain Lee says : 

The first vivid recollections I have of my father is his arrival at 
Arlington, after his return from the Mexican war. I can remem- 
ber some events of which he seemed a part when we lived at Fort 
Hamilton, New York, about 1846; but they are more like dreams — 
very vague and disconnected — naturally so, as I was at that time 
about three years old. 

But the day of his return to Arlington, after an absence of more 
than two years, I have always remembered. I had a frock or blouse 
of some light "wash" material, probably cotton — a blue ground 
dotted over with white diamond figures. Of this I was very proud, 
and I wanted to wear it on this important occasion. Eliza, my 
mammy, objecting, we had a contest and I won. Clothed in this, 
my very best, and with my hair freshly curled in long light ringlets, 
I went down into the large hall where the whole household was 
assembled, eagerly greeting my father. He had just that moment 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 61 

arrived on horseback from Washing-ton, in some way having missed 
the carriage which had been sent for him. There was visiting us 
at this time Mrs. Lippitt, a friend of my mother, who had with her 
her little boy Armistead, about my age and size, and also with long 
curls. Whether he wore as handsome a suit as mine, I cannot re- 
member ; but he and I were left together in the background, feeling 
rather frightened and awed. After a moment's greeting to those 
around him my father pushed through the crowd, exclaiming: 
"Where is my little boy ?" He took up in his arms and kissed — not 
me, his own child, in best frock, and clean frock, and well- 
arranged curls, but my little playmate, Armistead ! 

As to the rest, my memory has always been a perfect blank. I 
remember nothing more of any circumstance connected with that 
time, save that my feelings were terribly hurt. I have no doubt 
that he was at once informed of his mistake, and made ample 
amends. 

My next recollection of him is in Baltimore, while we were on a 
visit to his sister, Mrs. Marshall, the wife of Judge Marshall, and 
on finding myself clown on the wharves, where my father had taken 
me to see the landing of a mustang pony he had brought me from 
Mexico, and which had been shipped from Vera Cruz to Baltimore 
in a sailing vessel. I was all eyes for the pony, and a very miser- 
able, sad-looking object he was. From his long voyage, cramped 
quarters, and necessary lack of grooming, he was rather a dis- 
appointment to me. But I soon got over all that, and as I grew 
older, and was able to ride and appreciate him, he became the joy 
and pride of my life. I was taught to ride him by Jim Connelly, 
the faithful Irish servant of my father, who accompanied him 
through the Mexican campaign. Jim used to tell me, in his quiz- 
zical way, that he and Santa Anna (the pony's name) were the first 
men on the walls of Chapultepec. The pony was pure white, five 
years old, and about fourteen hands high. For his inches, he was 
about as good a horse as I ever met with. While we lived in 
Baltimore he and Grace Darling, my father's favorite mare, were 
members of our family. 

Grace Darling was a chestnut mare of fine size and great power. 
He bought her in Texas from the Arkansas cavalry on his way to 
Mexico, her owner having died on the march out. She was with 
him during all of the war, and was shot seven times. As a little 
fellow I used to brag about the number of bullets being in her, and 
would place my finger on the scar made by each one. My father 
was much attached to and proud of her, always petting and talking 
to her in an affectionate way when he rode or visited her in her 
stable. 



62 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Santa Anna was found lying cold and dead in the park at Arl- 
ington one morning in the spring of 1861, just after the Federal 
troops moved across into Virginia. Grace Darling was taken in 
the spring of '62, from the White House, my brother's place on the 
Pamunkey River, where she had been sent for safe-keeping, by 
some Federal quartermaster, when General McClellan occupied 
that place as his base of supplies at the time of his advance on 
Richmond. 

In a letter of my father, written to my mother, August 2, 1862, 
he sadly alludes to her loss : "I have heard of Grace. She was seen 
bestrode by some Yankee, with her colt by her side. I could be 
better resigned to many things than that. I must try and be 
resigned to that too." 

When we lived in Baltimore, I was greatly struck one day by 
hearing one of two ladies who were visiting us, say : "Everybody 
and everything loves him — his family, his friends, his servants, 
his horse, and his dog." 

From that early time I began to be impressed with my father's 
character as compared with other men. Everybody in our house- 
hold respected, revered, and loved him ; that seemed a matter of 
course, but it then began to dawn on me that every one else with 
whom I was thrown held him in high regard. Colonel Lee was 
then about forty-five years of age, active and strong, and as hand- 
some as man ever was. 

The dog referred to was a black and tan terrier named Spec — 
really a member of our family, respected and beloved by ourselves 
and well known by all who knew us. My father picked up his 
mother, floating in the narrows, while crossing from Fort Ham- 
ilton to the fortifications opposite on Staten Island. She had 
doubtless fallen overboard from some passing vessel. He rescued 
her and took her home, where she was welcomed and made much 
of by his children. She was a handsome little thing and showed 
high breeding. My father named her Dart. Spec was born at 
Fort Hamilton, and was the joy of us children, and our pet and 
companion. He accompanied us everywhere, even to church. 

In a letter to my mother written from Fort Hamilton, January 
28, 1846, my father thus speaks of Spec: "I am very solitary, and 
my only company is my dog and cats. But Spec has become so 
jealous now that he will hardly let me look at the cats. He seems 
to be afraid that I am going off from him, and never lets me stir 
without him ; lies down in the office from 8 to 4 without moving, 
turns himself before the fire as the side from it becomes cold. I 
catch him sometimes sitting up looking at me so intently that I am 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 63 

for the moment startled." And in a letter from Mexico, written a 
year later, — on December 25, 1846, — he writes : "Can't you cure 
poor Spec ? Cheer him up ; take him to walk with you ; tell the 
children to cheer him up." Again, just after the capture of Vera 
Cruz, writing to his eldest son, he sends this message to Spec : 
"Tell him I wish he was with me here. He would have been of 
great service in telling me when I was coming upon the Mexicans 
when I was reconnoitering around Vera Cruz. Their dogs fre- 
quently told me by barking, when I was approaching them too 
nearly." 

When my father returned to Arlington, from Mexico, Spec was 
the first to recognize him, and the extravagance of his demonstra- 
tions of delight left no doubt that he knew at once his kind master 
and loving friend. Some time during our residence in Baltimore 
Spec disappeared, and we never knew what was his fate. I never 
remember my father's being sick. I presume he was indisposed 
at times ; but if so, no impression to that effect remains. 

He was always bright and gay with us little folk, romping, play- 
ing and joking with us. With the elder children he was just as 
congenial and I have seen him join my brothers and their friends 
when they would try their prowess at a high jump over the bars, 
and beat them too. The younger children he petted a great deal. 
Our greatest treat was to get into his bed in the mornings and listen 
to him talk to us in his bright, entertaining way. This custom was 
kept up until I was at least ten years old. Although he was so 
companionable, joyous, and unreserved with us, he was very firm 
on all proper occasions, never indulged us in anything that was not 
good for us, and exacted the most implicit obedience. I always 
knew that it was impossible to disobey my father. I felt it in me. 
I never thought why, but was perfectly sure when he gave an order 
that it had to be obeyed. My mother I could sometimes circum- 
vent, and on occasions took liberties with her orders, construing 
them to suit my own views ; but exact obedience to every mandate 
of my father's was part of my life and being. He was very fond 
of having his hand tickled, and what was still more curious, it 
amused him to take off his slippers and place his feet in our laps to 
have them tickled also. Often, after playing in the open air all 
day, the sitting still, holding his feet, would be too much for us, 
and our drowsiness would soon show itself in continual nods. 
Then, to arouse us, he had a way of stirring us up with his foot, 
laughing heartilv at and with us. He would often tell us when so 



64 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

occupied the tmost delightful stories, and there was no nodding. 
Sometimes, however, our interest in his wonderful tales became so 
engrossing that we would forget to do. our duty, when he would 
declare, "No tickling, no story." 

When we were a little older our elder sister told us one winter 
the ever-delightful story of Scott's "Lady of the Lake." Of 
course, she told it in prose, and arranged it to suit our childish 
mental capacity. Father was generally in his corner by the fire, 
the tickling going on briskly, when he would cut into the story in 
the original verse, repeating line after line of the poem, much to 
our disapproval, but to his great enjoyment. 

The first duty to which my father was assigned after the Mex- 
ican war was the building of Fort Carroll, on the Patapsco River, 
some eight miles from Baltimore. He was there for three years, 
and we lived in a home on Madison street, near Biddle. I used 
to go down with him to the fort quite often. We drove to the 
harbor in a "bus," and there took one of the boats of the fort, sent 
up to meet us, with a crew from among the employees there, and 
were rowed to Soller's Point. There I was generally left in charge 
of the people of the place while my father visited the works and 
workmen at the fort, a short distance out in the river. These days 
were very happy ones. The shipping, the river, the boat and oars- 
men, and the country dinner at Soller's Point — all made a strong 
impression on me. But, above all, I remember my father — his 
gentle, loving care of me; his bright talk; his stories; his maxims, 
and teachings. I was so proud of him, and of the evident respect 
for and trust in him that every one showed ! The impressions re- 
ceived at that time have never changed or left me. He was a 
great favorite in Baltimore, especially with women and little child- 
ren. When he and my mother went out in the evening to some 
entertainment we were allowed to sit up and see them start. My 
father, as I remember, was in uniform, and always ready, waiting 
for my mother, who was generally late. He would chide her gently 
in a playful way, and with his bright smile. After telling us good- 
by, I would go to sleep with this beautiful picture in my mind— 
the golden epaulets and all ; always the epaulets. 

In Baltimore I went to my first school ; to a Mr. Rollins, on 
Mulberry street, and I remember how interested my father was in 
my studies, how he encouraged me in my failures, and praised me 
in my little triumphs. Indeed, he was always the same as long 
as I was at school and college, and I wish so much that all his kind 
and sensible letters to me could have been preserved. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 65 

The ist of September, 1852, Colonel Lee was appointed Super- 
intendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point. 
My memory as to our move from Baltimore is very dim. The 
family went to Arlington, and remained until our new home at 
West Point was gotten ready, some time that winter. 

My recollections of my father at West Point are fuller and more 
distinct. He lived in the house which is still occupied by the 
Superintendent. It was built of stone, large and roomy, with 
garden, stables, and pasture lots. We, the two youngest children, 
enjoyed it all greatly. Grace Darling and Santa Anna were then 
with us, and many a fine ride have I had with my father in the 
afternoons, when, released from his office, he would mount his old 
mare, and with Santa Anna carrying me by his side, take a five or 
ten mile trot. Though my pony cantered delightfully, my father 
would make me keep him in a trot, saying that the hammering 
I got from that gait was good for me. We rode the dragoon seat, 
— no posting, — and I used to become very tired, until I got used 
to it. 

My father was the most punctual man I ever knew. He was 
always ready for family prayers, and at all meal times, and met 
every engagement, business or social, on the moment. He ex- 
pected all of us to be the same and impressed upon us the necessity 
of forming such habits, for the convenience of all concerned. I 
never knew him late for the Sunday service at the post chapel. 
He appeared in uniform some minutes before any one else, and 
would jokingly rally my mother and sisters for being late, or 
forgetting something at the last moment. When he could wait 
no longer, he would say, "Well, I am off," and march away to 
church by himself, or with any of us who were ready. Then he 
took his seat, well up in the middle aisle ; and I remember he got 
always very drowsy during the sermon, and sometimes caught a 
little nap. At that time this drowsiness of my father's seemed 
something awful to me. I knew it was very hard for me to keep 
awake, and frequently I did not ; but why he, who I believed could 
do everything that was right, without an effort, should sometimes 
be overcome, I could not understand, and did not try to do so. 

It was against the rules for any cadet to< pass beyond certain 
well-defined limits. Of course, they did sometimes go, and when 
caught were punished by receiving so many "demerits." My 
father, riding out one afternoon with me, suddenly came up with 
three cadets far beyond the limits. When rounding a turn in 
the mountain road, with a deep, woody ravine on one side, we 
came upon them. They immediately leaped over a low wall on the 



66 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

ravine side of the road and disappeared from our view. We 
rode on a minute in silence, when my father said : "Did you 
know those young men? But no! — if you did, don't say so. I 
wish boys would do what is right, it would be so much easier for 
all of us." He knew he would have to report them, but not 
being sure who they were, I suppose he wished to give them 
the benefit of the doubt. At any_ rate, I never heard any more 
about it. One of the three asked me the next day if "the Colonel" 
had recognized them, and I told him what had occurred. 

I was now old enough to have a room to myself, and to en- 
courage me to be useful and practical my father made me attend 
to it, just as the cadets had to do in their quarters in barracks 
and in camp. He even, for a time, went through the form of 
inspecting it daily to see if I had performed my duty properly. 
I remember enjoying it at first, but soon tired of the routine. 
However, I was kept at it, becoming in time very proficient, and 
the knowledge so acquired has been of the greatest use to me 
throughout life. 

He always encouraged me in every healthy outdoor exercise 
and sport. He taught me to ride, constantly giving me the 
minutest instructions with the reasons for them. He gave me 
my first sled and often came to where we boys were coasting 
to look on. He also gave me my first pair of skates and placed 
me under the care of a reliable person, who should teach me how 
to use them, inquiring regularly how I progressed. It was the same 
as to swimming, which he was anxious I should learn thoroughly. 
Professor Bailey, of the West Point faculty, had a son about im- 
age, now himself a professor at Brown University, Providence, 
R. I., who became my favorite companion. I took my first lesson 
in the water with him, under the direction and supervision of his 
father. My father inquired constantly how I was getting along 
and made me tell him exactly my methods, stroke, etc., and 
explained to me what he considered the best way to swim, and 
the reasons for the same. 

I now went to day school, and had always a sympathetic helper 
in my father. Often he would come into the room where I studied 
at night and, sitting beside me, show me how to master a hard 
sentence in my Latin reader, or a difficult sum in arithmetic ; 
not by giving me a translation of the sentence nor an answer 
to the sum, but by showing me step by step the way to the 
right solution of both. He was very patient, very loving, and 
very good to me, and I tried my best to please him in my studies. 
When I was able to bring home a good report from my teacher, 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 67 

he was greatly pleased and showed it in his eye and voice though 
he did not say much. But he always insisted that I should get 
the "maximum," that he would never be perfectly satisfied with 
less. That I did sometimes win it, and I believe deserved it, I 
know was due to his judicious and true methods of exciting 
my ambition and perseverance. 

I have endeavored to show how fond my father was of his 
children, and as the best picture I can offer of his loving, tender 
devotion to us all, I give here a letter from him, written to his 
daughter, Annie, who was living with her grandmother, Mrs. 
Custis, at Arlington : 

"West Point, 25th February, 1853. 
"My precious Annie : 

"I take advantage of your gracious permission to write to 
you, and there is no telling how far my feelings might carry me 
were I not limited by the conveyance furnished by the Mim's 
letter, which lies before me, and which must (the Mim says so) 
go in this morning's mail. But my limited time does not diminish 
my affection for you, Annie, nor prevent my thinking of you, 
and wishing for you. I long to see you through the dilatory 
nights. At dawn when I arise, and all day my thoughts revert 
to you in expressions that you cannot hear or I repeat. I 
hope you will always appear to me as you are now painted in my 
heart, and that you will endeavor to improve and so conduct 
yourself as to make you happy and me joyful all our lives. Dili- 
gent and earnest attention to all of your duties can only ac- 
complish this. I am told that you are growing very tall, and I 
hope very straight. I do not know what the cadets will say if 
the Superintendent's children do not practice what he demands 
of them. They will naturally say that he had better attend to 
his own before he corrects other people's children, and as he 
permits his to stoop, it is hard he will not allow them. You 
and Agnes [another daughter] must not, therefore, bring me into 
discredit with my young friends, or give them reason to think 
that I require more of them than I do of my own. I presume 
your mother has told you all about us, our neighbors, and our 
affairs. And, indeed, she may have done that, and not said much, 
either, so far as I know. But we are all well, and have much 
to be grateful for. Tomorrow we anticipate the pleasure of 
your brother's company, which is always a source of pleasure to 
us. It is the only time we see him except when the 'Corps' comes 
under view at some of their exercises, when my eye is sure to 
distinguish him among his comrades and follow him over the 



68 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

plain. Give much love to your dear grandmother, grandfather, 
Agnes, Miss Sue, Lucretia, and all friends, including servants. 
Write sometimes and think always of your affectionate father. 

"R. E. Lee." 

As Superintendent of the United States Military Academy at 
West Point, my father had to entertain a good deal, and I re- 
member well how handsome and grand he looked in uniform, 
which was the full dress of the army officers then ; how genial 
and bright ; how considerate of everybody's comfort of mind and 
body. He was always a great favorite with the ladies, especially 
the young ones. His fine presence, his gentle, easy manner, and 
kindly smile put them at once at ease with him. 

Among the cadets at this time were my eldest brother, Custis, 
who in 1854 was graduated at the head of his class, and my 
father's nephew, Fitzhugh Lee, who was in the third class, besides 
many relatives and friends. Saturday being a half holiday for 
the cadets, it was the custom for all social events of which they 
were a part to take place on that afternoon or evening. Nearly 
every Saturday a number of these young men were invited to 
our house to tea, or supper, for it was a good substantial meal. 
The misery of some of these poor fellows from embarrassment, 
and possibly from awe of the Superintendent, was pitiable, and 
evident even to me, a boy of ten. But as soon as my father got 
command, as it were, of the situation', one could see how quickly 
most of them were put at their ease. He would address himself 
to the task of making them feel comfortable and at home, and 
his winning manners and pleasant ways at once succeeded. 

In the spring of 1853 my grandmother, Mrs. Custis, died. This 
was the first death in our immediate family. She was very dear 
to us and was admired, esteemed, and loved by all who had ever 
known her. Bishop Meade, of Virginia, thus writes : "Mrs. Mary 
Custis, of Arlington, the wife of Mr. Washington Custis, grand- 
son of Mrs. General Washington, was the daughter of Mr. 
William Fitzhugh of Chatham. Scarcely is there a Christian lady 
in our land more honored than she was, and none more loved 
and esteemed. For good sense, prudence, sincerity, benevolence, 
unaffected piety, disinterested zeal in every good work, deep 
humility, and retiring modesty — for all the virtues which adorn 
the wife, the mother, and the friend — I never knew her superior." 

In a letter to my mother sent after the sad event, my father 
says : "May God give you strength to enable you to bear and 
say, 'His will be done.' She has gone from all trouble, care, and 
sorrow to a holy immortality, there to rejoice and praise forever 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 69 

the God and Saviour she so long and faithfully served. Let that 
be our comfort, and that our consolation. May our death be like 
hers, and may we meet in happiness in heaven." In another letter 
about the same time: "She was to me all that a mother could 
be, and I yielded to none in admiration for her character, love for 
her virtues, and veneration for her memory." 

While at West Point my father was persuaded to allow R. S. 
Weir, Professor of Drawing and Painting at the Military Acad- 
emy, to paint his portrait. As I now remember, there were only 
one or two sittings, and the artist had to finish the picture from 
the glimpses he obtained of his subject in the regular intercourse 
of their daily lives. This portrait shows my father in the undress 
uniform of a colonel of engineers, and many think it is a good 
likeness. To me, the expression of strength peculiar to his face ; s 
wanting, especially in the lines of the mouth. Still it is very 
like him at that time. My father never could bear to have his 
picture taken, and there are no likenesses of him that really give 
his sweet expression. It was such a serious business with him 
that he never could "look pleasant." 

In April, 1855, my father was appointed to the lieutenant- 
colonelcy of the Second Cavalry, one of the two new regiments 
added to the Army at that time. When he left West Point to enter 
upon his new duties his family moved to Arlington, my mother's 
home. During the fall and winter of 1855 and 1856 the Second 
Cavalry was recruited and organized at Jefferson Barracks, 
Missouri, under the direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Lee. In the 
winter and spring of 1856 Colonel Lee was on court-martial detail 
and did not join his regiment until the last of March. It was then 
in western Texas, some of the companies under Col. Albert Sydney 
Johnston, at Fort Mason, and the remainder under Hardee, at the 
Clear Fork of the Brazos. 

I did not see my father again until the winter of 1857, when he 
was summoned home by the death of my grandfather, Mr. George 
Washington Parke Custis, of Arlington. He remained with my 
mother several months, and commenced at once to put her estate 
in order — not an easy task, as it consisted of several large planta- 
tions and very many negroes. 

He was always fond of farming, and took great interest in 
the improvements he immediately put under way at Arlington. 
In a very short time the buildings, roads, fences, fields, and stock 
showed in their improved condition and appearance the effect of 
his management. He often said that he longed for the time when 
he could have a farm of his own, where he could end his clays in 



70 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

quiet and peace, interested and occupied in the care and improve- 
ment of his own land. Just after the close of the war, in a letter 
to his son, he writes : "I shall endeavor to procure some humble 
but quiet abode for your mother and sisters, where I hope they 
can be happy. As I before said, I want to get in some grass 
country where the natural product of the land will do much for my 
subsistence." And again, after he had accepted the presidency of 
Washington College, at Lexington, Virginia, to the same son: 
"I should have selected a more quiet life, and a more retired 
abode than Lexington, and should have preferred a small farm, 
where I could have earned my daily bread." 

I was at boarding-school after we returned to Arlington, and 
saw my father only during holidays, if he happened to be at 
home. It was about this time I was presented with my first gun 
and allowed, after some "coaching," to go out shooting by myself. 
My father, to encourage me, offered me a reward for every crow- 
scalp I could bring him, and in order that I might get to work 
at once, advanced me a small sum of money with which to buy 
powder and shot. This sum was to be returned to him out of the 
first scalps obtained., My industry and zeal were great, my hopes 
bright, and by good luck I did succeed in bagging two crows about 
the second time I was out. I showed them with great pride to my 
father, and intimated that I would shortly be able to return him 
his loan, and that he must be prepared to hand over to me, very 
soon, further rewards of my skill. His eyes twinkled and his 
smile showed that he had strong doubts of my making an income 
by killing crows. He was right, for I never killed another, though 
I tried hard and long. 

I saw but little of my father after he left West Point. He 
went to Texas, as above stated, in 1856, and remained until the 
autumn of 1857, when he came home on the death of his father- 
in-law. After remaining at Arlington nearly a year, he was with 
his regiment in Texas until the fall of 1859, when he came home on 
leave for the purpose of completing the settlement of my grand- 
father's estate. During this visit the "John Brown raid" at 
Harper's Ferry occurred. The Secretary of War selected Colonel 
Lee to command the United States troops sent to suppress it. In- 
cluded in this detachment was Lieut. J. E. B. Stuart, the cavalry 
leader of subsequent renown. 

Lack of space prevents a detailed account of the life of Lee 
from the Mexican war to the breaking out of the great war be- 
tween the States. He was first assigned to duty in constructing 




Robert Edward Lee 

[As an Officer in the United States Army] 



FACING PACE 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 71 

works for the defense of Baltimore, and in 1852 he was ap- 
pointed Superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point. 

He was at this period of his life, as indeed ever afterwards, 
one of the most superb specimens of physical manhood whom 
the sun ever shone upon. Five feet eleven inches high, weighing 
175 pounds, hair originally jet black and inclined to curl at the 
ends ; eyes hazel brown, face cleanly shaved, except a mustache ; 
a countenance which beamed with gentleness and benevolence, 
mingled with firmness ; a knightly bearing and an inborn grace 
which appeared in his every movement, Colonel Lee was the ob- 
served of all observers in whatever company he moved ; was the 
handsomest man of his day, and might well have been selected 
by some great artist as a model of perfect manhood. 

Dr. Hunter McGuire, Stonewall Jackson's great surgeon, re- 
lated an incident of a visit he made General Lee, in company 
with Jackson, when he was sick at his headquarters near Fred- 
ericksburg in March, 1863, when "old Stonewall" said to his 
surgeon as they rode away, "General Lee is the most perfect 
animal form I ever saw." 

I can best illustrate his life at this period by giving copious 
extracts from his private letters. 

I am very fortunate, by the kind courtesy of the family, in 
being able to give a number, some of which have been already 
published, but are well worthy of reproduction here, but a 
large number of which I publish for the first time. The follow- 
ing to his son Custis is full of the practical wisdom of the loving 
father : 

Baltimore, May 4, 185 1. 
My dearest Son : 

Your letter of the 27th ultimo, which I duly received, has 
given me more pleasure than any that I now recollect having 
ever received. It has assured me of the confidence you feel in my 
love and affection, and with what frankness and candor you open 
to me all your thoughts. 

So long as I meet with such return from my children, and see 
them strive to respond to my wishes, and exertions, for their good 
and happiness I can meet with calmness and unconcern all else the 



72 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

world may have in store for me. I cannot express my pleasure at 
hearing- you declare your determination to shake off the listless fit 
that has seized upon you, and to arouse all your faculties into 
activity and exertion. The determination is alone wanting to 
accomplish the wish. At times the temptation to relax will be 
hard upon you, but will grow feebler and more feeble by constant 
resistance. The full play of your young and growing powers, the 
daily exercise of all your energies, the consciousness of acquiring 
knowledge, and the pleasure of knowing your efforts to do your 
duty, will bring you a delight and gratification far surpassing all 
that idleness and selfishness can give. Try it fairly and take your 
own experience. I know it will confirm you in your present resolve 
to "try and do your best," and if that does not recompense you for 
your devotion and labor, you will find it in the happiness which it 
brings to father and mother, brothers and sisters, and all your 
friends. I do not think you lack either energy or ambition. 
Hitherto you have not felt the incentive to call them forth. "Con- 
tent to do well," you have not tried "to do better." The latter 
will as assuredly follow the effort as the former. Every man has 
ambition. The young soldier especially feels it. Honor and fame 
are all that he aspires to. But he cannot reach either by volition 
alone, and he sometimes shrinks from the trials necessary to ac- 
complish them. Let this never be your case. Keep them constantly 
before you and firmly pursue them. They will at last be won. 
I am very much pleased at the interest taken by the cadets in your 
success. Surely it requires on your part a corresponding return. 
They desire to see you strive at least, to gratify their wishes. 
Prove yourself worthy of their affection. Hold yourself above 
every mean action. Be strictly honorable in every act, and be not 
ashamed to do right. Acknowledge right to be your aim and 
strive to reach it. I feel, too, so much obliged to you for the candid 
avowal of all your feelings. Between us two let there be no con- 
cealment. I may give you advice and encouragement and you will 
give me pleasure. 

The report you mention having received is of a trifling nature, 
yet I am sorry for the demerit attached to it, as it comes into the 
equation of your standing as a minus quantity. You must, there- 
fore, try to avoid them, and I should think a statement of the facts 
as you gave them to me, that the mug had not been misplaced by 
you, or your roommates, that it was during release from quarters 
when it was discovered, and all of you were out of the room at 
the time, would be taken as a sufficient excuse. But of this you 
must judge. I hope your demerit will not be sufficient to injure 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 73 

your standing - , but it may require a greater exertion on your part 
to gain an offset in your class mark. This is the most important 
time to you in the year. Just one month before the June exami- 
nations. A great deal may be accomplished in this month. Your 
standing and reputation are sufficiently good to enable you to make 
up any deficiency during your review for the examination. You 
have my earnest wishes and constant prayers for success, and I 
trust to see you No. i in June. Mr. Bonaparte will have given 
you all the Baltimore news, and the letter he carried from your 
mother, all the domestic. She had thought of going to Arlington 
yesterday, but the little children had taken such a violent cold 
somehow, that she determined to postpone her visit till this week. 
Their colds still continue, but are passing away I hope ; and I 
expect, if nothing happens to prevent, she will go Saturday. I 
got a message from Mr. McNally yesterday, saying that Rooney 
was one of the hardest ivorkers in the school. It seems he has 
taken hold of Greek very well, and stands at the head of his 
class, and I think he is beginning to think less of play, and more 
of the responsibilities of life. Mrs. Wilson also tells daughter 
that he reads French better than his classmates, and generally 
knows his lessons well, but that his pronunciation is anything but 
the pure Parisian. I hope he will get that in time. He is growing 
wonderfully. I do not know when he will stop if he goes on at 
this rate. His feet and hands are tremendous, and his appetite 
startling. There is a great deal of good and energy in him, if it 
only gets the right direction. There is the difficulty. I strive hard 
to fix his attention and desires on what is good, but he is of that 
age when he cannot fully appreciate all its beauties. Still I have 
nothing to complain of on the whole, and I have strong hopes 
that in time he will do credit to us all, and be of great comfort to 
me. His anxiety is still to go to West Point, and thinks there is 
no life like that of a dragoon. He thinks he might get through the 
Academy, though he would not stand as well as Boo. I tell him 
he would get over two hundred demerits the first year, and that 
there would be an end of all his military aspirations. Daughter 
is much taken up with her young companions, and there are reg- 
ular walks in the afternoon and sundry visits on Saturdays. I 
perceive that their walks never extend country-wise, but always 
town-wise, from which I infer that they are more attracted by sight- 
seeing than a desire for exercise and the beauties of nature. The 
confabs at the corners, too, are frequent and long and their tongues 
try to cover their glances over their shoulders at interesting- 
passengers. I fear they are wicked things ; tell Jerome and 
Lawrence as soon as thev come on, I shall take them in hand. 



74 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I fear to tackle with them alone. One old man against so many 
black eyes would be fearful odds. Mary Rogers dined with us 
today. Tense when last seen had a beau in tow. I suppose her 
companion proved more attractive than a Sunday dinner. Your 
Aunt Annie is breaking out in a new place. She walked out three 
times last week. Once as far as the monument. She is much 
better, but has been housed so long that she feels a walk, even a 
short one, as much as common people a march of fifty miles. I 
am constantly fearing a relapse. Her Hubby is quite fat, and 
looks almost as well as when he first returned from Europe. I 
have not heard whether your Uncle Smith has commenced his 
improvements at the Frying-pan. He was full of plans when I last 
saw him, but I have not heard what he is now doing. I have 
been very busy since my return from New York. Last week I 
was at Soller's the entire week. I got up yesterday to dinner. I 
am preparing to commence the masonry under water, a work of 
great trouble. I see my way, however, very clearly, and think 1 
shall succeed in making as good a wall as if on dry land. Though 
the trouble of working under land and fifteen feet below low water 
level, and that on piling, will be very difficult. 

All send much love. Mildred says she would write to you if she 
knew what to say. 

Your Uncle Charlie and Aunt M. are highly gratified at your 
standing at West Point. A letter just received from Mrs. Lewis 
says Aunt L. is failing very much. I hope her last days may be 
comfortable and easy. Your Grd. F. and Grd. mother were well 
when heard from, and the little girls growing finely. Remember 
me to all of your cadet friends, 

Devotedly, your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Baltimore, 14th Sept., 1851. 
My dearest Mr. Boo : 

I have canvassed the house this morning for the purpose of 
ascertaining who would have the pleasure of writing to you. 
There were so many non-acceptances and postponements, that to 
insure you your regular epistle, you must accept one from me. 
You have received so many from the same quarter that I fear 
they will become tedious. They are so tame, so similar, that you 
will wish for variety. 

We have had a short visit from your Grd. father. He arrived 
last Monday, and left us on Friday. I think he would have 
stayed longer, had it not been so especially hot. But he could 
not go out, and we had but little to amuse him indoors. On 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 75 

Wednesday night he addressed a meeting by special invitation, in 
Monument Square, called to petition our Govt, to intercede with 
England in behalf of the Irish patriots confined to their penal 
colony in Australia. 

The meeting was large and attentive and he was received with 
great applause. Tuesday we all rode down to Fort McHenry to see 
the Walbacks. The General embraced your Grd. father very 
warmly, and they had a long talk of by-gone days ; when they were 
together at Harper's Ferry, as young dragoon officers. Gen'l. W. 
is now 85, and your Grd. father 70. 

Great changes have taken place since then. Thursday Gen'l. 
and Mrs. W. and your Uncle M. dined with us, when old stories 
were renewed and continued until dark. Your Grd. father men- 
tioned with great pleasure having received recently a letter from 
you, and dwelt with much satisfaction upon your standing at 
the Academy. He and I talked much about you and interchanged 
our mutual hopes for your happiness and success. Much of our 
future happiness will depend upon you. Your resolution upon 
coming into barracks "to make up for all deficiencies," fills me 
with joy. I am also the more sanguine, from having heard that 
the Professor of Math, says you can be No. 1, if you choose. 
Let that encourage you to exert your powers. I am very glad 
that you have a nice room, and nice roommate. I hope you two 
will help and encourage each other in all that is good. Ask no 
favors. Expect no indulgences. But go straight to your work. 

I fear our little people have the whooping-cough. They have 
kept up a terrible barking for the last week or ten days, which 
does not seem to diminish. Your mother thought Rob had it at 
Fort Hamilton. I do not recollect. Anne had what has been sup- 
posed to be a bad cold. I do not know but that may turn out to 
be the whooping-cough, though she has been supposed to have had 
it. Mr. and Mrs. B. are well. So is Charles Joseph. He is well 
attended to, I assure you. I have not seen the Words during the 
past week. 

It has been excessively hot, and between my engagements at 
Fort Carroll and at home, I have been nowhere. All the household 
send much love. Wig. and Annie contemplate a letter to you. 
Roon says you must write to him, and Rob says he wants to see 
you badly. 

I suppose it is not known yet in that benighted spot, West Point, 
that by prepaying letters, the postage is three cents. I am very 



76 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

willing to pay for all yours, but as I can do it more cheaply on the 
prepayment system, I enclose you some stamps. When they are 
exhausted, I will send more. Good-by, my dear son, 

Very aff. your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following to his son Custis gives a vivid picture of 
Christmas at Arlington : 

Arlington, 28th December, 185 1. 

We came on last Wednesday morning. It was a bitter cold day, 
and we were kept waiting an hour in the depot at Baltimore for 
the cars, which were detained by the snow and frost in the rails. 
We found your grandfather* at the Washington depot, Daniel and 
the old carriage and horses, and young Daniel on the colt Mildred. 
Your mother, grandfather, Mary Eliza, the little people, and the 
baggage, I thought load enough for the carriage, so Rooney* and 
I took our feet in our hands and walked over. We looked for the 
Anne Case, in which to get a lift to Roop's Hill, but congratulated 
ourselves afterwards that we missed her, for she only overtook us 
after we had passed Jackson City, and was scarcely out of sight 
when we turned up the Washington turnpike. The snow impeded 
the carriage as well as us, and we reached here shortly after it. 
The children were delighted at getting back, and passed the evening 
in devising pleasure for the morrow. They were in upon us before 
day on Christmas morning, to overhaul their stockings. Mildred 
thinks she drew the prize in the shape of a beautiful new doll ; 
Angelina's* infirmities were so great that she was left in Baltimore 
and this new treasure was entirely unexpected. The cakes, can- 
dies, books, etc., were overlooked in the caresses she bestowed upon 
her, and she was scarcely out of her arms all day. Rooney got 
among his gifts a nice pair of boots, which he particularly wanted, 
and the girls, I hope, were equally well pleased with their presents, 
books, and trinkets. 

Your mother, Mary, Rooney, and I went into church, and 
Rooney and the twins skated back on the canal (Rooney having 
taken his skates along for the purpose), and we filled his place in 
the carriage with Miss Sarah Stuart, one of M.'s comrades. 
Minny Lloyd was detained at home to assist her mother at dinner, 



*The venerable George Washington Parke Custis. 
'tA younger son, known by this pet name in the family. 
^"Angelina" was evidently a doll, thus superseded by a newer 'and more 
comely favorite, on whom "infirmities" had not fallen. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 77 

but your Aunt Maria brought her and Miss Lucretia Fitzhugh 
out the next day, and Wallace Stiles and his brother arriving at 
the same time, we had quite a tableful. 

The young people have been quite assiduous in their attentions 
to each other, as their amusements have been necessarily indoors ; 
but the beaux have successfully maintained their reserve so far, 
notwithstanding the captivating advances of the belles. The first 
day they tried skating, but the ice was soft and rough, and it was 
abandoned in despair. They have not moved out of the house 
since. Today the twins were obliged to leave us, and when the 
carriage came to the door, Minny Lloyd and Sarah Stuart reluct- 
antly confessed that their mamas ordered them to return in the first 
carriage. We have only, therefore, Wallace and Edward Stiles, 
and Miss Lucretia Fitzhugh in addition to our family circle. 

I need not describe to you our amusements, you have witnessed 
them so often ; nor the turkey, cold ham, plum-pudding, mince-pies, 
etc., at dinner. I hope you will enjoy them again, or some equally 
as good. 

The weather has been bitter cold. I do not recollect such 
weather (I can only judge by my feelings) since the winter of 
1835. I have not been to Washington yet, but will endeavor to get 
over tomorrow. I am writing this to mail then. The family have 
retired, but I know I should be charged with much love from 
every individual were they aware of my writing, so I will give it 
without bidding. May you have many happy years, all bringing 
you an increase of virtue and wisdom, all witnessing your pros- 
perity in this life, all bringing you nearer everlasting happiness 
hereafter. May God in His great mercy grant me this my con- 
stant prayer. 

I had received no letter from you when I left Baltimore, nor shall 
I get any till I return, which will be, if nothing happens, tomorrow 
a week, 5th January, 1852. You will then be in the midst of your 
examination. I shall be very anxious about you. Give me the 
earliest intelligence of your standing, and stand up before them 
boldly, manfully ; do your best, and I shall be satisfied. 

R. E. Lee. 

His son Custis Lee met his fond hopes by graduating - at West 
Point at the head of his brilliant class, and entered the Engineer 
Corps. His son Wm. Henry Fitzhugh Lee ("Rooney," as 
his father affectionately called him) graduated at Harvard, and 
was (on the earnest recommendation of General Scott) ap- 
pointed to a lieutenancy in the Regular Army. Meantime, the 



78 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

father had served with great ability as Superintendent at West 
Point, — making changes, and introducing reforms which were 
of great benefit to the Academy, — and in 1855 was made 
lieutenant-colonel of the famous Second Cavalry Regiment of 
\ which Albert Sydney Johnston was made colonel. The two new 
regiments of cavalry were organized on the recommendation of 
Hon. Jefferson Davis, the able Secretary of War, and President 
Franklin Pierce, though there was bitter opposition to this in- 
crease of the Regular Army, led by Senators Thos. H. Benton 
of Missouri, and Sam. Houston of Texas. 

The Comte de Paris in his History says that Mr. Davis 
availed himself of this opportunity to fill the positions in these 
regiments "with his creatures, to the exclusion of regular 
officers whom he disliked" ; but it will be seen on scanning the 
list of these men that Gen. Fitzhugh Lee puts it correctly 
when he quaintly says that "the Count was writing with limited 
knowledge." 

The officers appointed to these regiments were such men as 
Sumner, Sedgwick, McClellan, Emory, Geo. H. Thomas, Stone- 
man, Stanley, Innis Palmer, Carr, etc., who afterwards became 
distinguished Federal generals, and Albert Sydney Johnston, 
Joseph E. Johnston, R. E. Lee, Hardee, Kirby Smith, Field, 
Hood, J. E. B. Stuart, W. H. C. Whiting, N. G. Evans, Van 
Dorn, Fitz Lee, and other distinguished Confederate generals. 
If these men were "creatures" of Secretary Davis then he must 
have possessed a power and influence far beyond what his most 
enthusiastic admirers have ever attributed to him. 

Colonel Lee's service in the cavalry was chiefly on the 
Texas frontier, and against hostile Indians, especially the Co- 
manches, but he was frequently detailed on court-martial, or 
other important duty. 

His letters at this period give the best insight into his life 
and feelings, and I quote them freely. From Jefferson Bar- 
racks, Missouri, where the companies of his regiment were as- 
sembled for organization and drill, he wrote Mrs. Lee under 
date of July 1, 1855 : 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 79 

The chaplain of the post, a Mr. Fish, is now absent; he is an 
Episcopal clergyman and well spoken of; we have, therefore, not 
had service since I have been here. The church stands out in the 
] trees, grotesque in its form and ancient in its appearance. I have 
not been in it, but am content to read the Bible and prayers alone, 
[and draw much comfort from their holy precepts and merciful 
promises. Though feeling unable to follow the one, and truly 
unworthy of the other, I must still pray to that glorious God 
without whom there is no help, and with whom there is no danger. 
That He may guard and protect you all, and more than supply to 
you my absence, is my daily and constant prayer. I have been 
busy all the week superintending and drilling recruits. Not a 
stitch of clothing has as yet arrived for them, though I made the 
necessary requisition for it to be sent here more than two months 
ago in Louisville. Yesterday, at muster, I found one of the late 
arrivals in a dirty, tattered shirt and pants, with a white hat 
and shoes, with other garments to match. I asked him why he did 
not put on clean clothes. He said he had none. I asked him 
if he could not wash and mend those. He said he had nothing 
else to put on. I then told him immediately after muster to go 
down to the river, wash his clothes, and sit on the bank and watch 
the passing steamboats till they dried, and then mend them. This 
morning at inspection he looked as proud as possible, stood in the 
position of a soldier with his little fingers on the seams of his 
pants, his beaver cocked back, and his toes sticking through his 
shoes, but his skin and solitary two garments clean. He grinned 
very happily at my compliments. I have got a fine puss, which 
was left me by Colonel Sumner. He was educated by his daughter, 
Mrs. Jenkins, but is too fond of getting up on my lap and on my 
bed ; he follows me all about the house and stands at the door in 
an attitude of defiance at all passing dogs. 

Colonel Lee was stationed, with four companies of the regi- 
ment, on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, where his duty was to 
watch the Indians and protect the Texas frontier. It was a 
privilege which the writer had several years ago to drive out 
from Abilene, Texas, with a picnic party, to visit the site of this 
old camp, — "Camp Cooper," it was called, in honor of Saml. 
Cooper, so long the able Adjutant-General of the United States 
Army, and afterwards the distinguished A. G. of the Con- 
federacy, — and recall the days when it was occupied by Lee and 
his troopers. 



80 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Under date of August 4, 1856, he wrote Mrs. Lee from 
Camp Cooper : 

I hope your father continued well and enjoyed his usual cele- 
bration of the Fourth of July; mine was spent, after a march of 
thirty miles on one of the branches of the Brazos, under my 
blanket, elevated on four sticks driven in the ground, as a sun- 
shade. The sun was fiery hot, the atmosphere like the blast from 
a hot-air furnace, the water salt, still my feelings for my country 
were as ardent, my faith in her future as true, and my hopes for 
her advancement as unabated as they would have been under 
better circumstances. 

He thus wrote a week later on learning of the death of his 
sister Mildred (Mrs. Childe) : 

The news came to me very unexpectedly, and in the course of 
nature I might never have anticipated it, as indeed I had never 
realized that she could have preceded me on the unexplored journey 
upon which we are all hastening. Though parted from her for 
years, with little expectation but of a transient reunion in this 
life, this terrible and sudden separation has not been the less dis- 
tressing because it was distant and unlooked for. It has put an 
end to all hope of our meeting in this world. It has cut short 
my early wishes and daily yearnings, and so vividly does she live 
in my imagination and affection that I cannot realize she only exists 
in my memory. I pray that her life has but just begun, and I 
trust that our merciful God only so suddenly and early snatched 
her away because he then saw that it was the fittest moment to 
take her to himself. May a pure and eternal life now be hers, 
and may we all live so that when we die it may be open to us. 

On the 25th of the same month he tells Mrs. Lee : 

I shall leave here on the 1st proximo for the Rio Grande, and 
shall be absent from two and a half to three months ; will go 
from here to Fort Mason and pick up Major Thomas and take 
him on with me, and thus have him as traveling companion all 
the way, which will be a great comfort to me. 

And then mentioning the Comanche raids on the settlers of 
Texas, he says : 

These people give a world of trouble to man and horse, and, 
poor creatures, they are not worth it. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 81 

Mrs. Lee having written him that he was spoken of for a 
vacant brigadier-generalship, he replied in characteristic style: 

Camp Cooper, Texas, September i, 1856. 
We are all in the hands of a kind God, who will do for us what 
is best, and more than we deserve, and we have only to endeavor 
to deserve more, and to do our duty to him and ourselves. May 
we all deserve His mercy, His care, and protection. Do not give 
yourself any anxiety about the appointment of the brigadier. If 
it is on my account that you feel an interest in it, I beg you will 
discard it from your thoughts. You will be sure to be disap- 
pointed ; nor is it right to indulge improper and useless hopes. 
It besides looks like presumption to expect it. 

Ringgold Barracks, Texas, October 3, 1856. 
I arrived here on the 28th, after twenty-seven consecutive days 
of travel. The distance was greater than I had anticipated, being 
seven hundred and thirty miles. I was detained one day on the 
road by high water — had to swim my mules and get the wagon 
over by hand. My mare took me very comfortably, but all my 
wardrobe, from socks up to plume, was immersed in the muddy 
water — epaulets, sash, etc. They are, however, all dry now. 
Major Thomas traveled with me from Fort Mason. We are in 
camp together. Captain Bradford, whom we knew at Old Point, 
is on the court. Colonel Chapman of the infantry, from George- 
town, Captain Marsey, Colonels Bainbridge, Bumford, Ruggles, 
and Seawell, and Captain Sibley, an old classmate of mine. 
Colonel Waite is president of the court and Capt. Samuel Jones 
of the artillery, judge-advocate. The latter brought his wife and 
child with him in a six-mule road wagon from Sinda, about one 
hundred and twenty miles up the river. All the court are present 
and yesterday we commenced the trial of our old friend Giles 
Porter. I hope he will clear himself of the charges against him. 
I am writing with much inconvenience from a stiff finger, caused 
by a puncture from a Spanish bayonet, while pitching my tent on 
the road, which struck the joint. Every branch and leaf in this 
country nearly are armed with a point, and some seem to poison 
the flesh. What a blessed thing the children are not here ! Thev 
would be ruined. 

He writes in December, 1856: 

The time is approaching when I trust many of you will be as- 
sembled around the family hearth at dear Arlington another 
Christmas. Though absent, my heart will be in the midst of you, 
and I shall enjoy in imagination and memory all that is going on. 



82 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

May nothing - occur to mar or cloud the family fireside, and may 
each be able to look back with pride and pleasure at his deeds 
of the past year, and with confidence and hope to that in pros- 
pect. I can do nothing but hope and pray for you all. Last 
Saturday I visited Matamoras, Mexico, for the first time. The 
town looked neat, though much out at the elbow, and nothing 
apparently going on of interest. The plaza or square was inclosed 
and the trees and grass flourishing, for which I am told the 
city is indebted to Major William Chapman of the Quarter- 
master's Department, who made the improvement while it was in 
the occupation of the American army. The most attractive thing 
to me in town were the orange trees loaded with unripe fruit. The 
oleander was in full bloom, and there were some large date, fig. 
and palm trees. 

Fort Brown, Texas, December 2,7, 1856. 
The steamer has arrived from New Orleans, bringing full files 
of papers and general intelligence from the "States." I have 
enjoyed the former very much, and, in the absence of particular 
intelligence, have perused with much interest the series of the 
Alexandria Gazette from the 20th of November to the 8th of 
December inclusive. Besides the usual good reading matter, I 
was interested in the relation of local affairs, and inferred, 
from the quiet and ordinary course of events, that all in the 
neighborhood was going on well. I trust it may be so, and that 
you and particularly all at Arlington and our friends elsewhere 
are well. The steamer brought the President's message to Con- 
gress, and the reports of the various heads of the Departments, 
so that we are now assured that the Government is in operation 
and the Union in existence. Not that I had any fears to the 
contrary, but it is satisfactory always to have facts to go on ; 
they restrain supposition and conjecture, confirm faith, and bring 
contentment. I was much pleased with the President's message 
and the report of the Secretary of War. The views of the Presi- 
dent on the domestic institutions of the South are truthfully and 
faithfully expressed. In this enlightened age there are few, I 
believe, but will acknowledge that slavery as an institution is a 
moral and political evil in any country. It is useless to expatiate 
on its disadvantages. I think it, however, a greater evil to the 
white than to the black race, and while my feelings are strongly 
interested in behalf of the latter, my sympathies are stronger for 
the former. The blacks are immeasurably better off here than in 
Africa, morally, socially, and physically. The painful discipline 
they are undergoing is necessary for their instruction as a race, 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 83 

and, I hope, will prepare and lead them to better things. How 
long - their subjection may be necessary is known and ordered by a 
wise and merciful Providence. Their emancipation will sooner 
result from a mild and melting' influence than the storms and con- 
tests of fiery controversy. This influence, though slow, is sure. 

The doctrines and miracles of our Saviour have required nearly 
two thousand years to convert but a small part of the human race, 
and even among Christian nations what gross errors still exist ! 
While we see the course of the final abolition of slavery is onward, 
and we give it the aid of our prayers, and all justifiable means 
in our power, we must leave the progress as well as the result in 
His hands who sees the end and who chooses to work by slow 
things, and with whom a thousand years are but as a single day ; 
although the abolitionist must know this, and must see that he 
has neither the right nor the power of operating except by moral 
means and suasion ; and if he means well to the slave, he must 
not create angry feelings in the master. That although he may 
not approve the mode by which it pleases Providence to accomplish 
its purposes,, the result will never be the same ; that the reasons 
he gives for interference in what he has no concern hold good 
for every kind of interference with our neighbors when we dis- 
approve their conduct. Is it not strange that the descendants of 
those Pilgrim Fathers who crossed the Atlantic to preserve the 
freedom of their opinion have always proved themselves intoler- 
ant of the spiritual liberty of others ? 

I hope you had a joyous Christmas at Arlington, and that .'t 
may be long and often repeated. I thought of you all and wished 
to be with you. Mine was gratefully but silently passed. I en- 
deavored to find some little presents for the children in the garrison 
to add to their amusement, and succeeded better than I had an- 
ticipated. The stores are very barren of such things here, but 
by taking the week beforehand in my daily walks, I picked up 
little by little something for all. Tell Mildred I got a beautiful 
Dutch doll for little Emma Jones — one of those crying babies that 
can open and shut their eyes, turn their head, etc. For the two 
other little girls, Puss Shirley and Mary Sewell, I found hand- 
some French teapots to match cups given to them by Mrs. Waite ; 
then by means of knives and books, I satisfied the boys. After 
dispensing my presents I went to church ; the discourse was on 
the birth of our Saviour. It was not as simply or touchingly told 
as it is in the Bible. By previous invitation I dined with Major 
Thomas at 2 p. m. on roast turkey and plum pudding. He and 



84 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

his wife were alone. I had provided a pretty singing bird for 
the little girl, and passed the afternoon in my room. God bless 
you all. 

Camp Cooper, June 22, 1857. 

There is little to relate. The hot weather seems to have set 
in permanently. The thermometer ranges above one hundred 
degrees, but the sickness among the men is on the decrease, 
though there has been another death among the children. He was 
as handsome a little boy as I ever saw — the son of one of our 
sergeants, about a year old; I was admiring his appearance the 
day before he was taken ill. Last Thursday his little waxen form 
was committed to the earth. His father came to me, the tears 
flowing down his cheeks, and asked me to read the funeral service 
over his body, which I did at the grave for the second time in my 
life. I hope I shall not be called on again, for, though I believe 
that it is far better for the child to be called by its Heavenly 
Creator into His presence in its purity and innocence, unpolluted 
by sin, and uncontaminated by the vices of the world, still it so 
wrings a parent's heart with anguish that it is painful to see. 
Yet I know it was done in mercy to both — mercy to the child, 
mercy to the parents. The former has been saved from sin and 
misery here, and the latter have been given a touching appeal and 
powerful inducement to prepare for hereafter. May it prove 
effectual, and may they require no further severe admonition ! 

May God guard and bless you all ! 

Truly and affectionately yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

Having heard that Mrs. Lee was sick, he wrote her from Fort 
Brown, January 7, 1857 : 

Systematically pursue the best course to recover your lost health. 
I pray and trust your efforts and the prayers of those who love 
you may be favorably answered. Do not worry yourself about 
things you cannot help, but be content to do what you can for the 
well-being of what belongs properly to you. Commit the rest to 
those who are responsible, and though it is the part of benevolence 
to aid all we can and sympathize with all who are in need, it is 
the part of wisdom to attend to our own affairs. Lay nothing too 
much to heart. Desire nothing too eagerly, nor think that all 
things can be perfectly accomplished according to our own notions. 

On the 4th of April, 1857, while at Fort Mason, Texas, he 
wrote Mrs. Lee : 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 85 

I write to inform you of my progress thus far on my journey. 
I arrived here yesterday in a cold norther, and though I pitched 
my tent in the most sheltered place I could find, I was surprised 
to see this morning, when getting up, my bucket of water, which 
was sitting close by my bed, so hard frozen that I had to break 
the ice before I could pour the water into the basin. On visiting 
the horses in the night they seemed to suffer much with cold, not- 
withstanding I had stretched their picket line under the lee of a 
dense thicket to protect them from the wind. This post has the 
advantage of Camp Cooper in providing habitable though homely 
quarters for officers and men. This is Easter Sunday. I hope you 
have been able to attend the services at church. My own have 
been performed alone in my tent, I hope with a humble, grateful, 
and penitent heart, and will be acceptable to our Heavenly Father. 
May he continue His mercies to us both and all our children, 
relatives and friends, and in His own good time unite us in His 
worship, if not on earth, forever in heaven. 

Camp Cooper, Texas, April 19, 1857. 
After an absence of over seven months I have returned to 
my Texas home. I heard of Indians on the way but met none. 
I feel always as safe in the wilderness as in the crowded city. 
I know in whose powerful hands I am, and on Him I rely, and 
feel that in all our life we are upheld and sustained by Divine 
Providence, and that Providence requires us to use the means 
He has put under our control. He designs no blessing to idle 
and inactive wishes, and the only miracle He now exhibits to us 
is the power He gives to Truth and Justice to work their way 
in this wicked world. After so long an absence I found my 
valuables in a better condition than I had anticipated. My tent 
had frequently been prostrated by storms but always rose again. 
It was, of course, attended by a natural crash not worth consider- 
ing, could you replace your crockery, buckets, etc., which is 
impossible. 

I quote again from the Memoir of Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, family 
letters, which so beautifully illustrate Gen. R. E. Lee's life and 
character at this period. 

The change of the weather in Texas is the subject of a letter 
dated April 26, 1857: "The changes of the weather here are 
very rapid. Yesterday, for instance, I was in my white linen 
coat and shirt all the afternoon, and the thermometer in my tent, 
with the walls raised and a fine breeze blowing through it, stood 



86 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

at eighty-nine degrees. I could not bear the blanket at night, 
but about twelve o'clock a 'norther' came roaring down the valley 
of the Clear Fork and made all my blankets necessary. This 
morning fires and overcoats are in fashion again. A general 
court-martial has been convened here for the trial of Lieutenant 
Eagle, Second Cavalry. I am president of the court, I am sorry 
to say. Colonel Bainbridge, Major Thomas, Major Van Dome, 
Major Paul, Captain King, and others are members. I have 
pitched a couple of tents by the side of mine for the Major and 
Mrs. Thomas, for she has accompanied him again, and they are 
to take their meals with me. The Major can fare as I do, but 
I fear she will fare badly, for my man Kumer is both awkward 
and unskilled. I can, however, give them plenty of bread and 
beef, but with the exception of preserved vegetables, fruits, etc., I 
can give them very little else. I sent yesterday to the settlements 
below and got a few eggs, some butter, and one old hen. I shall 
not reflect upon her. The game is poor now and out of season, and 
we are getting none of it. In my next I shall be better able to 
tell you how I got on with my entertainments." 

In a letter dated Camp Cooper, June 9, 1857, he mentions 
the sickness of the troops : "The great heat has produced much 
sickness among the men. The little children, too, have suffered. 
A bright little boy died a few days since from it. He was the 
only child, and his parents were much affected by his loss. They 
expressed a great desire to have him buried with Christian rites, 
and asked me to perform the ceremony ; so for the first time in 
my life I read the beautiful funeral service of our Church over 
the grave to a large and attentive audience of soldiers." 

And on the 25th of June, 1857, Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, in 
advising his wife and one of his daughters to go to the Springs, 
suggested that they be escorted by his youngest son, saying: 
"A young gentleman who has read Virgil must surely be com- 
petent to take care of two ladies, for before I had advanced that 
far I was my mother's outdoor agent and confidential messenger. 
Your father [G. W. P. Custis] must have had a pleasant time 
at Jamestown, judging from the newspaper report of the celebra- 
tion. Tell him I at last have a prospect of getting a puss. I 
have heard of a batch of kittens at a settler's town on the river, 
and have the promise of one. I have stipulated that if not entirely 
yellow, it must at least have some yellow in the composition of 
the color of its coat ; but how I shall place it when I get it — and 
my mouse — on amicable terms I do not know." 

In the summer of 1857, Colonel Johnston, being ordered to re- 
port to Washington for the purpose of taking charge of the Utah 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 87 

expedition, Lieutenant-Colonel Lee assumed command of his regi- 
ment. The death of his father-in-law, Mr. Custis, recalled him 
to Arlington in the fall of that year, but he returned as soon as 
possible to his regimental headquarters in Texas. The death of 
the adopted son of Washington, October 10, 1857, in his seventy- 
sixth year, was greatly deplored. His unbounded hospitality was 
as broad as his acres, and his vivid recollections of the Father of 
his Country, though only eighteen when he died, and whose 
memory he venerated, were most charmingly narrated. His father, 
John Parke Custis, the son of Mrs. Washington by her first hus- 
band, was Washington's aide-de-camp at the siege of Yorktown, 
and died at the early age of twenty-eight. 

G. W. P. Custis, the grandson of Mrs. Washington, was edu- 
cated at Princeton. His early life was passed at Mount Vernon, 
but after the death of his grandmother, in 1802, he built Arlington 
House, opposite the city of Washington, on an estate left him by 
his father. In his will he decreed that all of his slaves should be 
set free after the expiration of five years. The time of manu- 
mission came in 1863, when the flames of war were fiercely 
raging; but amid the exacting duties incident to the position of 
army commander, Robert E. Lee, his executor, summoned them 
together within his lines and gave them their free papers, as well 
as passes through the Confederate lines to go whither they would. 

Mr. Custis in his will says : "I give and bequeath to my dearly 
beloved daughter, Mary Custis Lee, my Arlington House estate, 
containing seven hundred acres, more or less, and my mill on Four 
Mile Run, in the county of Alexandria, and the lands of mine 
adjacent to said mill in the counties of Alexandria and Fairfax, 
in the State of Virginia, the use and benefit of all just mentioned 
during the term of her natural life. My daughter, Mary Custis 
Lee, has the privilege by this will of dividing my family plate 
among my grandchildren ; but the Mount Vernon plate, together 
with every article I possess relating to Washington, and that came 
from Mount Vernon, is to remain with my daughter at Arlington 
House during said daughter's life, and at her death to go to my 
eldest grandson, George Washington Custis Lee, and to descend 
from him entire and unchanged to my latest posterity." These 
articles were taken from Arlington, General McClellan writes, and 
put into the Patent Office in Washington for safe-keeping until 
such times as they should be restored to their rightful owner, and 
that he (McClellan) would be willing to testify to that fact in a 
court of justice if it were necessary. They were removed after- 
wards from the Patent Office and placed in the National Museum, 



88 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

where they are now ; and all applications for their restoration have 
been refused. A decision of the Supreme Court restored to Gen- 
eral Custis Lee Arlington, and Congress should return these 
articles of Washington, which had been taken from his grand- 
father's house during the war.* 

Petty frontier war with savages was not congenial to the tastes 
or in accord with the genius of such a soldier as Lee. Army 
life there was not pleasant to officers of his rank ; the forts were 
surrounded on all sides by long strips of dreary, uninhabited terri- 
tory, and in order to better protect this vast section of western 
Texas, the ten companies constituting his regiment of cavalry 
were divided up into garrisons of one or two companies to each 
post. Prairie scouting was done principally by subalterns with 
small detachments, a lieutenant and twenty troopers being fre- 
quently detailed for that purpose. The duties of a department 
or regimental commander were for the most part supervisory. 

No great continental lines of railroad bound in those days 
ocean to ocean with bands of steel. No telegraphs bore on electric 
wings their communications from fort to fort ; the United States 
mail was carried by armed soldiers on small mules, whose habitual 
gait was the gallop, while officers and their families were trans- 
ported in ambulances drawn by mules, and accompanied by armed 
escorts. At the end of each day's journey the night was spent in 
tents. Sibley, of the Second Dragoons, when traveling in this 
way with his wife and daughter over Texas prairies, first con- 
ceived the idea of the famous tent called after him ; he was 
caught in a "norther," and made a fire in his wall tent during the 
night, hoping the smoke would go out of the opening in front ; it 
did not do so, and the next day he worked at the model of the 
tent, in shape similar to the Indian tepee ; the present army Sibley 
tent is the result. Officers stationed at frontier posts in those da>s 
could not communicate with the headquarters of the Department 
at San Antonio for many days, or hear from their homes in the 
States for many weeks. 

While on this leave of absence at Arlington, seeking- to settle 
up the estate of Mr. Custis, he being the only executor of the 
will, Colonel Lee wrote most charming letters to his two sons — 
G. W. C. Lee and W. H. F. Lee — who were in the Regular 
Army. 



*President McKinley, not long before his death, ordered these relics to be 
restored to the Lee family. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 89 

Under date of February 15, 1858, after some business details, 
he thus writes to his son Custis : 

The Secretary has been kind enough to extend my leave of 
absence till the fall. I hope by that time to get things in a more 
satisfactory condition, and to be enabled to accompany your mother 
to the Springs this summer, and to procure her some relief. You 
will have learned that Fitzhugh has returned from Texas. He is 
still bent upon an army life. Does not wish to resign, but expects 
to go to Utah with his regiment in April. Indeed, it would not 
be proper for him at this time, his regiment being on the eve of 
taking the field, to resign. He properly feels this, and is some- 
what embarrassed about his matrimonial projects, which, in con- 
sequence, must be for a time suspended. I think this better in any 
case for both parties, though I can understand that it may not be 
the most agreeable to their feelings. He, however, is resigned, 
and I have obtained Uncle Wm.'s concurrence. As to myself and 
future plans, I shall defer my determination until the fall, as it 
will not be necessary to determine till then. In the mean time you 
must think over the matter and decide what you would prefer 
doing. If you wished to resign and take this place, and Rooney to 
get married and settle down at the White House, there would be 
no necessity for my leaving the Army. I had thought myself of 
applying for your appointment in any new regiment that might 
be raised this winter, if I saw any chance of success, and am glad 
you have mentioned the subject. I am doubtful whether you 
would be benefited or not. That also depends upon your taste and 
feelings. The service in the Engineer Corps is preferable to that 
in the regiment. No plan is without its drawbacks and you must 
not expect unalloyed pleasure anywhere. Promotion, if offered 
an officer, ought in my opinion to be accepted. But it need not be 
sought unless deserved. A captaincy in the engineers in time of 
peace, in responsibility, dignity, and usefulness, would rank with a 
field officer of the line. In time of war, it might be different. I 
do not, however, think any new regiments will be made this 
winter. If anything is done, I think two more companies will be 
added to each regiment, which would give promotion probably to 
the officers of the regiment. But you can decide in the event of 
their being raised, and let me know how to act. 

I need not tell you any army or political news, as all I know 
has been published in the papers. I think it doubtful whether 
General Scott will go to California, though when I went away his 
departure was fixed for the 20th inst. Should he go, be sure to 
see him. He is a true and warm friend, and will be glad to see 



s/ 



90 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

you, and do anything for you he can. If I was not so circum- 
stanced, I would go with him myself, if only to see you. The pur- 
pose of the Administration in sending him to California is to 
organize an expedition from that quarter against Utah. But 
Congress seems indisposed to grant the means. You will prob- 
ably see General Totten in San Francisco. When I last heard of 
him, he was at Key West. Captain Newton, I understand, is the 
engineer for the Utah army on this side. Captains Wright and 
Craighill are in the office here. Would duty in the Bureau be 
pleasing to you? 

As Mary writes by this mail, I need say nothing of home affairs. 
I presume she has told you everything. I will, therefore, only 
repeat the love sent by her from all the family. 

Truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

G. W. Custis Lee. 

Mr. Custis having left Arlington to Mrs. Lee during her 
life, and to her oldest son Custis Lee, at her death, the son 
nobly proposed to relinquish all of his interest to his father, 
and went so far as to execute and send him a deed to that 
effect. The following letter shows that the transaction was 
very creditable alike to the father and the son : 

Arlington, 17th March, 1858. 
My dear Son : 

I received tonight your letter of the 18th Feb'y., and also 
the deed relinquishing to me all your right and title to Arlington, 
the mill, adjacent lands, personal property, etc., bequeathed you 
by your grandfather. I am deeply impressed by your filial feel- 
ing of love and consideration, as well as your tender solicitude for 
me, of which, however, I required no proof, and am equally 
touched by your generosity and disinterestedness. But from what 
I said in a previous letter, you will not be surprised at my re- 
peating that I cannot accept your offer. It is not from any un- 
willingness to receive from you a gift you may think proper to 
bestow, or to be indebted to you for any benefit great or small. 
But simply because it would not be right for me to do so. Your 
dear grandfather distributed his property as he thought best, and 
it is proper that it should remain as he bestowed it. It will not 
prevent me from improving it to the best of my ability, or of 
making it as comfortable a home for your mother, sisters, and 
yourself as I can. I only wish I could do more than I shall have 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 91 

it in my power to do. I wish you had received my previous 
letter on this subject in time to have saved you the trouble of 
executing the deed you transmitted me. And indeed I also regret 
the expense you incurred, which I fear in that country is con- 
siderable, as I wish you to save all your money, and invest it in 
some safe and lucrative way, that you may have the means to 
build up old Arlington, and make it all we would wish to see it. 
The necessity I daily have for money has, I fear, made me parsi- 
monious. In order that you may know the full intent of your grand- 
father's will, I enclose you a copy. 

I shall leave to Mary the relation of all family matters. Rooney 
leaves us tomorrow on his return to New York, whence he will 
accompany the last batch of recruits for the "Relieving Army of 
Utah" to Leavenworth, and then join his regiment destined for 
that service. It is needless to say how pained 1 am at his depar- 
ture. If I could only have my children around me, I could be 
happy. 

The court has acquitted Colonel Sumner, and, as far as I can 
judge, properly. Farewell, my dear, dear son, 

Aff'y your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

■ Arlington, 17th May, 1858. 

MY DEAR, DEAR SON : 

I did not receive your very welcome letter of the 2nd of April 
till my return from the general court-martial convened at New 
Port Bks. for the trial of General Scruggs. 

I was very sorry that it was too late to respond to it by the 
steamer of the 5th, especially as none of the family had written, 
and I therefore fear that the steamer carried you no news from 
home. 

I know by experience how little satisfaction the arrival of the 
mails under those circumstances brings, but hope that F — , Agnes, 
or Mary Childe may have better remembered the day than your 
good sister Annie, who had intended to write but let it escape her. 
Had, however, a letter reached you, it would merely have described 
everything as usual. 

Your mother is enjoying her customary health. I wish her to 
leave home next month, and am ready to take her anywhere which 
promises most relief. She is, however, loath to move, and says she 
has not made up her mind where to go. She has been taking the 
cold bath all the winter, a doubtful experiment, but I have watched 
its effects carefully and anxiously, and really think it has been of 
service. It has apparently removed the swelling from her feet, 



92 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

ankles, etc., and relieved her of nearly all pain. That alone is a 
great benefit. So much apparent good has she derived from the 
application that I incline to the belief that sea-bathing would be 
more beneficial now than the mineral waters, and wish her to try 
it a month or so, when she might afterwards go to Berkeley, which 
she is most in favor of, or to the Warm and Hot Springs. 

Annie is by no means strong, but is as good and as gentle as 
ever. I wish her to go down to Cedar Grove, where I know she 
will enjoy herself, and perhaps may be benefited. 

I stopped in Baltimore a day on my return from Kentucky. 
Agnes was very well, and also Mary Childe. She was very 
affectionate and sweet, but I could see but little of her, as I was 
only there a day. Your poor Aunt Annie was about the same. 
The Judge as usual, and Florence, and the babies flourishing. 
Your Uncle Childe, and his little womankind, I expect by this 
time are on a visit to your Uncle Smith. He was to go to Boston, 
and leave the girls at the Navy Yard till his return. We have not 
heard from them I think since immediately after I left them. I 
had not time to see any of our old friends, save Mrs. Bonaparte, 
and those in the neighborhood of Childe. Mr. B. was expected 
to embark on the 4th of this month from Havre on his return to 
this country. Jerome was in Paris on a visit to his father. He 
was still a lieutenant. I did not see my dear Roon either. He 
was at that time at Governor's Island, expecting to leave with the 
recruits for Utah momentarily. He has since gone, but I have 
not heard of his arrival at Leavenworth. He left in buoyant 
health and spirits but with a sad heart. "Precious Life" is per- 
fectly well. She is much exercised with her chickens, and they 
by her. I see for them no prospect of peace but the frying-pan. 
Robert writes in fine spirits. He has been prospecting about the 
neighborhood for cherry trees, and their bloom on the sides of the 
mountains delights his vision every moment. He revels at dinner 
in fried chicken and mush. An elegant school in his opinion. I 
have thus read you a commentary on the movements and doings 
of the whole family. For myself, I have been endeavoring to put 
in a good crop of corn, and to bring things into some order. I 
have been much retarded by the incessant rains. The corn first 
planted is up, and looks well. 

You have of course seen the orders organizing the command, 
and I will not repeat. General Harney and General Johnston will 
have to operate. I do not think it right to commit the honor of the 
country and the lives of the soldiers to persons so prostrated. 
General Smith showed the true spirit of a soldier when he said he 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 93 

would rather die than not go, but other matters have to be con- 
sidered. I presume the Government has taken all proper pre- 
cautions, and I hope everything will work well. You will see the 
result of the court-martial in General Scruggs's case. He was 
found guilty and sentenced to be reprimanded by the President of 
the United States. The sentence was remitted. The General has 
returned to his command. 

The reason of my asking as to your partiality for Bureau 
duty I suppose is obvious to you. I thought it might be agreeable 
to you under the circumstances, and in the event of any change of 
your position, either now or prospective, I would see if it could 
properly be accomplished. It would also give you an opportunity 
of judging how you would like to become a farmer. It is not 
altogether agreeable. But it makes you acquainted with the 
routine of duty. Brings you in contact with the high officials of 
the Government, and causes your deserts to be appreciated. I 
think it would not be objectionable for a time. We shall see. All 
send much love. Your mother says she will write by next mail. 
Perhaps some of the girls may write by this. 

I attended, last Wednesday, the funeral of Ludwfal Lee. He 
died Monday of heart disease, under which he has been laboring 
for some time. He was a sweet youth, and I trust is happy. 
Adieu, with great affection, your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following to his son W. H. F. Lee, who had joined his 
command, is very characteristic : 

Arlington, 30th May, 1858. 

I received yesterday in Alexandria, my dearest son, your letter 
of 19th inst., from "Camp C. F. May." I had heard of your de- 
parture from Governor's Island and was very glad to learn of 
your safe arrival at your starting point, and of your assignment 
to the adjutancy of Capt. Herri's battalion. You are now in a 
position to acquire military credit, and to prepare the road for 
promotion and future advancement. Show your ability and worthi- 
ness of distinction, and if an opportunity offers for advance- 
ment in the staff (I do not refer to the Quartermaster's or Com- 
missary Departments), unless that is not your fancy, take it. 
It may lead to something favorable and you can always relinquish 
it when you choose. 

I hope you will always be distinguished for your avoidance of 
the "universal balm," ivhiskcy, and every immorality. Nor need 
you fear to be ruled out of the society that indulges in it, for you 



94 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

will rather acquire their esteem and respect, as all venerate if they 
do not practice virtue. I am sorry to say that there is great pro- 
clivity for spirit in the army in the field. It seems to be con- 
sidered a substitute for every luxury. The great body may not 
carry it to extreme, but many pursue it to their ruin. With some 

it is used as a means of hospitality, and your commanding 

used to value it highly in this way, and, perhaps, partook of it 
in this spirit. I think it better to avoid it altogether, as you do, 
as its temperate use is so difficult. I hope you will make many 
friends, as you will be thrown with many who deserve this feeling, 
but indiscriminate intimacies you will find annoying and entang- 
ling, and they can be avoided by politeness and civility. You see 
I am following my old habit of giving advice, which I dare say 
you neither need nor require. But you must pardon a fault which 
proceeds from my great love and burning anxiety for your welfare 
and happiness. When I think of your youth, impulsiveness, and 
many temptations, your distance from me, and the ease (and even 
innocence) with which you might commence an erroneous course, 
my heart quails within me, and my whole frame and being trembles 
at the possible result. May Almighty God have you in His holy 
keeping. To His Merciful Providence I commit you, and will rely 
upon Him, and the Efficacy of the prayers that will be daily and 
hourly offered up by those who love you. 

Then follows some interesting items about army movements, 
family matters, etc. The following to "Rooney" is given in 
full as a model family letter : 

Arlington, 7th August, 1858. 
I was delighted, my dear son, to receive your letter of the 7th 
July, and to learn that you were well, and so contented and happy 
in your new life. I know that, although there is much to weary 
and annoy in a campaign, there is much to cheer and excite, and 
I recognize in the expression of your feelings many of my own 
experiences. I am sorry that my letters are so dilatory in reach- 
ing you. They will follow you in time, and I hope lose no interest 
by the way. You must make allowances for your forward move- 
ment, as well as the distance they have to overcome. I wrote 
immediately on the reception of your letter from Leavenworth, 
and your mother has replied to those to her from the Blue and 
Platte rivers. As you have heard so regularly from Charlotte, I 
hope you have been compensated for the absence of other letters. 
But, what has she been saying to you, that you talk of coming 
back this winter to be married? I thought that ceremony had 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 95 

been postponed for two years ! However, if you young people so 
wish it, I suppose it will have to come off earlier. About that you 
must determine. You will have heard by this time of the desti- 
nation of your regiment. If it goes to Oregon, which I think is 
more than probable, will you be able to leave it on the route? I 
think that will be the difficulty. After reaching Oregon, and the 
service is accomplished for which the troops are sent there, I 
should think you might get a leave of absence, and take Char- 
lotte back with you en route to China, to see the Celestials. Would 
that answer as a wedding tour? Of all this, you being on the spot, 
and knowing all the circumstances, will be the better judge, and 
must determine. I can only hope and pray that all things may 
work together for the good and happiness of you both. I had 
hoped, before this, to have seen C. at the Alum Springs, and had 
made my preparations to have carried your mother a fortnight 
since, nolens volens, to the Hot, but, two days before the day fixed 
for our departure, Mr. M. was taken sick with a complicated attack 
from which he has not yet recovered. He is now better, but is 
not yet able to come out. I hope by Tuesday next, ioth inst., we 
shall be off. I think your mother is very glad of the detention, 
and except on her account, and the benefit that I hope she will 
derive from the trip, I should be too. I leave home with great 
inconvenience, and shall have to return after depositing her there. 
Annie goes with her, and I thought I would take her over to the 
Alum to see Charlotte. The other children do not incline to the 
Hot. R., who is with us, begs that he may not suffer again, and 
Agnes is going on a tour of her own to Ravensworth, Chantilly, 
etc. M., you know, is in B., nursing your Aunt Anne. She is 
well, and proposes going to the Sulphurette Soda with your Uncle 
Carter, who is expected along about this time. 

Your mother, I presume, has told you of all home news. I 
will not, therefore, repeat. I am getting along as usual, trying to 
get a little work done and to mend up some things. I succeed 
very badly. I am very glad, my dear son, you are progressing so 
well. I hope you will prove yourself a capable soldier, and win 
golden opinions from the whole army. I have good accounts of 
you from all. There is no military news, and the papers will 
inform you of all else. Remember me to all the officers. Take 
care of yourself in all respects, and think constantly of 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Under date of January I, 1859, he writes from Arlington the 
following playful letter to his son : 



96 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

A happy New Year and many returns of the same to you, my 
precious "Roon." Ours has been gladdened by the reception of 
your letter of the 4th December, from Presidio Barracks. It is 
the first line that has reached us since your second letter from 
Fort Bridger. I am sorry you have received nothing from us. I 
have written often, and by various routes, and other members of 
the family have done the same. Those that are toiling over the 
plains, I suppose, will never reach you. 

When I first learned that the Sixth was ordered to the Pacific, I 
sent some letters to Benicia. When your letter arrived from Fort 
Bridger, saying your regiment had departed from Salt Lake and 
that you were called to Camp Floyd, I enclosed some letters to 
Major Porter's care. After seeing that the regiment was stopped 
at Carson's Valley, and had sent back for animals, I conjectured 
that you would be pushed on with your recruits, and would labor 
through to the Pacific, and I resumed my direction to Benicia. 
Surely some of these latter should reach you. But, now that you 
have caught Custis, I hope you are indemnified for all your priva- 
tions. I am delighted at you two being together, and nothing has 
occurred so gratifying to me for the past year. Hold on to him as 
long as you can. Kiss him for me, and sleep with him every 
night. He must do the same to you, and charge it all to my 
account. God grant that it could be my good fortune to be with 
you both. I am glad that you stood the march sO well, and are 
so robust and bearded. I always thought and said there was stuff 
in you for a good soldier, and I trust you will prove it. I cannot 
express the gratification I felt in meeting Colonel May, in New 
York, at the encomiums he passed upon your soldiership, zeal, and 
devotion to your duty. But I was more pleased at the report of 
your conduct. That went nearer my heart, and was of infinite 
comfort to me. Hold on to your purity and virtue. They will 
I proudly sustain you in all trials and difficulties, and cheer you 
in every calamity. I was sorry to see, from your letter to your 
1 mother, that you smoke occasionally. It is dangerous to meddle 
\ with. You have in store so much better employment for your 
I mouth. Reserve it, Roon, for its legitimate pleasure. Do not 
\ poison and corrupt it with stale vapors or tarnish your beard with 
itheir stench. 
J All send love. 

Very truly and affectionately, 

Your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The next day he wrote as follows to his son Custis : 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 97 

Arlington, 2d January, 1859. 
I must add, my dear Custis, my heartfelt wishes for your happi- 
ness and welfare on this New Year to those given by your mother 
and sister. May each return bring with it increased joy and a 
richer harvest of wisdom and usefulness than the preceding. I 
do not know that I can add anything to the information they have 
imparted on domestic matters, and for fear of repetition will only 
express the pleasure I experienced in having with me "my little 
horse," who although somewhat grown is the same dear little fel- 
low he ever was. I enjoy his company infinitely and regret ex- 
ceedingly that tomorrow will be his last day with us for some 
time, and when I shall see him again is beyond the reach of my 
calculations. I hope and pray, however, that it may not be as long 
as I fear, and that he may want nothing during the interval that 
I can give him. I am much concerned, my dear son, at the contin- 
uation of your attack of rheumatism. I had hoped that it was 
produced by some exposure or imprudence, which care and time 
would eradicate, but its continuation and apparent increase alarms 
me. I wish you would consult Dr. McCormick and ask him what 
you had best do. If he thinks the climate of California unfavor- 
able to you, it would be good ground for an application to be 
relieved. I will speak to the Chief Engineer on the subject. That 
will be better than getting a leave of absence. If, on the contrarv, 
he thinks the climate does not affect you, then you can do as you 
prefer. I wish indeed one of you young soldiers was stationed in 
this vicinity, that you might afford some protection to your mother 
and sisters in my absence. I told you in a former letter that I had 
asked for an extension of my leave of absence, in the hope that I 
might regulate matters more to my liking, but I fear I shall ac- 
complish little in that way, and must leave manv things undone. 
I think, however, some amelioration has been affected, and we at 
least enjoy at every storm the exclusion of the rain from the house 
and stable. I have just returned from West Point, where I was 
ordered on a court of inquiry to investigate a complaint preferred 
by Lieutenant Morton of the engineers against Colonel Mahan. It 
grew out of a paper presented to the Board of Visitors of 1851, 
prepared by Lieutenant M., criticising the course of engineering 
as taught at the Academy. I suppose the action of the court will 
in time be divulged. It was extremely unpleasant and irksome to 
me, and took me away at a time when it was important I should 
be here. I was detained so near the 1st of January that I had to 
hurry back to hire out certain of the people, and could not strm 
in Baltimore, as I wished, or do some little matters that I wished 



98 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

in N. Y. I do not find that matters have progressed in my absence. 
Indeed, it has been raining ever since my departure, and for some 
time before, so that our winter's work is much behindhand. I do 
not know when we can bring it up. I met Colonel Steptoe in N. Y. 
and heard of Major Garnett, but had not time to go and see him. 
Every one at W. P. inquired kindly after you. Three of your 
classmates are stationed there, Howard, Snead and Guble, all 
married, and all apparently have nice wives. Nearly all of the 
young officers have been changed since my day. Remember me 
to Dr. McCormick, and all friends, and believe me always, 

Your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

I make no apology for introducing these family letters, be- 
cause they give as nothing else could the inner life of this 
model man. 

The following letter to his accomplished son, who was serv- 
ing with distinction in the Engineer Corps, shows that while he 
was anxious to have him nearer Arlington he would not seek 
it at the expense of the service : 

Arlington, 30th May, 1859. 
My dear Son : 

My hurried note from Washington by the previous steamer will 
have told you everything that then could be done in reference to 
your wishes for leaving California. The Secretary is still absent 
from Washington and I have not heard whether the Acting Secre- 
tary will take any steps in the matter before his return. Colonel 
De Russy promised me to get his action if possible. I have been 
very busy, and absent too, and have not since been to Washn. To- 
morrow I shall go down to the White House, and therefore will 
not be able to ascertain before my return. Then I will see all 
about it. Colonel Cooper is sick and absent, which operate against 
my accomplishing my purpose at present. Fitzhugh will go with 
me to New Kent. I believe I have already told you that he will 
establish himself there in January next and take charge of both 
plantations. I hope he will like it, and be successful in their man- 
agement, for it will be a matter of importance to him and Robert. 
I have made the arrangement hoping it will be for his benefit. 
The sooner the legacies are paid off, the sooner he will get posses- 
sion of hk farm, and in the mean time can make arrangements 
and improvements that will result in his advantage and comfort. 
Charlotte seems much pleased at the prospect and is planning a 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 99 

great many improvements in their establishment. She is a sweet 
thing, artless and affectionate, and you must love her as you do 
Fitzhugh. She tells me she has received a very sweet letter from 
you which she will answer in time. Just now she is a little sick, 
having taken cold, and is suffering from an attack of neuralgia. 
The doctor has been to see her two or three times, and today she 
is quite bright again. Your poor mother is a great sufferer again, 
and I think as bad as when I first returned from Texas. She, I 
presume, has taken cold too. We have had some harsh easterly 
weather, and she would go out as usual. Now she moves with 
pain and difficulty. It is a great aggravation to me, at this time 
especially, just as I am preparing for my departure to Texas. Un- 
less something occurs, which I now do not know of, I must leave 
here the middle of next month. I have not accomplished all I 
wished, and indeed it would take me another year, so slowly do 
I progress with my limited means. Still, I have ameliorated some 
things. If you do come East, you must not think of taking the 
overland route to look for me in Texas. Ten chances to one, after 
all your trouble and labor, you could not get me, after finding 
where I was, for I am always wandering over the plains. I can- 
not therefore consent to your sacrificing yourself to my benefit. 
You must come directly here, see them all, and enjoy yourself as 
much as possible. I have no enjoyment in life now but what I 
derive from my children. May God guard and bless them all is 
my constant prayer. Your sister is still in Baltimore. We have 
been expecting her with Ella Carter, Margaret Stuart, May Carter, 
and Mary Childe for some time. Yesterday I received a letter 
from Childe saying they would be here Thursday next, on the 
4 p. m. train, and as no mention was made of the others, I presume 
they have gone or are going to Cedar Grove, where they designed 
to go from here. I was particularly desirous of seeing Ella, and 
shall now be disappointed. The other evening, after putting 
Florence Marshall on the cars for B., I proposed to Annie, the 
only one who could leave home, that we should ride down to 
Goodwood, which we reached about dark, and found Charlie, Mil- 
dred, and Annette. They sent the next morning early for Eugene 
and Alice, who came over for the day with their children. I had a 
very pleasant time, and it was the first holiday I had taken since 
my return from Texas. Everything was looking very beautiful. 
The house had been painted and done up. The trees had grown 
very much, and the grass and flowers were very beautiful. On 
our return we called at the Navy Yard to see Captain and Mrs. 
Chas. Turner, and at the Marine Barracks, to see Colonel and Mrs. 



100 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Harris. Mrs. Harris was Miss Mary Gray of Norfolk, and during 
our residence at Old Point, and your infancy, was a kind and con- 
stant visitor to us. Since the death of General Henderson, Colonel 
Harris has been promoted and put in command of the Marine 
Corps, and taken up his residence at the Barracks in Washington. 
Orton Williams has gone to Minnesota on a surveying expedition, 
which I hope may prove beneficial to him. Markie is with us, 
but as usual a martyr to neuralgia. Agnes too has been suffering 
with her eyes all the winter and spring, which I attributed to cold, 
that would pass off with the cold weather. Finding A. did not 
improve, I recently took her over to the Doctor's, who pronounced 
it rheumatism and is treating it accordingly. You see what a 
suffering set we are. Annie is never very strong, and "Precious 
Life" is the only well one of our womankind. Craighill told me 
he had written to you by the steamer of the 20th and that he 
would write to you by that of the 5th proximo, if there was any- 
thing interesting to relate about your movements. I have, there- 
fore, been the more easy on the subject than I would have been 
otherwise. I must now bid you good-by, my dearest son. May 
every happiness and success attend you in this world is the con- 
stant prayer of your Devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Arlington, 2d July, 1859. 
Lt. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Your letter of the 5th ulto. to your mother, my dearest son, 
has arrived and given us the pleasing intelligence of your good 
health, and well-being. I am so glad that your rheumatic attack 
has left you. Be very careful not to bring it back and do every 
needful thing to endurate and strengthen your constitution and 
system. As your mother was absent, I took the liberty to open your 
letter, and in case no other member of the family may write to 
you by the steamer of the 5th, I will send these few lines to insure 
your receiving some intelligence of us. Your mother, Fitzhugh, 
and Charlotte went down to Cedar Grove last Tuesday to spend 
ten days or a fortnight, so they will not be back before the last of 
the next, or the first of the following week. Your poor mother has 
been suffering very much this spring and I am in hopes that a 
change of air and scene may benefit her. She has not made up 
her mind where to go this summer, or what to do to try and 
relieve herself from the rheumatism that still so perseveringly 
adheres to her. At one time she seemed to desire to go to St. 
Catharine's Well in Canada, whose waters are said to have worked 
some wonderful cures. But I have procured some of the water 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 101 

in Washington, brought from the spring in barrels, which she has 
been drinking, so far without any apparent effect. The water 
is not very palatable either, being remarkably saline, and I think 
the Madame does not take to it kindly. I do not know what to 
advise, but have told her I would take her anywhere she might 
wish to go, trusting to her feelings, instinct, or knowledge to 
direct her aright. I really begin to despond of her recovery and 
fear she will never be entirely relieved. I have with me your four 
sisters, Miss Jane Lloyd, and May Childe, so I am by no means 
alone. I have heard that your poor Aunt Anne is suffering very 
much, has an attack of her eyes, that may terminate, surgeons 
think, in blindness. May God in His infinite mercy avert from 
her this dire calamity, is my earnest prayer. I shall therefore 
leave them this evening and go in and spend tomorrow, Sunday, 
and probably Monday, the 4th, with her. Mary C. will take ad- 
vantage of my escort to return to her papa, who is in B., and 
writes that he is very lonely. All the girls are well and unite in 
much love and many kind messages to you. Mary C. and her 
papa propose going about the middle of the month to Sharon, 
thence to Saratoga and Newport. He has some business in 
Boston, and will either take it in his route, or go there from 
Newport. They expect to be absent the whole summer, and will 
give up their present house in B. A letter has just come from 
dear little Rob, reporting himself well, and enjoying some parties, 
fairs, etc., that are taking the rounds in the neighborhood, and 
to which "Clifton School" is invited. He expects to be here about 
the 2 1 st inst., and I am very anxious to have him with me again. 
It was this desire, the unsettled business of your grandpa's estate, 
your mama's condition, and the hope I at one time entertained 
of seeing you, my dear son, that induced me to forego my purpose 
of returning to Texas this summer, and to remain till the fall. 
God knows whether I have done right, or whether my stay will be 
an advantage. I am very doubtful on the subject and feel that 
I ought to be with my regiment, and this feeling deprives me 
of half the pleasure I should derive from being here under other 
circumstances. I now see little prospect of one of my hopes being 
fulfilled, that of seeing you. On my last visit to Colonel De Russy 
it was not decided, but seemed to me extremely doubtful that you 
would be ordered to West Point. The Secretary has returned, but 
is busy in making certain changes under the four-year rule, and 
though some thirteen officers under that rule will leave West 
Point, they purpose to supply them with other four-year men, and 
you have not been that time in California. These changes and 



102 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

others at other points will draw heavily on the light appropriation 
for defraying transportation, and they are properly and naturally 
loath to encroach upon it. Still, in time something may be done, 
and in the mean time we must all be contented. You must not 
have your mind exalted by Rooney's account of the improvements 
at this place. They are very meagre, and only serve to ameliorate 
matters that formerly were very rough and ugly. I have not the 
means to do what I should like, and what I do do, has to be lim- 
ited by considerations of economy and practicability. I have 
been able to do nothing to the grounds around the house, except 
to clean up on the hill, and have been obliged to limit myself to 
what is most essential, and promises something for man and beast 
to eat, and to furnish shelter and protection. You will find things, 
therefore, I fear rough and unsightly, as much as I desire to 
polish up your mother's habitation, and to prepare for you an 
acceptable home. We are in the midst of our little harvest. The 
rye is secured and we are getting in the hay. The oats and corn 
look favorable, and as far as I can judge, unless something un- 
foreseen occurs, we shall make fair crops of everything. We shall 
not make as good a crop of wheat at the White House as I had 
hoped. But I think an average one. It is harvested by this time. 
1 The corn looks well, and I hope between the two we shall do 
tolerably. I do not know that you have been told that George 

i Wesly and Mary Norris, absconded some months ago, were 
captured in Maryland, making their way to Pennsylvania, brought 

I back, and are now hired out in lower Virginia. I had to send 
down before them, Obediah, Edward, Henry, and Austin Bing- 
ham. The price here is very small, and I have to hire nearly all 
the labor. We have nothing but the old men and boys. The 
N. Y. Tribune has attacked me for my treatment of your grand- 
father's slaves, but I shall not reply. He has left me an un- 
pleasant legacy. Jerome B. has been promoted and is with his 
regiment in Utah. Mr. B. has gone to France, and Mrs. B. and 
Charlie to the White Sulphur. Good-by, my dear son, 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Arlington, August 19, 1859. 
My dearest Son : 

I received last night your very acceptable letter of the 19th 
ulto., and am much rejoiced to be assured of your health and well- 
being. I have been thinking much of you of late, and am always 
longing to see you, and to be with you. I, however, see no chance 
of our meeting very soon, and I try to be patient and content. As 



PROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 103 

regards your transfer to West Point, I was never very sanguine 
of its being accomplished, and hardly think it will be effected. 
There was no public necessity for it, and it could only be urged 
on the ground of individual gratification. A poor reason when 
taken singly for military action. In fact, too, though it would 
have brought you nearer us, we should have been widely separ- 
ated, and I doubted whether you would have been advantaged by 
it. If you could be stationed in Washington, you would then 
be near your mother, could in fact live here, unless for a few 
months in the winter, and be a great comfort to her, and your 
sisters, and carry on the work of the farm, and thus accomplish 
much to your individual advantage. It is that that I have desired, 
and hope for the considerations I have adverted to that it would 
not be disagreeable to you, at least for a season. I have advocated 
it. I will therefore tell you in confidence (I have not even told 
your mother) that the proposition has been some time before the 
Secretary to order you on duty in the Engineer Bureau, and to 
transfer Craighill to the Engineer Corps as^W- P- CraighilLis^, 
desirous of it, or rather, as I understand, for I would not urge 
what was unpalatable to him, that he prefers taking a turn at 
W. P., which he must do in time, now than later. The proposition 
was made officially by Colonel Dek — , but the Secretary's ill- 
health has detained him away from Washington, and everything 
consequently lags. I think this will be accomplished in tirne, but 
it may be deferred, probably till next year, as in the desire to carry 
out the four-year rule, they are reluctant to make changes in less 
than that time, unless actually necessary. So many changes have 
been made this year at W. P. to carry out that principle that they 
naturally do not wish to increase them. Lieutenant Gilmore has 
been recently ordered to W. P. in Casey's place. Your name was 
handed in by Professor Mahan, I understand, in the list he was 
required to present. Major D. has opposed some of the changes. 
Among them Mr. Fry, his Adjt., and applied for no one in his 
place. He has been directed to name some one, or an officer would 
be ordered on the duty. I have been in the hopes that Craighill 's 
services would have been required there, and that then you would 
be required in the Bureau. But we must wait. The Secretary is 
still at the Va. Springs. His health I am told is improving. He 
has gone from the Healing to the Red Sweet. But must soon 
now be back to prepare for Congress, and then may consider other 
things. You must not feel anxious or unsettled, but persevere in 
your duty as if you expected to finish it. Everything will work 
right in the end. I returned last Friday from Capon where, 



104 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

you will have heard, I carried your mother and Agnes, in the hope 
of their deriving - benefit from the pure air and healing waters. I 
have no doubt they will, in their general health, but whether they 
will in their particular case, remains to be proved. I delayed with 
them longer than I at first intended, to see what effect would be 
produced on them, and whether it would be advantageous to try 
other mineral waters. They are very comfortable there, with 
many friends around them, Kins, Lloyds, Washingtons, Tabbs, 
Andrews, etc., and your mother is delighted with the bathing and 
certainly had improved much in appearance and appetite, and 
thought she walked with rather more facility. Agnes had also 
improved in appearance, and thought her eyes pained her less. At 
this period, between n and 12 p. m. Thursday night (nth), I 
received a telegram which had been forwarded from Alex, from 
dear little Mary Childe at Saratoga, saying her father was very ill, 
and requesting me, if possible, to come to her. It was therefore 
determined that your mother and A. should remain three or four 
weeks longer at Capon, for which I at once made arrangements, 
packed up my trunk, and set off at 2 a. m. in the morning (Fri- 
day) for Strasburg, where I took the cars at 9 a. m. for Alex., en 
route for Saratoga. In passing through Alex, (at 12 p. m.), 
while the passengers, etc., were being transferred to the mail-boat, 
I called at the P. O. The mail was being opened, and I received a 
letter from Mary, saying her father was pronounced out of 
danger, and that I need not come on. I cannot describe the relief 
I experienced. For I had been picturing the worst, and the 
poor little child alone, and among strangers. I recovered my 
trunk from the baggagemaster, and came out here, after advising 
your mother of the change of things. I found your sister, Annie, 
and Robt. quite well and content in their loneliness. Mildred has 
gone on a visit with Martha Kennon, who has been staying here, 
to Washn. Peters. Another letter, arrived yesterday from Mary 
C, saying her father was daily improving, would soon be able to 
travel, and that they would then return to Baltimore, and that I 
must give myself no uneasiness. I am very grateful. I received 
last night also a letter from Charlotte at the White Sulphur. She 
and F. are well and happy with many of their friends around 
them — Uncle Wm., Mr. Wm. Wickham, the Harrisons, Mr. Bona- 
parte, etc. C. said F. is the greatest beau there. Knows all the 
pretty girls, dances, etc. Your friend J. E. B. Stuart was here last 
week. He is spending his furlough in Va. Has been here several 
times, and once while I was away spent a night. I have left to 
Rob to tell you of all domestic matters, which I hope he has done, 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 105 

and as I am at the end of my paper will stop. I expect to go down 
to the White House in a few days, .and on my return will go 
after your mother. Mary and Annie send love, and I am as ever, 

Your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

On Sunday afternoon, October 16, 1859, Colonel Lee was at 
Arlington on a second furlough, which he had found it neces- 
sary to obtain on account of the affairs of the Custis estate, 
when John Brown made his entrance into Harper's Kerry, Vir- 
ginia, with the avowed purpose of stirring up a servile insur- 
rection to liberate the slaves of the South. The Secretary of 
War ordered Colonel Lee to take command of a force of 
marines and capture Brown, who with his followers had taken 
refuge in the engine-house of the United States arsenal. With 
his usual promptness, Lee repaired to Harper's Ferry, sent his 
aid, Lt. J. E. B. Stuart (the afterwards famous Confederate 
cavalryman), to demand Brown's surrender, and this being re- 
fused ordered his marines to storm and capture the party. This 
was promptly done, and Lee at once turned over the prisoners to 
the Virginia authorities, and returned to Arlington. 

In his memorandum-book General Lee writes that he found 
on reaching Harper's Ferry "the United States armory held by 
a party of banditti that had taken refuge in the engine-house, 
where they had been driven by the troops and citizens from 
Virginia. All retreat of the insurgents being cut off, I deter- 
mined to wait for daylight, as I learned that a number of citizens 
were held as hostages by the robbers, whose lives were threat- 
ened if they should be attacked Tuesday about sun- 
rise, with twelve marines under the command of Lieutenant 
Green, broke in the door of the engine-house, secured the rob- 
bers, and released all of the prisoners unhurt. All were killed 
or mortally wounded, but four, John Brown, Aaron Stevens, 
Edwin Coppe, and Green Shield (black). Had the prisoners 
removed to a place of safety, and their wounds dressed." 

Lt. J. E. B. Stuart, who was a volunteer aid on Colonel Lee's 
staff, had the parley with John Brown in reference to his 



106 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

surrender, and recognized him as the man he had known in 
Kansas as a conspicuous Abolition leader in the bloody contests 
there. Soon after the affair, Lieutenant Stuart wrote for one 
of the papers, but finally concluded not to publish it, the follow- 
ing statement, which will be of interest in view of all the 
circumstances : 

I have just read in a Virginia paper a detailed publication of 
Governor. Wise's annual message to the General Assembly of 
Virginia, and I find in his account of his march to Charlestown on 
the occasion of Brown's invasion he unintentionally, no doubt, 
leaves the inference that Colonel Lee, U. S. Army, sent by the 
President of the United States to quell the supposed insurrection, 
in granting no terms, acted under his (Governor Wise's) direct 
orders. He says, "I telegraphed to Colonel Lee to grant no 
terms," and then he adds, "Colonel Lee granted no terms." The 
facts are simply as follows, and I give them in justice to that true 
gentleman and gallant soldier, whose modesty would forever pre- 
vent any self-vindication. 

Colonel Lee arrived at Harper's Ferry Monday night at 12 
o'clock, made a rapid reconnaissance of the grounds, as much as 
he could in the dark, and gathered what was reliable from the 
many contradictory accounts of the state of the insurgents. 

Within two hours of that time, say by 2 a. m., Colonel Lee com- 
municated to me his determination to demand a surrender of the 
whole party at first dawn, and in case of refusal, which he ex- 
pected, he would have ready a few picked men, who were at a 
signal to take the place at once with the bayonet. He chose to 
demand a surrender before attacking, because he wanted every 
chance to save the prisoners unhurt, and to attack with bayonets 
for the same reason. 

As soon after dawn as practicable, Colonel Lee carried out his 
previously expressed plan to the letter. He may have received 
Governor Wise's dispatch, but the alternative of unconditional 
surrender, or the bayonet, I am satisfied was his own. 

Of course I have left out several incidents not connected with 
this explanation, as unnecessary to it. Colonel Lee's name has 
appeared perhaps less in the papers than many others less de- 
serving, owing partly to his well-known unobtrusiveness, but the 
country and State are greatly indebted to him for his coolness and 
sound judgment, and resolution tempered with forbearance, in 
the various duties he had to perform, such as military, judicial, 
municipal, and even diplomatic. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 107 

Governor Wise arrived there at i o'clock, five or six hours after 
the place was taken, and has expressed his chagrin and disappoint- 
ment at not arriving there in time ; and I do not doubt if he had 
had the direction of the attack, he would have conducted it in the 
most successful style, but "Erant vires ante Agamemnona." 

Please give this a place in your columns, and oblige, 

One There. 

As Colonel Lee returned home he little thought of the 
influence upon his own life and the destinies of his country 
which those events at Harper's Ferry would exert. The "John 
Brown raid" would have been treated by the South as merely the 
mad attempt of a wild fanatic, but for the indorsement of so 
many leading men at the North. 

The Concord philosophers called him "Saint John, the Just," 
and Emerson elicited the applause of a vast crowd in Boston 
when he declared, "The new Saint .... will make the gallows 
glorious like the cross." 

Wendell Phillips made a speech in Henry Ward Beecher's 
church, Brooklyn, in which, among other bitter utterances, he 
said: 

John Brown has twice as much right to hang Governor Wise 
as Governor Wise has to hang him. On the banks of the Potomac, 
history will visit that river more kindly, because John Brown has 
gilded it with the eternal brightness of his glorious deed, than 
because the dust of Washington rests upon one side of it; and, 
if Virginia tyrants dare hang him, after this mockery of a trial, 
it will take two Washingtons at least to make the name of the 
river anything but abominable to the ages that come after it. 

Rev. Edwin M. Wheelock, of Dover, New Hampshire, said 
in a sermon : 

The gallows from which John Brown ascends into heaven will 
be in our politics what the cross is in our religion — sign and 
symbol of supreme self-devotedness ; and, from his sacrificial 
blood, the temporal salvation of four millions of our people shall 
yet spring. On the 2d day of December he is to be strangled in a 
Southern prison for obeying the sermon on the Mount. But to 
be hanged in Virginia is like being crucified in Jerusalem; it is 
the last tribute that sin pays to virtue. 



108 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Such sentiments as these were approved by many newspapers 
at the North. It was proven that Brown's purpose was known 
beforehand to such men as Gerritt Smith, Wm. H. Seward, 
Chas. Sumner, Joshua R. Giddings, and Salmon P. Chase, and, 
that if they did not approve, they at least took no steps to 
thwart his plans. 

On the day of Brown's execution Tremont Temple, Boston, 
was crowded to its utmost capacity, and, among other bitter 
speeches, Mr. J. Q. A. Griffin, of the Massachusetts legislature, 
declared that, "The heinous offense of Pontius Pilate, in cruci- 
fying our Saviour, whitened into virtue when compared with 
that of Governor Wise in his conduct toward John Brown." 
Similar meetings were held all over the North, bells were tolled, 
resolutions in honor of "the martyr" were passed, and the people 
of the South were given plainly to understand that if they con- 
tinued to exercise their constitutional rights, and hold the slaves 
their fathers had bought from the slave ships of old England, 
and New England, or from Northern slaveholders, they were 
in future to be subjected to arson, rapine, and murder with the 
full approval of their Northern brethren. The John Brown raid 
has been well called the "first gun" of the great war between 
the States, and it seems a curious Providence that Robert E. 
Lee should have been so largely instrumental in subduing this 
lawless invasion of his native Virginia. 

I cannot better illustrate the life and character of Colonel Lee 
at this period than by making free use of his private letters. 
His son W. H. F. Lee had resigned from the Army, married 
the beautiful and accomplished Miss Charlotte Wickham, and 
was living at the White House, on Pamunkey River in Virginia. 

His father thus begins a letter to him, dated "Arlington, 
New Year, i860." 

I was delighted yesterday, my dearest Fitzhugh, at receiving 
your letter of the 28th ulto., and to my cordial congratulations at 
your prospects for the New Year and sincere wishes for many, 
and more gratifying returns, will this morning add my heartfelt 
gratitude at your joyous commencement of life. May you and my 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 109 

dear Charlotte realize your highest anticipations, and experience 
the happiness of a long, well-spent life, and the full satisfaction of 
the performance of all of your duties to God and man 

Then follows exceedingly practical advice about the best 
methods of conducting his plantation. 

His son Custis had been assigned to duty in the Engineer 
Bureau at Washington, and while discharging his duties there 
with an energy and ability which won him wide reputation, was 
enabled to live at Arlington and give an eye to the important in- 
terests of the estate. In February, i860, Colonel Lee returned 
to his duties in Texas. On the way he wrote the following : 

New Orleans, 14th February, i860. 
My dear Son : 

I wrote your mother last night, reporting my safe arrival; but 
feeling at that conclusion that she would be at the White House, 
directed my letter there. I will, therefore, this morning inform 
you that I reached here last eve. at 1 p. m., thus making the trip 
in 3^2 days. When the route becomes properly organized and 
operated, the time will be reduced to 3 days. In fact, 12 hours 
were unnecessarily consumed at various points as I came along. 
I had sad thoughts for my companions on the route, and felt per- 
haps less than my fellow-travelers many of the discomforts of 
which they complained. I was only thinking of those I left be- 
hind, my dear wife and children. May God bless them all. I find 
the boat for Indianola leaves tomorrow and I shall take my 
passage in her. The weather is very warm here, indeed to my 
feelings hot. The people were gardening as I came down the 
coast, and fruit trees and flowers in bloom. Last night I slept with 
both my windows open, under a single blanket. But imagine my 
horror this morning when I found I had left my shaving-brush and 
pants behind. The first I constantly leave, but my pants, my new 
pants, I cannot account for. I suppose they got covered up by 
Selina, Mamlina, and the other workers, and their work, and in 
my various callings off in my packing, were overlooked. I could 
hardly believe my own eyes when I found them out of their ac- 
customed place. Take care of them, or use them as may be most 
convenient. I hope you will have no trouble in the many un- 
finished matters I left you to attend to. Do not hesitate to do 
whatever you may determine best for the farm, house, mill, etc. 
Consider that you have all the authority- that I have, and having 
more vim and energy, I feel you will be able to do better for all 



110 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

than I could have done. Take good care of your mother and 
sisters, and write to me of your wishes and wants, at Indianola. 
Give much love to my dear daughters, and present me to all 
friends. I must start out on my peregrinations. 

Truly and always your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
G. W. Custis Lee. 

Under date of March 13, i860, he writes to Lt. Custis Lee 
from San Antonio, Texas, and after some details about business 
matters says : 

I fear you do not find much comfort in your position or occu- 
pation. I want to hear of your getting a good horse, that you 
may be more free and independent in your movements. Ride 
about and see your friends. You must make friends while you are 
young, that you may enjoy them when old. You will find when 
you become old, it will then be too late. I see my own delinquen- 
cies now when too late to mend, and point them out to you, that 
you may avoid them. In the summer when the mornings and 
afternoons are longer, if you had a pleasant horse, you could pass 
through the farm going and coming from the office, by going 
through the island to the long bridge, or aqueduct either, whereas 
it will be too long and hot for you to walk. I go to the Rio 
Grande day after tomorrow. I do not expect any difficulty there, 
but there are so many contradictory reports that I think it better 
to see for myself, that I may if possible give quiet there and rest 
to the authorities at Washington. The Indians are so trouble- 
some on the northern frontier, since the troops have been moved 
to the Rio Grande, that I cannot take any more from there. I 
take with me, therefore, but a single company of cavalry from 
Verde, the nearest point, in case of necessity. If I can hear of the 
whereabouts of Mr. Cortinas, I will endeavor to pick him up. 
Major Heintzelman reports that this band is dispersed and that he 
with a few followers has gone into the interior. I hope to be back 
here soon. Write to me as usual; if I am delayed, letters will be 
forwarded. Love to all and may happiness ever attend you and 
them is the daily prayer of your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Col. Albert Sydney Johnston having been put in command of 
the Utah expedition, Colonel Lee had been left in command of 
the Department of Texas and the defense of the frontier from 
Indian depredations, and bands of banditti from Mexico, who 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES HI 

crossed the Rio Grande, and took refuge in Mexican territory 
when pursued. Colonel Lee had a spicy correspondence with 
the Mexican authorities, the spirit of which is indicated in the 
two following letters which I believe have never before been 
published : 

Hd. Qrs. Ringgold Bks., 2d April, i860. 
His Excy. Andes Trevino, 

Govr. of State of Tamulipas, etc., 

Victoria, Mexico. 
Sir : In consequence of the recent outrages of Cortinas and his 
followers upon the persons and property of American citizens, I 
have been instructed by the Sec'y of War of the U. S. to notify 
the authorities of Mexico on the Rio Grande frontier, that they 
must break up and disperse the bands of banditti which have 
been concerned in these depredations and have sought protection 
in Mexican territory. Further, that they will be held responsible 
for the faithful performance of this plain duty on their part. I 
have, therefore, the honor to request that your Excellency will 
cause to be dispersed any bands within the States under your juris- 
diction, having for their object depredations upon American soil. 
I am, with high respect, your obt. servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
Lt. Col. Command. Dept. of Texas. 
True Copy, 

C. W. Thomas, 
2d Lt. 1 st Infy. 

Hd. Qrs. Fort Brown, Texas, 12th April, i860. 
Gen'l G. Garcia, 

Commr. in Chief of the line of the Bravo, 
Matamoras, Mexico. 

Gen'l : I had the honor to receive your letter of the 6th inst. 
on my way to this place, and postponed replying till my arrival. 
I regret that you consider the visit of Captain Ford of the Texas 
Rangers to the town of Reynosa, a cause of complaint, as that 
officer in his official report of the occurrence supposed he was 
acting in accordance with your sanction and the general under- 
standing between yourself and Heintzelman, commanding the U. S. 
troops on the Rio Grande, viz., that the outlaw Cortinas and his 
band should be pursued and arrested wherever found. 

I was gratified to learn from the authorities of the city of 
Reynosa and am pleased to have it repeated in your letter of the 
6th that the authorities and public force of Mexico, under the 



112 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

orders of the superior authorities, will pursue and punish Cortinas 
and his followers ; as the vindication of the violated laws of the 
United States will conduce to the restoration of quiet on our 
frontier, and of amicable feelings between the two countries. For 
the attainment of this object I shall employ, if necessary, all the 
force in this Department, and I beg leave to inform you that I 
have been directed by the Honble. Sec'y of War of the U. S., to 
notify the Mexican authorities on the Rio Grande, that they must 
break up and disperse the bands of banditti concerned in the out- 
rages against the persons and property of American citizens. I 
shall therefore consider it my duty to hold them responsible for its 
faithful performance As this agrees with the orders of the superior 
authorities of your own Govt, and I am sure is in accordance with 
your own sentiments, I feel confident of your cordial cooperation 
in the only means of preserving peace between the two countries. 
I have been informed that there are now in Matamoras persons 
that were engaged with Cortinas in his depredations upon Amer- 
ican soil, ready, if opportunity favors, to renew these aggressions. 
If this is the case, I shall expect as an evidence of the friendly 
relations between the Govts, of the U. S. and Mexico, that they be 
apprehended and punished agreeably to the orders of the superior 
authorities of Mexico. 

I am, with high respect, your obt. servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
Lt. Col. Commd. Dept. of Tex. 

The following pleasant letter on a most important family 
event will be read with interest : 

Ringgold Bks., 2d April, i860. 

I was delighted, my dear son, at the reception of your letter 
of the 10th ult., announcing the birth of that anxiously expected 
little boy ! I sincerely congratulate you and my darling daughter, 
at his prosperous advent, and pray that his future career may give 
more happiness to his parents than even his present existence. 
You must kiss his dear mother for me, and offer her my warmest 
thanks for this promising scion of my scattered house, who will 
I hope resuscitate its name and fame. Tell her I have thought 
much of her and long to see you both and your little treasure, who 
must, I think, greatly resemble his papa. 

And now the school-house must be commenced, or it will not 
be in time. I hope both mother and child are well, and increasing 
daily in strength so as to enjoy the fine spring weather which must 
have commenced in earnest by this time. Your mama must have 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 113 

rejoiced at another baby in the house, and have had all her former 
feelings brought back afresh. I never could see the infantile 
beauties that she did, but I will be able to appreciate him by the 
time I shall see him 

In a letter from San Antonio dated 2d of June, i860, he says : 

In a letter to Charlotte written since my return, I expressed the 
gratification I felt at the compliment paid me in your intention 
to call my first grandchild after me. I wish I could offer him a 
more worthy name and a better example. He must elevate the 
first and make use of the latter to avoid the errors I have com- 
mitted. I also expressed the thought that under the circumstances 
you might like to name him after his great-grandfather, and wish 
you both "upon mature consideration" to follow your inclinations 
and judgment. I should love him all the same, and nothing could 
make me love you two more than I do 

In a long, and eminently common-sense letter written his son 
under date of August 22, i860, he says : 

I am glad to hear that your mechanics are all paid off, and 
that you have managed your funds so well as to have enough for 
your purposes. As you have commenced, I hope you will continue 
never to exceed your means. It will save you much anxiety and 
mortification, and enable you to maintain your independence of 
character and feeling. It is easier to make our wishes conform 
to our means, than to make our means conform to our wishes. In 
fact, we want but little. Our happiness depends upon our inde- 
pendence, the success of our operations, prosperity of our plans, 
health, contentment, and the esteem of our friends. All of which, 
my dear son, I hope you may enjoy to the full 

In a long letter to his son Lt. Custis Lee, dated "Fort Brown, 
1 6th of April, i860," after many detailed suggestions about 
business affairs at Arlington, he says : 

I have but little Rio Grande news. I have descended the left 
bank of the river from Eagle Pass, and could find no armed parties 
on either side of the river. Everything was quiet. Robberies will 
be committed by Indians, Mexicans, and border men when it can 
be done with impunity, and always have been done. The last 
authentic accounts I could get of Cortinas was that with his wife, 
children and two men he was making his way in Mexican ox-carts 
into the interior and was 135 miles off. The Mexican authorities 
with whom I have been holding a sharp correspondence said they 



114 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

had sent an express to the authorities to arrest him. General 
Garcia, commd. in Matamoras opposite to me, repeated the assur- 
ance. Still I do not expect it to be done and do not like to enter 
a blind pursuit after a man so far into the interior, with broken- 
down horses. It is the want of food for them that stops me more 
than anything else. I cannot carry it and do not know that I 
could find it. The delay in procuring it would defeat my object. 
If it was a prairie or a grass country in which horses could live, 
I would try him. But it is chaparral, thin, barren, mountainous, 
etc. Several of your comrades are here with me — Hartz, Thomas, 
Tipton, Laughton, etc. Major Hunt with his father is also here. 
Some 125 recruits for the thin artillery companies at this post got 
up yesterday from the Brazos. Remember me to all friends. My 
friend Col. Joe Johnston is a good soldier and worthy man and 
deserves all advancement, when it can be done without injustice 
to others. I think it must be evident to him that it never was the 
intention of Congress to advance him to the position assigned him 
by the Sec'y. It was not so recognized before, and in proportion 
to his services he has been advanced beyond any one in the Army, 
and has thrown more discredit than ever on the system of favor- 
itism and making brevets. Kiss your mother if with you for me. 
Cheer her by your love and affection and love always your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The allusion to the promotion of Lt. Col. Jos. E. Johnston, 
whom Secretary John B. Floyd, his cousin, had made in ap- 
pointing him Quartermaster-General, with the rank of briga- 
dier-general, thus promoting him "over the heads" of Samuel 
Cooper, Sydney Johnston, R. E. Lee, Sumner, and others who 
had previously ranked him, was very mild when we remember 
the extreme sensitiveness of officers about their rank, and that 
this was a letter from a soldier to his son, also an accomplished 
soldier, which he never expected to be made public. 

But in another private letter Colonel Lee said in alluding to 
this same matter : 

I rejoice in the good fortune that has come to my old friend 
Joe Johnston, for while I should not like, of course, that this 
should be taken as a precedent in the service, yet so far as he is 
concerned he is every way worthy of the promotion, and I am glad 
that he has received it. 

How different this spirit from that which has been shown by 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 115 

others under similar circumstances, when they have made loud 
and bitter complaints that men of inferior rank have been pro- 
moted over them. During the war between the States there 
were some sad examples of this both in the Federal and Con- 
federate armies. But Lee was incapable of being a party to any 
such contentions. 

He gives in a letter from San Antonio, Texas, June 25, i860, 
to Mrs. Lee, his impressions of one of the holidays there. He 
says : 

Yesterday was St. John's Day, and the principal, or at least 
visible, means of adoration or worship seemed to consist in riding 
horses. So every Mexican, and indeed others, who could procure 
a quadruped were cavorting through the streets, with the thermom- 
eter over a hundred degrees in the shade, a scorching sun, and 
dust several inches thick. You can imagine the state of the at- 
mosphere and suffering of the horses, if not the pleasure of the 
riders. As everything of the horse tribe had to be brought into re- 
quisition to accommodate the bipeds, unbroken colts and worn-out 
hacks were saddled for the occasion. The plunging and kicking 
of the former procured excitement for and the distress of the 
latter merriment to the crowd. I did not know before that St. 
John set so high a value upon equitation. 

In a letter to his son Custis, dated San Antonio, Texas, 
November the 24th, i860, in speaking of certain investments 
he says, "The Southern States seem to be in a convulsion and 
confidence in their securities shaken. It is difficult to see what 
will be the result, but I hope all will end well." After writing 
about various business matters he adds : 

I am very sorry to hear that Meigs has been relieved from the 
works in Washington. I know nothing of the controversy be- 
tween him and the Secretary, but wish that the latter had not 
permitted anything to have interrupted the successful prosecution 
of works of such national character, but had continued on the 
duty the officer best qualified to carry them on. 

Works of that magnitude ought not to be jeopardized by the 
feuds or feelings of the officers. I know Meigs to be capable and 
qualified. I do not know who may now have their completion and 
execution. A detachment of recruits under Major Brooks, Third 
Infantry, has just arrived. I believe there are no officers with 



116 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

them that you know. A second detachment under Z. R. Bliss are 
two days in the rear. The former is composed of artillery, cavalry, 
and infantry. The latter of infantry. They have fallen in a period 
of bad weather. We have had one of our wet northers, which 
has terminated in a degree of cold producing ice. Four ladies be- 
long to the detachments, two of whom are brides, Mrs. H. C. 
Wood and Mrs. Shirburne. I fear their expectations of the honey- 
moon have not been realized. Three of the ladies arrived in ad- 
vance, and took refuge in the Menger, the crack hotel of the city, 
and one of them, Mrs. Garland, I am told is quite sick. Mrs. 
Brooks, the wife of the Major, has adhered to her husband, and 
though they are encamped about three or four miles from town, 
she declines the protection of a house and remains in camp. She 
rode up Saturday and I brought her into the office to warm herself 
while the Major was adjusting his papers. She seems to be a very 
nice lady. Was a Miss Drake of Indiana, and I am told is quite 
an heiress. She would not dine with me, nor accept a room at 
Mrs. Phillips, but returned with the Major to camp. I did not 
hear or see anything of any little streams or rivulets and hesitated 
to ask. She was attired in traveling costume, and is young and 
pretty. Major Nichols has not arrived nor have I heard anything 
of him since the reception of the order relieving him from duty on 
the ist inst. I presume he is on the way. I am also looking daily 
for the arrival of General Scruggs, a letter from whom was re- 
ceived a week since saying he was about returning to resume the 
command of the Dept. Probably he and the Major are coming 
together, and are now at Indianola, waiting for more propitious 
weather. I have not heard what is to become of Gen. A. S. 
Johnston, who I understood expected to return the ist proximo. 
Probably he will go to the Pacific to replace General Clarke. I 
shall soon be turning my face to the Comanche country, but to 
what point I cannot say till the arrival of General Scruggs. My 
personal comforts will be less there than here and I shall have 
to exchange the protection of a house for the shelter of a tent. 
But I shall not mind that, nor regret my departure from San 
Antonio, except so far as it will take me farther from you all, 
and render my communication with you more distant and pre- 
carious. But God's will be done ! It will only prepare us for a 
longer separation soon to come. My little personal troubles sink 
into insignificance when I contemplate the condition of the country, 
and I feel as if I could easily lay down my life for its safety. 
But I also feel that would bring but little good. I am all ready 
for a march, though one of my horses is not fit for the work. 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 117 

The mare I got from Fitzhugh was afflicted with swollen legs 
when I got her. This has increased and she has her left hind 
leg much enlarged and stiff so that I have not ridden her for 
a long time, but have turned her out. I am very sorry to learn 
that you have lost the use of your horse, when you will require 
her most. Give much love to your mother and sisters and re- 
member me to all friends. I have heard from Fitzhugh saying 
he had sent you $1,000. I hope that will answer your purposes. 

Very truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

P. S. — The "lone star" is floating all over this State. There 
was a great meeting here Saturday. 

In a letter dated San Antonio, Texas, December 5, i860, to 
the same son, he writes in detail about business matters con- 
nected with the estate at Arlington, and then says : 

I am glad to hear such good news of dear Rob and "Precious 
Life." I hope they will derive great benefit from their present 
positions, and that I may be able to retain them there until their 
education is advanced as far as the opportunities admit. The 
education of a man or woman is never completed till they die. 
There is always before them much to learn and more to do. 
Our hardest lesson is self-knowledge, and it is one perhaps that 
is never accomplished. The derangement and confusion of busi- 
ness consequent upon the political troubles of the country I ap- 
prehend will curtail my resources. If Agnes has not returned 
home yet, I fear she will be captured by the Abolitionists, espe- 
cially if she has been expressing any opinions inimical to their 
theories. 

I am glad, my dearest son, to learn that you are better. I 
think if you study your feelings, and the effect of any course 
you may prescribe for yourself, you must be relieved. You have 
been very healthy till the past few years. Some derangement has 
taken place in your system, from exposure or imprudence, which 
time and prudence will cure. Your constitution is a remarkably 
good one, and can be reestablished. I hope your mother is well, 
or at least comfortable. She seems by her letters to be able 'to go 
about a great deal, which makes me hope she is better, and slowly 
improving. God grant it may be so. General Scruggs has not 
reached here yet. It has been more than a week since he arrived 
at Indianola, and I have been expecting him every day. I heard 
by the last mail that Major Nichols had joined him, which I am 



118 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

very glad of, as he will require his services. I presume they will 
come together. I have started all the recruits to their destination. 
Those for the nearer posts have reached them. Some detach- 
ments have several hundred miles to travel, and one nearly 700. 
With this last is a bride. I am afraid she is sorry she has enlisted 
in the First Infantry. She is the wife of 2d Lt. H. C. Wood, a 
civil appointment, and is the only lady in the party. As all re- 
cruits, whether for the mounted or fort service, have to march 
on foot their progress is slow. The poor lady will at least be a- 
month and a half on the route, though she seemed to carry a 
brave heart in a little carriage behind a pair of indifferent mules. 
Your old comrade Z. R. Bliss has grown enormously. I think 
he said he weighed 240 lbs. He looked very well, and inquired 
with interest after you. I am all ready to take up my line of 
march, and am awaiting the arrival of the General to know where 
I am to go. One of my horses is a fine draught horse and I have 
been desirous to procure a mate, that they might take my travel- 
ing wagon. But I cannot succeed in finding one, so I shall have 
to get a pair of mules. I shall then only want a water keg in 
addition. Please remember me to all in the Engr. Office, the 
officers and other friends in Washington. If the Union is dis- 
solved, which God in His mercy forbid, I shall return to you. 
If not, tell my friends to give me all the promotion they can. 
With love to all with you, and my earnest prayers for every 
happiness to them and to you, 

I am, your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
G. W. Custis Lee. 

Under date of December 14, i860, he writes again from San 
Antonio, and after speaking of a number of other business 
matters he says : 

The condition of political affairs in the country will, as you 
say, militate against the sale of Smith's Island. We must, there- 
fore, wait and see how they will terminate. But should the polit- 
ical horizon clear away, preparatory steps for its sale had better 
be taken. Before the period for the emancipation of the people 
arrives it will have to be sold. Fitzhugh and Robert, upon whose 
property the liability for the payment of the legacies will de- 
volve, if it goes below its value can bid it in, and thus in a meas- 
ure indemnify themselves. I am glad your horse is well again, 
and I hope he may prove useful to you. I know the pleasure of 
training a handsome horse. I enjoy it yet as much as any one, 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 119 

but I have to turn from the dulce and take the utile. I wish I 
could get a horse to you I have here. He is no beauty, but of 
good appearance and carriage and very powerful. He is an 
elegant draught horse, the fastest trotter in San Antonio, and 
with all a good riding horse. He has a fine walk, canter and 
gallop. But his trot is as hard as a camel's. I cannot give him 
work enough and he suffers for that. I have been endeavoring 
to get a mate for him, that they might convey my traveling 
wagon, but cannot. The mare I got from Fitzhugh has had a 
swollen leg, which I cannot reduce. I am now poulticing it with 
Jamestown weed. I have not ridden her much. 

I shall next week take my departure for Fort Mason where 
the headquarters of my regiment is established. Direct to me 
there (Fort Mason, Texas). General Scruggs yesterday entered 
on the duties of the office, but he desires me to remain till Major 
Nichols arrives. I go there in the morning to see what is to be 
done. He thinks the Union will be dissolved in six weeks, and 
that he will then return to N. O. If I thought so I would not 
take the trouble to go to Mason, but return to you now. I hope, 
however, the wisdom and patriotism of the country will devise 
some way of saving it, and that a kind Providence has not yet 
turned the current of His blessings from us. The three propo- 
sitions of the President are eminently just, are in accordance with 
the Constitution, and ought to be cheerfully assented to by all the 
States. But I do not think the Northern and Western States 
will agree to them. 

It is, however, my only hope for the preservation of the Union, 
and I will cling to it to the last. Feeling the aggressions of the 
North, resenting their denial of the equal rights of our citizens 
to the common territory of the commonwealth, etc., I am not 
pleased with the course of the "Cotton States" as they term them- 
selves. In addition to their selfish, dictatorial bearing, the threats 
they throw out against the "Border States," as they call them, if 
they will not join them, argues little for the benefit or peace of 
Va. should she determine to coalesce with them. While I wish to 
do what is right, I am unwilling to do what is wrong, either at the 
bidding of the South or the North. One of their plans seems to 
be the renewal of the slave trade. That I am opposed to on every 
ground. I am glad you had the people's houses repaired. I wish 
to make them as comfortable as I can. 

He then writes about other provision for the care and com- 
fort of the negroes at Arlington, who under the provisions of 



120 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the will of Mr. Custis were to be set free at a special time in the 
future, and all of whom were given their "free papers" by 
General Lee at the appointed time, though it fell on the period 
when he was absorbed in his duties as commander-in-chief of 
the Army of Northern Virginia. He concludes this letter as 
follows : 

Pay all debts as soon as possible. You could not have done 
otherwise than leave the money in bank. We must all take the 
risks of affairs, and lessen them to the extent of our means. 

I think you do right in holding on to your bonds. I am sorry 
to hear that the U. S. Treasury is low. I used to look upon it as 
a strong string to my bow, and a sure resource when other things 
failed. But God's will be done ! Give a great deal of love to your 
mother, sisters, and all friends. I am glad to see by the letter 
from the faculty of the University that Robert has been so at- 
tentive to his studies. Truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following letters express his feelings on the eve of the 
great struggle upon which the two sections of the country were 
soon to enter : 

Fort Mason, Texas, January 23, 1861. 
I received Everett's "Life of Washington" which you sent me, 
and enjoyed its perusal. How his spirit would be grieved could 
he see the wreck of his mighty labors ! I will not, however, 
permit myself to believe, until all ground of hope is gone, that the 
fruit of his noble deeds will be destroyed, and that his precious 
advice and virtuous example will so soon be forgotten by his 
countrymen. As far as I can judge by the papers, we are be- 
tween a state of anarchy and civil war. May God avert both of 
these evils from us ! I fear that mankind will not for years be 
sufficiently Christianized to bear the absence of restraint and force. 
I see that four States have declared themselves out of the Union ; 
four more will apparently follow their example. Then, if the 
Border States are brought into the gulf of revolution, one-half 
of the country will be arrayed against the other. I must try and 
be patient and await the end, for I can do nothing to hasten or 
retard it. 

The South, in my opinion, has been aggrieved by the acts of 
the North, as you say. I feel the aggression, and am willing to 
take every proper step for redress. It is the principle I contend 



FROM MEXICAN WAR TO WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 121 

for, not individual or private benefit. As an American citizen, I 
take great pride in my country, her prosperity and institutions, 
and would defend any State if her rights were invaded. But I 
can anticipate no greater calamity for the country than a disso- 
lution of the Union. It would be an accumulation of all the evils 
we complain of, and I am willing to sacrifice everything but honor 
for its preservation. I hope, therefore, that all constitutional 
means will be exhausted before there is a resort to force. Seces- 
sion is nothing but revolution. The framers of our Constitution 
never exhausted so much labor, wisdom, and forbearance in its 
formation, and surrounded it with so many guards and securities, 
if it was intended to be broken by every member of the Con- 
federacy at will.* It was intended for "perpetual union," so 
expressed in the preamble, and for the establishment of a govern- 
ment, not a compact, which can only be dissolved by revolution, 
or the consent of all the people in convention assembled. It is 
idle to talk of secession. Anarchy would have been established, 
and not a government, by Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, Mad- 
ison, and the other patriots of the Revolution Still, a Union 

that can only be maintained by swords and bayonets, and in 
which strife and civil war are to take the place of brotherly love 
and kindness, has no charm for me. I shall mourn for my 
country and for the welfare and progress of mankind. If the 
j Union is dissolved, and the Government disrupted, I shall return 
' to my native State and share the miseries of my people, and save 
in defense will draw my sword on none. 

The 29th of January, 1861, he wrote from Fort Mason, 
Texas, to his son "Rooney" : 

My dear Son : I have received your letter of the 6th inst., 
giving me the pleasing account of your quiet and happy Christ- 
mas, the presence of Rob, the visit of Mr. D., and the christening 
of your boy. So he is called after grandpapa, the dear little 
fellow. I would wish him a better name, and hope he may be a 
wiser and more useful man than his namesake. Such as it is, 
however, I gladly place it in his keeping and feel that he must 
be very little like his father if it is not elevated and ennobled 
by his bearing and course in life. You must teach him, then, to 



*Colonel Lee, of course, here confounds the Constitution of the United 
States with the "Articles of Confederation." This latter document expresses 
the purpose of forming "a perpetual Union," but when eleven States seceded 
from the Confederation, formed the Union and adopted a new Constitution, 
no such phrase was used in the preamble or in any part of that document. 



122 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

love his grandpapa, to bear with his failings, and avoid his 
errors, to be to you as you have been to me, and he may then 
enjoy the love and confidence of his father which I feel for you, 
greater than which no son has ever possessed. But what is the 
matter with my precious Chass? I fear her house is not warm 
enough for her in this cold and snowy weather. She must be very 
careful not to take cold, but to go out every day. Tell her I want 
to see her very much and love her more and more. 

In a letter to his son under date of Fort Mason, January 30, 
he writes in great perplexity as to how to invest some surplus 
funds of the Custis estate, and of his own, because of the 
troublous times, and then thus playfully refers to Mrs. Lee and 
his daughters, and then to the sad condition of the country : 

The Mim, the dear Mim, considers herself a great financier; 
consult her, but do not let her take it shopping, or you will 
have to furnish her with an equal amount to complete her pur- 
chases. She has such a fine eye for bargains. Neither need 
you put it in the hands of those girls, or you would never see it 
again. I should like to make a good investment for the estate, 
and of a large pile, even if it pinched me a little. The interest 
would be a help, and this is the first time it has had a surplus for 
a long time. We are all on short allowance out here. No pay, no 
money, and waiting for the turn of events. The country seems 
to be in a lamentable condition, and may have been plunged into 
civil war. May God rescue us from the folly of our acts. Save us 
from selfishness, and teach us to love our neighbors as ourselves. 

I have nothing new or interesting. I have just had a report of 
an Indian raid below us, and have sent a party in pursuit. Our 
horses are grazing four miles out and have been sent for. Give 
much love to everybody. I wrote to Agnes yesterday, and refer 
to her for domestic items. 

As ever, your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
G. W. Custis Lee. 



CHAPTER V 

THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 

Breaking out of the war — Ordered to "report to the Commander-in-Chief 
at Washington" — Not a secessionist, but an ardent Virginian — The 
supreme command of the United States Army in the field tendered 
him, and his refusal — Statement of Mr. Blair — Scott's opinion of 
Lee — Statement of Hon. Simon Cameron, Mr. Lincoln's first Secre- 
tary of War — General Lee's letter on the subject to Senator Reverdy 
Johnson — The struggle it cost him to leave the United States Army — 
His letter to General Scott, and his letter of resignation — Letters to 
his sister and to his brother, Captain Lee of the Navy — He goes to 
Richmond and accepts the command of the Virginia forces — Letters 
to Mrs. Lee — Letters from Hon. Wm. C. Rives and Bishop Meade — 
Labor of organizing the raw recruits — General McDowell's kind letter 
to Mrs. Lee — Lee's West Virginia campaign — His letters at the period 
— Capt. Robert E. Lee's recollections — The failure of the West Vir- 
ginia campaign — "Newspaper generals" — His service on the South 
Carolina and Georgia coast, and able preparation for the defense of 
Charleston and Savannah — Family letters. 

It is not my purpose to discuss in this book the causes, con- 
duct, or results of the great war between the States, except 
simply to show the relation which "Robert E. Lee, the great 
Soldier and Man," bore to it, and to give this in the briefest 
outline consistent with clearness. It has been seen from quota- 
tions already made from his letters that Colonel Lee was not 
an "original Secessionist," but was ardently attached to the 
Union, and anxious for its preservation. But he had also 
written, "A Union that can only be maintained by swords and 
bayonets and in which strife and civil war are to take the place 
of brotherly love and kindness has no charm for me." 

He was ardently attached to the Army, his brother officers, 
and especially to General Scott, who most warmly reciprocated 
his friendship, and never hesitated to express the highest opin- 
ion of Lee's ability as a soldier. 



124 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

In February, 1861, Colonel Lee received orders to "report to 
the Commander-in-Chief at Washington," and there can be 
little doubt that the real object of this order was that he might 
be influenced to "stand by the old flag" in the conflict which was 
so evidently impending. 

He watched the events which followed so rapidly with most 
intense interest, and fully sympathized with his native Virginia 
in the efforts she made to preserve the Union by refusing to join 
the seceding States, and calling a Peace Conference which as- 
sembled at Washington, and made every effort to settle the 
points at issue between the sections. 

There can be but little doubt that Mr. Lincoln could have 
prevented war, kept the "Border States" in the Union, and in 
the course of time have probably brought back the seceded 
States had he adopted the policy suggested by General Scott, 
and said to them, "Wayward sisters, depart in peace" — a policy 
which was at the time warmly indorsed by Horace Greeley, and 
other leading Republicans of the North, as well as by Northern 
Democrats generally. 

But he pursued a different course, and, despite the promise of 
his Secretary of State, Wm. H. Seward, to the Southern Com- 
missioners, that "Fort Sumter would be evacuated in six days," 
sent a large flotilla to provision, and reinforce the fort, and 
thus compelled the Confederate authorities to fire on and capture 
this citadel, which the State of South Carolina had originally 
ceded to the General Government for the defense of Charleston 
but which was now about to be converted into an engine for 
her destruction. Immediately on the fall of Sumter, President 
Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thou- 
sand troops to coerce the States which had passed ordinances 
of secession, and calling on the Border States to furnish their 
quota of these. With more or less emphasis the Governors of 
Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Tennessee, and 
Virginia refused to obey the call. Governor Letcher of Vir- 
ginia, who had been one of the leaders of the "Union party," 
which had elected an overwhelming majority of the members of 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 125 

the State Convention then in session, replied to the requisition 
of President Lincoln, "You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, 
and you can get no troops from Virginia for any such wicked 
purpose." 

The convention at once (on the 17th day of April, 1861) 
passed an ordinance of secession, and the old Commonwealth, 
which had done so much to establish the Union and promote its 
prosperity, and which had on bended knee pleaded for its preser- 
vation, threw herself into the breach, well knowing that her 
territory would be the Flanders of the war, and her people the 
greatest sufferers in the fratricidal contest. The war had be- 
gun and there could be but little doubt on which side the sword 
of Robert Lee would be drawn. He was the son of "Light 
Horse Harry," and a Virginian of the Virginians. He remem- 
bered that his father had said, in a debate on the famous resolu- 
tions of 1798-99, drawn by Mr. Madison, "Virginia is my 
country; her will I obey, however lamentable the fate to which 
it may subject me." And he recollected that when his father 
was Governor of Virginia in 1792 and Mr. Madison wrote to 
ask him if he would resign his office to accept the command of 
an army to be organized for the defense of the Western frontier, 
he replied, "Were I called upon by the President to command 
the next campaign, my respect for him would induce me to dis- 
regard every trifling obstruction which might oppose my 
acceptance, such as my own repose, the care of my children and 
the happiness I enjoy in attention to their welfare, and in execu- 
tion of the duties of my present station. As a citizen, I 
should hold myself bound to obey the will of my country in 
taking any part her interests may demand from me. There- 
fore, I am, upon this occasion, in favor of obedience to any 
claim which may be made on me. Yet I should require some 
essential stipulations — only to secure a favorable issue to the 
campaign." After speaking of how formidable the enemy 
was he added, "One objection I should only have (the above 
conditions being acceded to), and that is, the abandoning of 
my native State, to whose goodness I am so much indebted ; no 



126 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

consideration on earth could induce me to act a part, however 
gratifying to me, which could be construed into disregard or 
faithlessness to this Commonwealth." 

Reared in this school and under these influences, Robert 
Edward Lee regarded his allegiance to the sovereign State of 
Virginia as paramount to all other, and that he must obey her 
voice at whatever sacrifice of feeling, or of personal interest. 

He regarded any attempt to "pin the States in the Union 
with the bayonet" as a violation of the fundamental principles 
for which the fathers fought in 1776. Hon. John B. Baldwin, 
the able Union leader of the Virginia Convention, well voiced 
the sentiment of the party when, in reply to a letter from a 
Northern friend asking, "What will the Union men of Vir- 
ginia do now?" he wrote, "We have no 'Union' men in 
Virginia now, but those who were 'Union' men will stand to 
their guns and make a fight which shall shine out on the page 
of history as an example of what a brave people can do after 
having exhausted every means of pacification." Colonel Lee 
had at this time the strongest temptation submitted to him ever 
offered to an ardent and ambitious soldier. The supreme com- 
mand of the Federal forces in the field was tendered him, and 
General Scott and others of his army friends brought every 
possible influence to bear upon him to induce him to accept the 
tempting offer, Scott begging him "not to throw away the great 
opportunity of his life." 

As it has been denied in certain quarters that any such offer 
was ever made to Lee it is proper to add that the proof is 
beyond all cavil. Lee himself never published it, and it was 
not generally known even to his intimate associates until after 
the war. Hon. Montgomery Blair, who got it from his father, 
published the fact that Mr. Lincoln, at General Scott's sugges- 
tion, had sent his father, Hon. Francis Preston Blair, to Col- 
onel Lee with an offer of the supreme command of the army 
that was to take the field against the seceded States. Mr. 
Blair stated that Colonel Lee listened attentively to the proposi- 
tion and then replied that while he recognized no necessity for 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 127 

the state of things then existing, — that if the four millions of 
slaves in the South belonged to him he would free them with a 
stroke of his pen to avert the war, — yet as the war had actually 
begun and he must decide on which side he would draw his 
sword he could not hesitate — he could not fight against his 
native State, his home, and his children. Mr. Blair said that 
all of his arguments and powers of persuasion failed to move 
Colonel Lee from his position. Immediately after this inter- 
view with Mr. Blair, Lee went to General Scott, and told him 
of the offer made him, and his decision. 

The high opinion which Scott had of Lee has already been 
noted, but the following proofs of it may be added. 

When, soon after General Scott's return from Mexico, a 
committee from Richmond waited on him to tender him a pub- 
lic reception in the capital of his native State, he said, "You 
seek to honor the wrong man. Captain R. E. Lee is the Vir- 
ginian who deserves the credit of that brilliant campaign." 

The late Gen. William Preston, of Kentucky, said that Gen- 
eral Scott told him that he regarded Lee "as the greatest living 
soldier in America," and that in a conversation not long before 
the breaking out of the war, General Scott said with emphasis, 
"I tell you that if I were on my death-bed tomorrow, and the 
President of the United States should tell me that a great battle 
was to be fought for the liberty or slavery of the country, and 
asked my advice as to the ability of a commander, I would say 
with my dying breath, let it be Robert E. Lee." 

I have been allowed to copy the following autograph letter of 
General Scott, which illustrates this point : 

Headquarters of the Army, May 8, 1857. 
Hon. J. B. Floyd, 

Secretary of War. 
Sir : I beg to ask that one of the vacant second lieutenancies 
may be given to W. H. F. Lee, son of Brevet Col. R. E. Lee, at 
present on duty against the Comanches. 

I make this application mainly on the extraordinary merits of 
the father, the very best soldier I ever saw in the field ; but the son 
is himself a very remarkable youth, now about twenty, of a fine 



128 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I 

stature and constitution, a good linguist, a good mathematician, 
and about to graduate at Harvard University. He is also honor- 
able and amiable, like his father, and dying to enter the Army. I 
do not ask the commission as a favor, though if I had influence I 
should be happy to exert it in this case. My application is in the 
name of national justice, in part payment (and but a small part) 
of the debt due to the invaluable services of Colonel Lee. 
I have the honor to be, with high respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

Win field Scott. 

In a public address delivered in Baltimore soon after the 
death of General Lee, Hon. Reverdy Johnson said that he "had 
been intimate with General Scott, and had heard him say more 
than once that his success in Mexico was largely due to the 
skill, valor, and undaunted energy of Lee. It was a theme 
upon which he [General Scott] liked to converse, and he stated 
his purpose to recommend him as his successor in the chief 
command of the Army. I was with General Scott in April, 
1 86 1, when he received the resignation of General Lee, and 
witnessed the pain it caused him. It was a sad blow to the suc- 
cess of that war, in which his own sword had as yet been 
unsheathed. Much as General Scott regretted it, he never 
failed to say that he was convinced that Lee had taken that step 
from an imperative sense of duty. General Scott was consoled 
in a great measure by the reflection that he would have as his 
opponent a soldier worthy of every man's esteem, and one who 
would conduct the war upon the strictest rules of civilized war- 
fare. There would be no outrages committed upon private 
persons or property which he could prevent." 

A prominent banker of New York, who was very intimate 
with General Scott, gave me a number of incidents illustrating 
Scott's high opinion of Lee. On one occasion, a short time 
before the war, this gentleman asked him, in the course of a 
private interview, "General, whom do you regard as the 
greatest living soldier?" General Scott at once replied, "Col. 
Robert E. Lee is not only the greatest soldier of America, but 
the greatest now living in the world. This is my deliberate 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 129 

conviction, from a full knowledge of his extraordinary abilities, 
and if the occasion ever arises, Lee will win this place in the 
estimation of the whole world." 

The General then went into a detailed sketch of Lee's serv- 
ices and a statement of his ability as an engineer, and his 
capacity not only to plan campaigns, but also to command large 
armies in the field, and concluded by saying, "I tell you, sir, 
that Robert E. Lee is the greatest soldier now living, and if he 
ever gets the opportunity, he will prove himself the greatest 
captain of history." 

In May, 1861, this gentleman and another obtained a pass- 
port from General Scott to go to Richmond, to see if they 
could do anything to promote pacification. In the course of 
the interview, General Scott spoke in the highest terms of 
Lee as a soldier and a man, stated that he had rejected the 
supreme command of the United States Army, and expressed 
his confidence that Lee would do everything in his power to 
avert war, and would, if a conflict came, conduct it on the 
highest principles of Clrnstian civilization. He cheerfully 
granted the passport and said. "Yes, go and see Robert Lee. 
Tell him for me that we must have no war, but that we 
must avert a conflict of arms until the sober second thought 
of the people can stop the mad schemes of the politicians." 

In the interview which these gentlemen had with General 
Lee, he most cordially reciprocated the kindly feelings of 
General Scott, and expressed his ardent desire to avert a war, 
and his willingness to do anything in his power to bring about 
a settlement of the difficulties. But he expressed the fear that 
the passions of the people North and South had been too 
much aroused to yield to pacific measures, and that every 
effort at a peaceful solution would prove futile. Alluding 
to Mr. Seward's boast that he would conquer the South in 
"ninety days," and to the confident assertions of some of the 
Southern politicians that the war would be a very short one, 
General Lee said with a good deal of feeling, "They do not 
know what they say. If it comes to a conflict of arms, the 



130 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

war will last at least four years. Northern politicians do not 
appreciate the determination and pluck of the South, and 
Southern politicians do not appreciate the numbers, resources, 
and patient perseverance of the North. Both sides forget that 
we are all Americans, and that it must be a terrible struggle if 
it comes to war. Tell General Scott that we must do all 
we can to avert war, and if it comes to the worst we must 
then do everything in our power to mitigate its evils." 

Hon. Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, Mr. Lincoln's first 
Secretary of War, in an interview with a correspondent of the 
Nezv York Herald, on the occasion of his 88th birthday, said : 

Of all my experiences with public men and events, none were 
so interesting as those which brought the country to the settle- 
ment of the slavery question on the field of battle. There was a 
great deal of by-play in the beginning that has not been heard of 
yet. It is true that Gen. Robert E. Lee was tendered the com- 
mand of the Union Army. It was the wish of Mr. Lincoln's Ad- 
ministration that as many as possible of the Southern officers then 
in the Regular Army should remain true to the nation which had 
educated them. Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston were then 
the leading Southern soldiers. Johnston was Quartermaster- 
General and Lee a colonel of cavalry. 

In the moves and counter moves in the game of war and peace 
then going on, Francis P. Blair, Sr., was a prominent figure. 
The tender of the command of our forces was made to General Lee 
through him. Mr. Blair came to me expressing the opinion that 
General Lee could be held to our cause by the offer of the chief 
command of our forces. I authorized Mr. Blair to make the offer. 
I then dismissed the matter from my mind as nearly as I could 
such an important subject, for I supposed from what Mr. Blair 
had said, that General Lee would certainly accept. I labored under 
this impression up to the time that his resignation was received. 
Whether General Lee ever seriously considered the matter I do not 
personally know. From what Senator Blair said to me I never had 
any doubt at the time but that he did. My surprise was very great 
when the resignation was received and General Lee went South. 

But strange to say, in view of the above statement of 
Mr. Cameron, when he was a member of the United States 
Senate, in February. 1865, he stated in debate that Lee had 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 131 

sought the supreme command of the United States Army, and 
failing to obtain it had gone South for higher command than 
he could get in the Union Army. 

Hon. Reverdy Johnson, then Senator from Maryland, de- 
nied the accuracy of Mr. Cameron's statement, and said that 
so far from seeking it, the supreme command of the United 
States Army had been tendered Lee, and had been positively 
declined by him. 

This elicited from General Lee, then President of Wash- 
ington College, Lexington, Virginia, the following letter, a 
copy of which I found in his letter-book after his death and 
had the privilege of publishing for the first time. It settles 
the matter beyond all controversy, as no one ever dared to 
doubt a statement made by Lee on any question of his own 
knowledge. 

Lexington, Va., 25th February, 1868. 
Hon. Reverdy Johnson, 

U. S. Senate, Washington, D. C. 

My dear Sir : My attention has been called to the official report 
of the debate in the Senate of the United States on the 19th inst, 
in which you did me the kindness to doubt the correctness of the 
statement made by the Hon. Simon Cameron, in regard to myself. 
I desire that you may feel certain of my conduct on the occasion 
referred to, so far as my individual statement can make you. 
**" I never intimated to any one that I desired the command of the 
United States Army, nor did I ever have a conversation with but 
one gentleman, the Hon. Francis Preston Blair, on the subject, 
which was at his invitation, and as I understood at the instance 
of President Lincoln. 

After listening to his remarks, I declined the offer he made me, 
to take command of the army that was to be brought into the field, 
stating as candidly and as courteously as I could, that though op- 
posed to secession and deprecating war, I could take no part in an 
invasion of the Southern States. 

I went directly from the interview with Mr. Blair to the office 
of General Scott ; told him of the proposition that had been made 
to me, and my decision. 

Upon reflection after returning to my home I concluded that I 
ought no longer to retain any commission I held in the United 
States Army, and on the second morning thereafter, I forwarded 



132 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

my resignation to General Scott. At the time I hoped that peace 
would have been preserved ; that some way would have been found 
to save the country from the calamities of war; and I then had 
no other intention than to pass the remainder of my life as a private 
citizen. 

Two days afterwards, upon the invitation of the Governor of 
Virginia, I repaired to Richmond ; found that the convention then 
in session had passed the ordinance withdrawing the State from 
the Union ; and accepted the commission of commander of its 
forces, which was tendered me. 

These are the simple facts of the case, and they show that Mr. 
Cameron has been misinformed. 

I am with great respect, 

Your obt. svt., 

R. E. Lee. 

I received from Mrs. Lee once a very vivid account of the 
struggle it cost her husband to sever the ties which bound 
him to the Union and to the United States Army. She said 
that after his last interview with General Scott he returned 
to Arlington deeply affected by the circumstances which sur- 
rounded him, and anxious to decide what was his present duty. 
The night his letter of resignation was written, he asked to be 
left alone for a time, and while he paced the chamber above, 
and was heard frequently to fall on his knees and engage in 
earnest prayer for divine gnidance, she waited and watched 
and prayed below. At last he came down calm, collected, 
almost cheerful, and said, "Well, Mary, the question is settled. 
Here is my letter of resignation, and a letter I have written 
General Scott." 

The letters were as follows : 

Arlington, Va., April 20, 1861. 
General : 

Since my interview with you on the 18th inst. I have felt that 
I ought no longer to retain my commission in the Army. I there- 
fore tender my resignation, which I request you will recommend 
for acceptance. It would have been presented at once but for the 
struggle it has cost me to separate myself from a service to which 
I have devoted all the best years of my life and all the ability I ■ 
possessed. 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 133 

During the whole of that time — more than a quarter of a century 
— I have experienced nothing - but kindness from my superiors, 
and the most cordial friendship from my comrades. To no one, 
General, have I been as much indebted as to yourself for uniform 
kindness and consideration, and it has always been my ardent 
desire to meet your approbation. I shall carry to the grave the 
most grateful recollections of your kind consideration, and your 
name and fame will always be dear to me. 

Save in defense of my native State, I never desire again to draw 
my sword. Be pleased to accept my most earnest wishes for the 
continuance of your happiness and prosperity, and believe me, 

Most truly vours, 

R. E. Lee. 

Arlington, Washington City P. O., April 20, 1861. 
Hon. Simon Cameron, 

Secretary of War. 
Sir : I have the honor to tender the resignation of my com- 
mission as colonel of the First Regiment of Cavalry. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
Colonel 1st Cavalry. 

Under the same date he wrote as follows to his sister, Mrs. 
Marshall, in Baltimore, whose husband adhered to the Union 
cause : 

My dear Sister : 

I am grieved at my inability to see you. I have been waiting 
for a more "convenient season," which has brought to many before 
me deep and lasting regret. We are now in a state of war which 
will yield to nothing. The whole South is in a state of revolution, 
into which Virginia, after a long struggle, has been drawn ; and 
though I recognize no necessity for this state of things, and would 
have forborne and pleaded to the end for redress of grievances, 
real or supposed, yet in my own person I had to meet the question 
whether I should take part against my native State. With all my 
devotion to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and duty of an 
American citizen, I have not been able to make up my mind to 
raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home. I 
have, therefore, resigned my commission in the Army, and save in 
defense of my native State — with the 'sincere hope that my poor 
services may never be needed — I hope I may never be called upon to 
draw mv sword. 



134 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I know you will blame me ; but you must think as kindly of me 
as you can, and believe that I have endeavored to do what I thought 
right. To show you the feeling and struggle it has cost me, I send 
you a copy of my letter of resignation. I have no time for more. 

May God guard and protect you and yours, and shower upon 
you everlasting blessings, is the prayer of 

Your devoted brother, 

R. E. Lee. 

And on the same day he thus wrote to his brother : 

Arlington, Va., April 20, 1861. 
My dear Brother Smith : 

The question which was the subject of my earnest consultation 
with you on the 18th inst. has in my own mind been decided. After 
the most anxious inquiry as to the correct course for me to pursue, 
I concluded to resign, and sent in my resignation this morning. I 
wished to wait till the ordinance of secession should be acted upon 
by the people of Virginia ; but war seems to have commenced, and 
I am liable at any time to be ordered on duty which I could not 
conscientiously perform. To save me from such a position, and to 
prevent the necessity of resigning under orders, I had to act at 
once, and before I could see you again on the subject, as I had 
wished. I am now a private citizen, and have no other ambition 
than to remain at home. Save in the defense of my native State, 
I have no desire ever again to draw my sword. I send you my 
warmest love. Your affectionate brother, 

R. E. Lee. 

At the earnest request of the Virginia authorities he re- 
paired to Richmond, where, upon their cordial invitation, 
though against all of his own feelings, he appeared before the 
convention, and had a great ovation. Besides members of the 
convention, the Governor of the State, the Advisory Council, 
Vice-President A. H. Stephens (who had come as a Commis- 
sioner to induce Virginia to join the Confederacy), and other 
distinguished men were present. 

The president of the convention, Hon. John Janney, ad- 
dressed him in an eloquent speech, which he concluded as 
follows : 

Sir, we have by this unanimous vote expressed our convictions 
that you are at this day among the living citizens of Virginia, 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 135 

"first in war." We pray to God most fervently that you may so 
conduct the operations committed to your charge that it will soon 
be said of you that you are, "first in peace ;" and when that time 
comes you will have earned the still prouder distinction of being 
"first in the hearts of your countrymen." I will close with one 
more remark. 

When the Father of his Country made his last will and testament 
he gave swords to his favorite nephews, with an injunction that 
they should never be drawn from their scabbards except in self- 
defense, or in defense of the rights and liberties of their country ; 
and that, if drawn for the latter purpose, they should fall with them 
in their hands rather than relinquish them. 

Yesterday your mother, Virginia, placed her sword in your hand, 
upon the implied condition, that we know you will keep to the 
letter and in spirit, that you will draw it only in defense, and that 
you will fall with it in your hand, rather than the object for which 
it was placed there shall fail. 

In reply to this address, General Lee, who was all unused 
to the arts of the orator, and had indeed never made a speech 
before in his life, said in clear tones of simple eloquence : 

"Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention : Profoundly 
impressed with the solemnity of the occasion, for which I must 
say I was not prepared, I accept the position assigned me by your 
partiality. I would have much preferred that your choice had fallen 
upon an abler man. Trusting in Almighty God, an approving con- 
science, and the aid of my fellow-citizens, I devote myself to the 
services of my native State, in whose behalf alone will I ever again 
draw my sword." 

Alexander H. Stephens has thus described this scene, and 
spoken of a subsequent interview with him in which Mr. 
Stephens, as Commissioner of the Confederate States, sought 
the influence of Lee to induce Virginia to join the Confederacy : 

As he stood there, fresh and ruddy as a David from the sheep- 
fold, in the prime of his manly beauty, and the embodiment of a 
line of heroic and patriotic fathers and worthy mothers, it was thus 
I first saw Robert E. Lee. I had preconceived ideas of the rough 
soldier with no time for the graces of life and by companionship 
almost compelled to the vices of his profession. I did not know 
then that he used no stimulants, was free even from the use of 
tobacco, and that he was absolutely stainless in his private life. I 



136 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

did not know then, as I do now, that he had been a model youth 
and young man ; but I had before me the most manly and entire 
gentleman I ever saw. 

That this seeming modesty was genuine, that this worth in which 
his compatriots believed was real, that his character was unselfish, 
I was to know as the shades of evening fell upon that day and he 
sat in my room at the Ballard House, at my request, to listen to my 
proposal that he resign, without any compensation or promise 
thereof, the very honor and rank he had that same morning re- 
ceived 

General Lee heard me quietly, understood the situation at once, 
and saw that he alone stood between the Confederacy and his 
State. The members of the convention had seen at once that Lee 
was left out of the proposed compact that was to make Virginia 
one of the Confederate States, and I knew that one word, or even 
a look of dissatisfaction, from him would terminate the negotiations 
with which I was entrusted. North Carolina would act with Vir- 
ginia, and either the Border States would protect our lines or the 
battlefield be moved at once down to South Carolina and the 
borders of Georgia. 

General Lee did not hesitate for one moment, and, while he saw 
that it would make matters worse to throw up his commission, he 
declared that no personal ambition or emolument should be con- 
sidered or stand in the way. I had admired him in the morning, 
but I took his hand that night at parting with feelings of respect 
and almost reverence never yet effaced. I met him at times later, 
and he was always the same Christian gentleman. 

Virginia became one of us and the battlefield, as all men know, 
and General Lee took subordinate positions which for a time placed 
him nearly out of sight. The magnitude of his sacrifice of the 
position of commander-in-chief of the Union Army — if Mr. Blair is 
right in saying it was offered him — is already appreciated. But the 
greatness of his self-abnegation in the surrender of the sword of 
Virginia will not yet be seen unless I show what it at once in- 
volved. It is not the man on the battlefield I wish to draw, but a 
higher thing than a mere sword-flourisher — personal character. 

Nominally, General Lee lost nothing; but practically, for the 
time being, he lost everything. The Government moved to Rich- 
mond, and Mr. Davis directed General Lee to retain his command 
of the Virginia troops, which was really to make him recruiting and 
drill-inspector 

I can never forget that I saw Colonel Lee for the first time 
when he was on his way from Arlington to Richmond to 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 137 

offer his stainless sword to the land he loved so well. It was 
at the little village of Louisa Court House, Virginia, on a 
beautiful day in April, 1861, when a large crowd, animated 
by the excitement of the hour, had assembled at the depot to 
gather ''the news from the North." On the arrival of the 
train it was at once whispered that "Col. R. E. Lee is on 
board," and there were enthusiastic calls for him. At last 
there appeared at the window of the mail car the noblest look- 
ing man I had ever gazed upon, clean shaven except a mous- 
tache as black as the raven wing, black hair except here and 
there a silvery thread, erect carriage and manly bearing, and 
one of the handsomest faces I ever saw, in which gentleness 
was mingled with firmness of purpose. As he bowed grace- 
fully to the crowd who cheered him to the echo, and the train < 
moved off, I remarked to a friend, "There is one of our great 
leaders who will make his mark in this war." General Lee 
entered at once upon the discharge of his important duties and 
great responsibilities, organizing and equipping the raw re- 
cruits who rushed to arms at the first call of their Mother 
State. There was no lack of men. The people of Virginia had 
voted by an overwhelming majority in favor of the Union, and 
had elected a large majority of "Union men" to their Con- 
vention, and these men had firmly held the old Commonwealth 
in her allegiance to the Union, and did everything in their 
power to keep the peace, and preserve "the Union and the 
Constitution" as the fathers of the Republic made them. 

But now all was changed. The "inalienable right" of self- 
government had been violated, the President of the United 
States (without even the constitutional requisite of Congres- 
sional approval) had declared war against sovereign States 
which had only exercised their constitutional rights, and Vir- 
ginia was called on to furnish her quota of the 75,000 men 
called for by Mr. Lincoln to coerce these States. Horace 
Greeley in the New York Tribune was ably advocating the 
right of the Southern States to peaceably withdraw from the 
Union, and pointing out the folly of the claim that the General 



138 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Government had any right to coerce them. Among other 
things he said: "If the Cotton States shall become satisfied 
that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on 
letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a 
revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless." Again: "We 
hope never to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned 
to the residue by bayonets." And again : "If the Declaration 
of Independence justified the secession from the British Empire 
of 3,000,000 colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not 
justify the secession of 5,000,000 Southerners from the Federal 
Union in 1861." 

The New York Herald of November 23, i860, said: "Co- 
ercion, in any event, is out of the question. A Union held to- 
gether by the bayonet would be nothing better than a military 
despotism." 

After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, the Commercial, of 
Cincinnati, one of the ablest Republican papers in the country, 
said : "We are not in favor of blockading the Southern coast. 
We are not in favor of retaking by force the property of the 
United States now in possession of the seceders. We would 
recognize the existence of a government formed of all the 
slaveholding States and attempt to cultivate amicable relations 
with it." 

If leading men at the North held this position, how natural it 
was that the policy of coercion adopted should have produced a 
complete revolution in the sentiments of even the strongest 
Union men in Virginia. No one who did not witness the scenes 
then enacted can appreciate them. Women prepared the equip- 
ments, buckled on the swords, and sent to the front sons, hus- 
bands, brothers, and sweethearts. The farmer left his plow in 
the furrow, the mechanic his job unfinished, the merchant his 
books unposted, the lawyer his brief unargued, and the doctor 
his patient unattended. The teacher closed his school, the pro- 
fessor left his chair in the college, the student exchanged his 
"midnight lamp" for the camp-fires of the boys in gray, and 
the preacher left his pulpit, leading with him the able-bodied 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 139 

men of his flock. From her blue mountains to the shores of her 
resounding seas, from Alleghany to Chesapeake, from the Po- 
tomac to the North Carolina line the tramp of her sons is 
heard, and there rush to defend the Old Dominion the very 
flower of her youth and manhood. 

General Lee went vigorously to work to organize, drill, and 
discipline these high-spirited volunteers, and it was soon seen 
that a master-hand was at the helm. Virginia soon united her 
fortunes to those of the Southern Confederacy; an order of the 
Secretary of War, L. P. Walker, put Lee in command of all 
Confederate troops that should congregate in Virginia, the 
Confederate Congress in session at Montgomery, Alabama, 
adjourned to meet in Richmond, and on the 29th of May Presi- 
dent Jefferson Davis reached Richmond, and the capital of the 
"Old Dominion" thus became the capital of "the Confederate 
States of America." I quote the following from Gen. Fitz 
Lee's Memoir as bringing out clearly the inner views and feel- 
ings of the great commander at this eventful period of his life. 

A letter from General Lee to his wife, who was still at Arlington, 
April 30, 1861, tells her that he is "glad to hear all is well and as 
yet peaceful. I fear the latter state will not continue long. I think, 
therefore, you had better prepare all things for removal from Ar- 
lington — that is, plate, pictures, etc., and be prepared at any mo- 
ment. Where to go is the difficulty. When the war commences 
no place will be exempt ; in my opinion, indeed, all the avenues 
into the State will be the scene of military operations. I wrote to 
Robert [his son] that I could not consent to take boys from their 
schools and young men from their colleges and put them in the 
ranks at the beginning of the war when they are not needed. The 
war may last ten years. Where are our ranks to be filled from 
then?" 

And again he writes : "I am very anxious about you. You have 
to move, and make arrangements to go to some point of safety 
which you must select. The Mount Vernon plate and pictures 
ought to be secured. War is inevitable, and there is no telling when 
it will burst around you. Virginia yesterday, I understand, joined 
the Confederate States. What policy they may adopt I cannot con- 
jecture." And Mrs. Lee, from Arlington, May 5, 1861, sent the 
following note to General Scott in Washington : 



140 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

"My dear General : Hearing that you desire to see the account 
of my husband's reception in Richmond, I have sent it to you. No 
honors can reconcile us to this fractricidal war which we would 
have laid down our lives freely to avert. Whatever may happen, 
I feel that I may expect from your kindness all the protection you 
can in honor afford. Nothing can ever make me forget your kind 
appreciation of Mr. Lee. If you knew all you would not think so 
hardly of me. Were it not that I would not add one feather to his 
load of care, nothing would induce me to abandon my home. Oh, 
that you could command peace to our distracted country ! 
"Yours in sadness and sorrow, 

"M. C. Lee." 

Occasionally this wife and mother's heart would beat with happi- 
ness at the stories of successful compromise between the sections 
and then sink in despair at the continued prospects of war. From 
Richmond, May 13, 1861, her husband wrote her: "Do not put 
faith in rumors of adjustment. I see no prospect for it. It cannot 
be while passions on both sides are so infuriated. Make your plans 
for several years of war. If Virginia is invaded, which appears 
to be designed, the main routes through the country will, in all 
probability, be infested and passage interrupted. I agree with you 
in thinking that the inflammatory articles in the papers do us much 
harm. I object particularly to those in the Southern papers, as I 
wish them to take a firm, dignified course, free from bravado and 
boasting. The times are indeed calamitous. The brightness of 
God's countenance seems turned from us, and its mercy stopped in 
its blissful current. It may not always be so dark, and He may in 
time pardon our sins and take us under his protection. Tell 
Custis* he must consult his own judgment, reason, and conscience 
as to the course he may take. I do not wish him to be guided by 
my wishes or example. If I have done wrong, let him do better. 
The present is a momentous question which every man must settle 
for himself and upon principle. Our good Bishop Meade has just 
come to see me. He opens the convention tomorrow, and, I under- 
stood him to say, would preach his fiftieth anniversary sermon. 
God bless and guard you !" 

A few days before he had written : 

"Richmond, May 8, 1861. 
"I received yesterday your letter of the 5th. I grieve at the 
anxiety that drives you from your home. I can appreciate your 
feelings on the occasion, and pray that you may receive comfort 



*His son, then a lieutenant in the Engineer Corps, U. S. Army. 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 141 

and strength in the difficulties that surround you. When I reflect 
upon the calamity pending over the country my own sorrows sink 
into insignificance." 

On the 2d of the same month he told her : "I have just received 
Custis's letter of the 30th, enclosing the acceptance of my resig- 
nation. It is stated it will take effect on the 25th of April. I 
resigned on the 20th, and wished it to take effect on that day. I 
cannot consent to its running on farther, and he must receive no 
pay if thev tender it beyond that day, but return the whole if need 
be." 

And again in a letter on May 16, 1861, he writes : "I witnessed 
the opening of the convention yesterday, and heard the good 
Bishop's sermon for the fiftieth anniversary of his ministry. It was 
most impressive, and more than once I felt the tears coursing down 
my cheeks. It was from the text, 'And Pharaoh said unto Jacob, 
How old art thou ?' It was full of humility and self-reproach." 

As showing the warm appreciation in which General Lee 
was held at this period by those competent to judge, I give two 
letters which were sent him, and which have never before been 
published, the one from the able and accomplished Hon. Wm. 
C. Rives, and the other from the venerable and beloved Bishop 
William Meade of Virginia. 

Castle Hill, Cobham P. O., 28th April, 1861. 
My dear Sir : 

Being recently in Richmond on business for a single day, I had 
it very much at heart to call and pay my respects to you. 

But being prevented from doing so by very urgent engage- 
ments, I hope you will allow me, in this form, to express to you 
the very great gratification I have felt at your appointment to the 
chief command of our military and naval forces. The moment is 
one of so much exigency as to call for a combination of qualities 
rarely found united in the same character. 

In you we feel that we possess them all in their highest devel- 
opment. The confidence and heart of the whole State are with 
you; and while in so general an acclamation of approbation and 
congratulation, no one voice can have much value, I trust you will 
not deem it intrusive if I venture to add mine, with the assurance 
of the highest respect and warmest good wishes with which I am 
truly and faithfully, Yours, 

W. C. Rives. 

Ma j. -Gen. Robert E. Lee. 



142 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Madison Court House, May 6, 1861. 
My dear Sir : 

In the midst of our troubles and dangers and my own deep grief, 
it is a great relief to me that in the Providence of God so import- 
ant a station has been assigned to you, as I believe that by natural 
and acquired endowments and by the grace of God you are better 
qualified for the same than any other of our citizens of Virginia. 
May those talents be guided by God himself in the execution of 
the high and most trying duties which devolve upon you. My 
heart dictates these words, and I cannot repress the desire to utter 
them. I expect to be in Richmond during the next week and then 
hope to see you. Most sincerely your friend, 

William Meade. 
Bishop of the P. E. C. of Va. 

P. S. — Richmond, Tuesday evening. 

I unexpectedly find myself here this evening and shall remain 
until Thursday morning. If you will mention any time in which 
you will be disengaged or less engaged in your numerous arduous 
duties and cares, I will call and see you for a few moments. 

Very truly, 

W. Meade. 

General Lee remained in Richmond in the active discharge 
of his duties until after the first battle of Manassas, which was 
fought on the 21st of July, 1861. It was largely his judgment 
which selected the points of defense in Virginia and assigned 
the commanders: Norfolk, commanded by General Huger; 
Yorktown, General Magruder; Aquia Creek, General Holmes; 
Manassas Junction, General G. T. Beauregard ; Harper's 
Ferry, Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, and Northwestern Virginia, 
Gen. Robert Garnett. 

He was constantly embarrassed by lack of arms, ammuni- 
tion, equipment of every description, transportation, — every- 
thing that an army needs, — but he labored with energy, skill, 
and marvelous success to supply these deficiencies. 

Arlington was occupied by Federal troops on the 24th of 
May, 1 86 1, Mrs. Lee and her daughters having left some days 
before. In response to a letter from Mrs. Lee, asking that the 
Federal commander respect her private property, and protect 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 143 

her home, Gen. Irvin McDowell made the following response, 
which is very creditable to that able soldier and high-toned 
gentleman : 

Headquarters, Department Northeastern Virginia, 

Arlington, May 30, 1861. 
Mrs. R. E. Lee. 

Madam : Having been ordered by the Government to relieve Ma- 
jor-General Sanford in command of this Department, I had the 
honor to receive this morning your letter of today addressed to him 
at this place. With respect to the occupation of Arlington by the 
United States troops, I beg to say it has been done by my prede- 
cessor with every regard for the preservation of the place. I am 
here temporarily in camp on the grounds, preferring this to sleeping 
in the house, under the circumstances which the painful state of the 
country places me with respect to these properties. I assure you 
it will be my earnest endeavor to have all things so ordered that 
on your return you will find things as little disturbed as possible. 
In this I have the hearty concurrence of the courteous, kind- 
hearted gentleman in the immediate command of the troops quar- 
tered here, and who lives in the lower part of the house to insure 
its being respected. Everything has been done as you desire with 
respect to your servants, and your wishes, so far as they have been 
known or could have been understood, have been complied with. 
When you desire to return every facility will be given you for doing 
so. I trust, madam, you will not consider it an intrusion when I 
say I have the most sincere sympathy for your distress, and, so far 
as compatible with my duty, I shall always be ready to do whatever 
may alleviate it. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 

I. McDowell. 

P. S. — I am informed it was the order of the general-in-chief 
if the troops on coming here should have found the family in the 
house, that no one should enter it, but that a guard should be placed 
for its protection. 

July 12, 1 86 1, in a letter from Richmond to Mrs. Lee, Gen- 
eral Lee wrote : 

You know that Rob has been captain of Company A, of the 
University. He has written for a sword and sash, which I have not 
yet been able to get for him. I shall send him a sword of mine, but 
cannot procure him a sash. I am very anxious to get into the field, 
but am detained by matters beyond my control. I have never heard 



144 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

of the assignment to which you allude — of commander-in-chief of 
the Southern Army — nor have I any expectation or wish for it. 
President Davis holds that position. I have been laboring - to pre- 
pare and get into the field the Virginia troops to strengthen those 
from other States, and the threatened commands of Johnston, 
Beauregard, Huger, Garnett, etc. Where I shall go, I do not know, 
as that will depend upon President Davis. 

Soon after the battle of Manassas, General Lee wrote to his 
wife : 

That, indeed, was a glorious victory, and has lightened the pres- 
sure upon us amazingly. Do not grieve for the brave dead, but 
sorrow for those they left behind — friends, relatives, and families. 
The former are at rest ; the latter must suffer. The battle will be 
repeated there in greater force. I hope God will again smile on us 
and strengthen our hearts and arms. I wished to participate in 
the former struggle, and am mortified at my absence. But the 
President thought it more important that I should be here. I 
could not have done as well as has been done, but I could have 
helped and taken part in a struggle for my home and neighbor- 
hood. So the work is done, I care not by whom it is done. I 
leave tomorrow for the army in western Virginia. 

It seems very clear now that after the great victory at 
Manassas the Confederates ought to have pressed on, and 
captured Washington, and President Davis, who arrived on the 
field soon after the rout began, gave an order to press on at 
once, but was induced to withdraw it by the remonstrance of 
Johnston and Beauregard, who were not aware of the extent of 
the Federal disaster, and insisted that lack of transportation, 
the weariness of their troops, the lack of provisions and other 
causes rendered a vigorous pursuit unadvisable. 

The President now wanted to send General Johnston to 
West Virginia, but as he declined to go, or rather remonstrated 
against going, he determined to send General Lee, and he 
promptly went a few days after the battle of Manassas (Bull 
Run, as it is called by Northern writers). There had been Con- 
federate disasters in northwestern Virginia, and McClellan had 
won successes which, though small in themselves, had given 
him large reputation, and secured his appointment to the com- 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 145 

mand of the Army of the Potomac, while Rosecrans was sent 
to command the Department of West Virginia. Lee found in 
the character of the country, the condition of the roads, the 
sickness of the troops, and the want of harmony among - subord- 
inate commanders almost insuperable difficulties, and some 
of his plans, which seemed almost certain of brilliant success, 
miscarried by the failure of others. 

Mr. Davis said that on his return to Richmond he gave him 
a detailed account of the campaign, which showed clearly that 
but for the failure of subordinates, victory would have perched 
on his banners, but begged the President not to speak of it, 
saying, "I would rather rest under unjust censure myself than 
to injure those who are doing what they can for the cause." 

His private letters during this period were of deep interest. 
From Huntersville, under date of August 4, 1861, he wrote 
Mrs. Lee : 

I reached here yesterday to visit this portion of the army. The 
points from which we can be attacked are numerous, and the ene- 
my's means unlimited, so we must always be on the alert ; it is so 
difficult to get our people, unaccustomed to the necessities of war, 
to comprehend and promptly execute the measures required for 
the occasion. General Jackson, of Georgia, commands on the 
Monterey line, General Loring on this line, and General Wise, 
supported by General Floyd, on the Kanawha line. The soldiers 
everywhere are sick. The measles are prevalent throughout the 
whole army. You know that disease leaves unpleasant results and 
attacks the lungs, etc., especially in camp, where the accommoda- 
tions for the sick are poor. I traveled from Staunton on horseback. 
A part of the road I traveled over in the summer of 1840 on my 
return to St. Louis after bringing you home. If any one had told 
me that the next time I traveled that road would have been my 
present errand, I should have supposed him insane. I enjoyed the 
mountains as I rode along. The views were magnificent. The 
valleys so peaceful, the scenery so beautiful ! What a glorious 
world Almighty God has given us ! How thankless and ungrateful 
we are ! 

And from Valley Mountain, August 9, 1861, he writes: 



146 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I have been three days coming from Monterey to Huntersville. 
The mountains are beautiful, fertile to the tops, covered with the 
richest sward and blue grass and white clover. The enclosed fields 
wave with a natural growth of timothy. This is a magnificent 
grazing country, and all it wants is labor to clear the mountainsides 
of timber. It has rained, I believe, some portion of every day 
since I left Staunton. Now it is pouring. Colonel Washington, 
Captain Taliaferro and myself are in one tent, which as yet pro- 
tects us. I have enjoyed the company of our son ["Rooney"] while 
I have been here. He is very well and very active, and as yet the 
war has not reduced him much. He dined with me yesterday and 
preserves his fine appetite. Today he is out reconnoitering, and 
has the full benefit of this fine rain. I fear he is without his over- 
coat, as I do not recollect seeing it on his saddle. I told you he 
had been promoted to a major in the cavalry, and he is the com- 
manding cavalry officer on this line at present. He is sanguine, 
cheerful, and hearty as ever. I sent him some cornmeal this 
morning, and he sent me some butter — a mutual exchange of good 
things. The men are suffering from measles and so on, as else- 
where, but are cheerful and light-hearted. Send word to Miss 
Lou Washington that her father is sitting on his blanket sewing 
a strap on his haversack. I think she ought to be here to do it. 

And on September i, from the same place, he tells her : 

We have had a great deal of sickness among the soldiers, and 
those now on the sick list would form an army. The measles is 
still among them, but I hope is dying out. The constant cold 
rains, mud, etc., with no shelter or tents, have aggravated it. All 
these drawbacks, with impassable roads, have paralyzed our ef- 
forts. 

He thus writes to his son Custis : 

Valley Ml, 3d September, 1861. 
My dear Son : 

I was very glad to receive your letter of the 27th ulto., and to 
learn something of your whereabouts. I did not know what had 
become of you, and was very anxious to learn. You say nothing of 
your health, and I will hope you are well and able to do good 
service to the cause so dear to us all. I trust you may be able to 
get a position and field agreeable to you ; and know that wherever 
you may be placed you will do your duty. That is all the pleasure, 
all the comfort, all the glory we can enjoy in this world. I have 
been able to do but little here. Still I hope I have been of some 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 147 

service. Things are better organized. I feel stronger, we are 
stronger. The three routes leading east are guarded. The men 
have more confidence, our people a feeling of security. The enemy 
has been driven back, and made to haul in his horns, and to find he 
cannot have everything his own way. This has been done without 
a battle, but by a steady advance of positions. Now to drive him 
farther a battle must come off, and I am anxious to begin it. Cir- 
cumstances beyond human control delay it, I know for good, but 
I hope the Great Ruler of the Universe will continue to aid and 
prosper us, and crown at last our feeble efforts with success. Rain, 
rain, rain, there has been nothing but rain. So it has appeared to 
my anxious mind since I approached these mountains. It com- 
menced before, but since has come down with a will. The cold 
too has been greater than I could have conceived. In my winter 
clothing and buttoned up in my overcoat, I have still been cold. 
This state of weather has aggravated the sickness that has attacked 
the whole army, measles and typhoid fever. Some regiments have 
not over 250 for duty, some 300, 500, or about half, according to 
its strength. This makes a terrible hole in our effectives. Do not 
mention this, I pray you. It will be in the papers next. The rains 
and constant travel have cut these dirt turnpikes so deep, the soil 
being rich mould in most parts, that wagons can only travel with 
double teams. But there is a change in the weather. The glorious 
sun has been shining these four days. The drowned earth is 
warming. The sick are improving, and the spirits of all are rising. 
F. is anxious to get his buffalo robe. Did you ever get my letter 
concerning it ? It was directed to be sent to the Spotswood to me. 
I asked you to put it up securely, and get Colonel Myers to send it 
to me at Huntersville. I have heard nothing of it. F. feels the 
want of it every night. He is very well, hearty, and sanguine. I 
am glad to hear of Gen. A. S. Johnston's approach and Captain 
Garnett's arrival. The disaster at Cape Hatteras was a hard blow 
to us, but we must expect them, struggle against them, prepare for 
them. We cannot be always successful and reverses must come. 
May God give us courage, endurance, and faith to strive to the 
end. Good-by, my dear son. F. has just come in. He sends his 
love and Colonel W. and Captain T. their regards. Give my kind 
remembrances to everybody. Your fond father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Capt. G. W. Custis Lee. 

In a letter to Mrs. Lee, dated Valley Mountain, September 
17, 1861, the General writes: 



148 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I had hoped to have surprised the enemy's works on the morn- 
ing of the 1 2th, both at Cheat Mountain and on Valley River. All 
the attacking parties with great labor had reached their destination 
over mountains considered impassable to bodies of troops, notwith- 
standing the heavy storm that had set in the day before and raged 
all night, in which they had to stand till daylight ; their arms were 
then unserviceable, and they in poor condition for a fierce assault. 
After waiting till ten o'clock for the assault on Cheat Mountain, 
which did not take place, and which was to be the signal for the 
rest, they were withdrawn, and after waiting three days in front 
of the enemy, hoping he would come out of his trenches, we re- 
turned to our position at this place. I cannot tell you my regret 
and mortification at the untoward events that caused the failure of 
the plan. I had taken every precaution to insure success, and 
counted on it ; but the Ruler of the Universe willed otherwise, and 
sent a storm to disconcert the well-laid plan. We are no worse 
off now than before, except the disclosure of our plan, against 
which they will guard. We met with one heavy loss which grieves 
me deeply: Colonel Washington accompanied Fitzhugh [his son] 
on a reconnoitering expedition. I fear they were carried away by 
their zeal and approached within the enemy's pickets. The first 
they knew there was a volley from a concealed party within a few 
yards of them. Three balls passed through the Colonel's body, 
three struck his horse, and the horse of one of the men was killed. 
Fitzhugh mounted the Colonel's horse and brought him off. I am 
much grieved. He was always anxious to go on these expedi- 
tions. This was the first day I assented. Since I had been thrown 
in such immediate relations with him, I had learned to appreciate 
him very highly. Morning and evening have I seen him on his 
knees praying to his Maker. "The righteous perisheth, and no 
man layeth it to heart ; the merciful men are taken away, none 
considering that the righteous are taken away from the evil to 
come." May God have mercy on us all ! 

On the 26th of the same month he writes from his camp on 
Sewell Mountains : 

I told you of the death of Colonel Washington. I grieve for his 
loss, though I trust him to the mercy of our Heavenly Father. It 
is raining heavily. The men are all exposed on the mountains, 
with the enemy opposite to us. We are without tents, and for two 
nights I have lain buttoned up in my overcoat. Today my tent 
came up and I am in it, yet I fear I shall not sleep for thinking 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 149 

of the poor men. I have no doubt the socks you mentioned will be 
very acceptable to the men here and elsewhere. If you can send 
them here, I will distribute to the most needy. 

The following was addressed to his son Maj. W. H. F. Lee: 

Sewell Mt., i 2th October, 1861. 
My dear Fitzhugh : 

I am grieving over your absence and fear you are not comfort- 
able. Tell me how you are. I learn that the baby is doing very 
well and getting quite fat. Your poor mother, who was in Char- 
lottesville Saturday, was going to Richmond to join Charlotte and 
accompany her to the White House. I hope they will enjoy the 
quiet of the place and each other's company. Annie and Agnes 
are in Richmond, on their way to Cedar Grove. They have been 
to Uncle Carter's, and are well satisfied with their visit. The 
enemy in strong force threatened us for a week. I was in hopes 
they would attack, but after some sharp skirmishing with their 
reconnoitering parties last Saturday night they retired and by day- 
break next morning their rear-guard was fifteen miles off. We 
followed the first day without provisions, and had to return at 
night in a drenching rain. We have only lived from day to day 
and on three-fourths rations at that. It is the want of supplies 
that has prevented our advancing, and up to this time there is no 
improvement. The strength of the enemy is variously reported 
by prisoners and civilians at from 17,000 to 24,000. General Floyd 
puts him down at 18,000. I think their numbers are much over- 
rated, but that they are much stronger than we are. I believe they 
have crossed the Ganley and will not return this winter. God bless 
you, my dear son. Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Capt. Robert E. Lee thus speaks of this period in his "Rec- 
ollections of My Father" : 

When my father returned in the spring of 1861 and resigned 
from the United States Army, I was at the University of Vir- 
ginia. When the war commenced I was, in common with every 
student, wild to enter the Army. I wrote my father that I was 
afraid the war would be over before I had a chance to serve my 
State as a soldier. His reply was that I need have no fear of that 
contingency ; that I must study hard and fit myself to be useful to 
my State, when I became old enough to be of real service to her. 



150 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

So, very properly, I was not allowed to have my way then. I did 
not preserve my father's reply to my letter, but find an allusion to 
it in a letter from him to my mother, dated April 30, 1861 : 

"I wrote to Robert that I could not consent to take boys from 
their schools and young men from their colleges, and put them in 
the ranks at the beginning of a war, when they are not wanted, and 
when there were men enough for the purpose. The war may last 
ten years. Where are our ranks to be filled from then? I was 
willing for his company to continue at their studies, to keep up 
its organization, and to perfect themselves in their military exer- 
cises, and to perform duty at the college, but not to be called into 
the field. I therefore wished him to remain. If the exercises at 
the college are suspended, he can then come home." 

We had formed two military companies at the University, and 
it is to them that my father alluded. We had asked the Governor 
of Virginia to be mustered in the war, but he had declined our 
offer. So I stayed on at college till the end of that session and 
returned the next. In the summer vacation I took my mother to 
the Hot Springs of Virginia. This I did at the express desire of 
my father. I think it was to keep me out of the war. But the fever 
raged there and everywhere in the South. We all took it; theie 
was no escape. 

In a letter from Sewell Mountain, October 7, 1861, he writes 
Mrs. Lee that when her last letter was received — 

. . . The enemy was threatening an attack, which was continued 
till Saturday night, when under cover of darkness and our usual 
mountain mist, he suddenly withdrew. Your letter, with the socks, 
was handed to me when I was preparing to follow. I could not at 
the time attend to either, but I have since ; and as I found Perry 
[his colored servant from Arlington] in desperate need, I bestowed 
a couple of pairs on him as a present from you ; the others I have 
put in my trunk, and suppose they will fall to the lot of Meredith 
[a colored servant from the White House], into the state of whose 
hose I have not yet inquired. Should any sick man require them 
first he shall have them, but Meredith will have no one near to 
supply him but me, and will naturally expect that attention. The 
water is almost as bad here as in the mountains I left. There was 
a drenching rain yesterday, and as I left my overcoat in camp, I 
was thoroughly wet from head to foot. It has been raining ever 
since, and is now coming down with a will ; but I have my clothes 
out on the bushes, and they will be well washed. The force of the 
enemy, estimated by prisoners captured, is put down at from 17,000 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 151 

to 20,000 — General Floyd thinks 18,000. I do not think it exceeds 
9,000 or 10,000, but it exceeds ours. I wish he had attacked, as 
I believe he would have been repulsed with great loss. The rum- 
bling of his wheels, etc., were heard by our pickets ; but as that was 
customary at night in moving and placing his cannon, the officer 
of the day, to whom it was reported, paid no particular attention 
to it, supposing it to be a preparation for an attack in the morning. 
When day appeared the bird had flown, and the misfortune was 
that the reduced condition of our horses for want of provender, 
exposure to cold rains in these mountains, and want of provisions 
for the men, prevented the vigorous pursuit of following up that 
had been prepared. We can only get up provisions from day to 
day, which paralyzes our operations. I am sorry, as you say, that 
the movements of the armies cannot keep pace with the expecta- 
tions of the editors of papers. I know they can regulate matters 
satisfactory to themselves on paper. I wish they could do so in the 
field. No one wishes them more success than I do, and would be 
happy to see them have full swing. General Floyd has three edi- 
tors on his staff. I hope something will be done to please them. 

The allusion to the editors reminds us of a story of General 
Lee told by Hon. B. H. Hill of Georgia. " 'We made a great 
mistake, Mr. Hill, in the beginning of our struggle, and I fear, 
in spite of all we can do, it will prove to be a fatal mistake,' he 
said to me, after General Bragg ceased to command the Army 
of Tennessee, an event Lee deplored. 

" 'What mistake is that, General ?' 

" 'Why, sir, in the beginning we appointed all our worst 
generals to command the armies, and all our best generals to 
edit the newspapers. As you know, I have planned some cam- 
paigns and quite a number of battles. I have given the work 
all the care and thought I could, and sometimes, when my plans 
were completed, as far as I could see, they seemed to be perfect. 
But when I have fought them through, I have discovered 
defects and occasionally wondered I did not see some of the 
defects in advance. When it was all over, I found by reading 
a newspaper that these best editor generals saw all the defects 
plainly from the start. Unfortunately, they did not communi- 
cate their knowledge to me until it was too late.' Then, after 
a pause, he added, with a beautiful, grave expression I can 



152 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

never forget : 'I have no ambition but to serve the Confed- 
eracy, and do all I can to win our independence. I am willing 
to serve in any capacity to which the authorities may assign me. 
I have done the best I could in the field, and have not succeeded 
as I could wish. I am willing- to yield my place to these best 
generals, and I will do my best for the cause editing a news- 
paper.' " 

In the same strain he once remarked to one of his generals, 
"Even as poor a soldier as I am can generally discover mis- 
takes after it is all over. But if I could only induce these wise 
gentlemen who see them so clearly beforehand to communicate 
with me in advance, instead of waiting until the evil has come 
upon us, to let me know that they knew all the time, it would 
be far better for my reputation, and — what is of more conse- 
quence — far better for the cause." Certain it is that some of 
these neiuspaper generals were very severe on General Lee 
because of the result of the West Virginia campaign. They 
ridiculed his "West Point tactics," and made it appear that he 
had made so conspicuous a failure, that when he was ordered 
to take charge of the seacoast defenses of South Carolina and 
Georgia, there was sent up to the President a protest signed by 
nearly every officer on duty there. Mr. Davis quietly replied, 
"If Lee is not a general, then I have none that I can send you." 

It can be only stated here that General Lee's service on the 
South Atlantic coast was of the utmost value, and the works 
which he planned were a most important element in the superb 
defense which, under their able commanders and brave troops, 
Charleston and Savannah subsequently made. 

His letters at this period were of especial interest, as wit- 
ness the following specimens : 

Coosawhatchie, S. C, December 22, 1861. 
I shall think of you on that holy day more intensely than usual, 
and shall pray to the great God of Heaven to shower His blessings 
upon you in this world and to unite you all in His courts in the 
world to come. With a grateful heart I thank Him for his preser- 
vation of you thus far, and trust to His mercy and kindness for the 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 153 

future. O, that I were more worthy and more thankful for all 
that He has done and continues to do for me ! 

And again on Christmas clay he wrote : 

I cannot let this day of grateful rejoicing pass without some 
communion with you. I am thankful for the many among the past 
that I have passed with you, and the remembrance of them fills 
me with pleasure. As to our old home, if not destroyed it will be 
difficult ever to be recognized. Even if the enemy had wished to 
preserve it, it would almost have been impossible. With the num- 
ber of troops encamped around it, the change of officers, the want 
of fuel, shelter, etc., and all the dire necessities of war, it is vain 
to think of its being in a habitable condition. I fear, too, the books, 
furniture, and relics of Mount Vernon will be gone. It is better 
to make up our minds to a general loss. They cannot take away 
the remembrances of the spot, and the memories of those that to us 
rendered it sacred. That will remain to us as long as life will last 
and that we can preserve. In the absence of a home I wish I 
could purchase Stratford. It is the only other place I could go to 
now acceptable to us, that would inspire me with pleasure and 
local love. You and the girls could remain there in quiet. It is 
a poor place, but we could make enough corn-bread and bacon for 
our support, and the girls could weave us clothes. You must not 
build your hopes on peace on account of the United States going 
to war with England. The rulers are not entirely mad, and if they 
find England is in earnest, and that war or a restitution of the cap- 
tives* must be the consequence, they will adopt the latter. We 
must make up our minds to fight our battles and win our inde- 
pendence alone. No one will help us. 

In still another letter from the same place the General writes 
Mrs. Lee : 

I am truly grateful for all the mercies we enjoy, notwithstanding 
the miseries of war, and join heartily in the wish that the next 
year may find us in peace with all the world. I am delighted to 
hear that our little grandson is improving so fast and is becoming 
such a perfect gentleman. May his path be strewn with flowers 
and his life with happiness. I am very glad to hear also that his 
dear papa is promoted. It will be gratifying to him, I hope, and 
increase his means of usefulness. While at Fernandina I went 
over to Cumberland Island and walked up to Dungeness, the 



*Mason and Slidell. 



154 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

former residence of General Greene. It was my first visit to the 
house, and I had the gratification at length of visiting my father's 
grave. He died there, you may recollect, on his way from the 
West Indies, and was interred in one corner of the family ceme- 
tery. The spot is marked by a plain marble slab, with his name, 
age, and date of his death. Mrs. Greene is also buried there, and 
her daughter, Mrs. Shaw, and her husband. The place is at pres- 
ent owned by Mr. Nightingale, nephew of Mrs. Shaw, who mar- 
ried a daughter of Mrs. James King. The family have moved into 
the interior of Georgia, leaving only a few servants and a white 
gardener on the place. The garden was beautifully enclosed by the 
finest hedge of wild olive I have ever seen. 

To his daughter he writes : 

Savannah, 226. November, 1861. 
My darling Daughter : 

I wish I could see you, be with you, and never again part from 
you. God only can give me that happiness. I pray for it night 
and day. But my prayers, I know, are not worthy to be heard . . . 
I am much pleased at your description of Stratford and your visit 
there. It is endeared to me by many recollections, and it has always 
been the desire of my life to be able to purchase it. Now that we 
have no other home, and the one we so loved has been forever dese- 
crated, that desire is stronger with me than ever. The horse- 
chestnut you mention in the garden was planted by my mother. I 
am sorry the vault is so dilapidated. You do not mention the 
spring, one of the objects of my earliest recollections. How my 
heart goes back to those happy days ! . . . This is my second visit 
to Savannah. I have been down the coast as far as Amelia Island 
to examine the defenses. They are poor indeed, and I have laid 
off work to employ our people a month. I hope our enemy will be 
polite enough to wait for us. It is difficult to get our people to 
realize their position. Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following is one of a number of letters he wrote to the 
wife of his son, Wm. H. F. Lee. These letters, in affectionate 
playfulness, tender love, and chaste English, are, in my judg- 
ment, absolutely unsurpassed as specimens of letters in all the 
"Literature of letters." 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 155 

Coosawhatchie, S. C, December 29, 1861. 
You have no occasion to inform me, you precious Chass, that 
you have not written to me for a long time. That I already knew, 
and you know that the letters I am obliged to write do not prevent 
my reading letters from you. 

If' it requires fits of indignation to cause you to ventilate your 
paper, I will give occasion for a series of spasms, but in the present 
case I am innocent, as my proposition was for you to accompany 
your mama to Fayetteville, and not to run off with her son to 
Fredericksburg. I am afraid the enemy will catch you, and besides 
there are too many young men there. I only want you to visit the 
old men — your grandpapa and papa. But what has got into your 
heads to cause you to cut off of them your hair ? If you will weave 
some delicate fabrics for the soldiers of the family out of it, I 
will be content with the sacrifice. Or if it is an expression of a 
penitential mood that has come over you young women I shall 
not complain. Poor little A., somebody told me that a widower 
had been making sweet eyes at her through his spectacles. Per- 
haps she is preparing for caps. But you can tell her not to dis- 
tress herself. Her papa is not going to give her up in that way. 
I am, however, so glad that you are all together that I am willing 
you should indulge in some extravagances if they do not result in 
serious hurt, as they will afford a variety to the grave occupation 
of knitting, sewing, spinning, and weaving. You will have to 
get out the old wheels and looms again, else I do not know where 
we poor Confederates will get clothes. I have plenty of old ones 
for the present, but how are they to be renewed ? And that is the 
condition of many others. I do not think there are manufactories 
sufficient in the Confederacy to supply the demand, and as the men 
are all engrossed by the war, the women will have to engage in 
the business. Fayetteville or Stratford would be a fine manufac- 
tory. When you go to see your grandpa, consult him about it. 
I am glad to hear that he is well, and hope he will not let these dis- 
jointed times put him out of his usual way or give him inconven- 
ience. I would not advise him to commence building at Broad- 
neck until he sees whether the enemy can be driven from the land, 
as they have a great fondness for destroying residences when they 
can do it without danger to themselves . . . Do not let them get 
that precious baby, as he is so sweet that they would be sure to 
eat him. . . . Kiss Fitzhugh for me and the baby. That is the 
sweetest Christmas gift I can send them. I send you some sweet 
violets. I hope they may retain their fragrance till you receive 
them. I have just gathered them for you. The sun has set, and 



156 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

my eyes plead for relief, for they have had no rest this holy day. 
But my heart with all its strength stretches toward you and those 
with you, and hushes in silence its yearnings. God hless you, my 
daughter, your dear husband and son. Give much love to your 
mama, and may every blessing attend you all, prays, 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Could anything be more beautiful than the following Christ- 
mas letter to one of his daughters ? 

CoosawhatchiEj S. C, December 25, 1861. 
My dear Daughter : 

Having distributed such poor Christmas gifts as I had to those 
around me, I have been looking for something for you. Trifles 
even are hard to get these war-times, and you must not therefore 
expect more. I have sent you what I thought most useful in your 
separation from me, and hope it will be of some service. Though 
stigmatized as "vile dross," it has never been a drug with me. 
That you may never want for it, restrict your wants to your neces- 
sities. Yet how little will it purchase ! But see how God pro- 
vides for our pleasure in every way. To compensate for such 
"trash," I send you some sweet violets that I gathered for you 
this morning while covered with dense white frost, whose crystals 
glittered in the bright sun like diamonds, and formed a brooch 
of rare beauty and sweetness which could not be fabricated by the 
expenditure of a world of money. May God guard and preserve 
you for me, my dear daughter ! Among the calamities of war, 
the hardest to bear, perhaps, is the separation of families and 
friends. Yet all must be endured to accomplish our independence 
and maintain our self-government. In my absence from you I 
have thought of you very often, and regretted I could do nothing 
for your comfort. Your old home, if not destroyed by our ene- 
mies, has been so desecrated that I cannot bear to think of it. I 
: should have preferred it to have been wiped from the earth, its 
I beautiful hill sunk, and its sacred trees buried, rather than to have 
been degraded by the presence of those who revel in the ill they do 
for their own selfish purposes. You see what a poor sinner I am, 
and how unworthy to possess what was given me ; for that reason 
it has been taken away. I pray for a better spirit, and that the 
hearts of our enemies may be changed. In your homeless condi- 
tion I hope you make yourself contented and useful. Occupy 
yourself in aiding those more helpless than yourself. . . . Think 
alwavs of vour father, 

R. E. Lee. 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 157 

In a letter to his son Custis under date of December 29, 1861, 
he writes about a number of business matters, and then says : 

The news from Europe is indeed good, but I think the U. S. 
Govt., notwithstanding their moral and political commitment to 
Wilkes's act, if it finds that England is earnest and that it will have 
to fight or retract, will retract. We must make up our minds to 
fight our battles ourselves, expect to receive aid from no one, and 
make every necessary sacrifice of comfort, money, and labor to 
bring the war to a successful close. The cry is too much for help. 
I am mortified to hear it. We want no aid. We want to be true 
to ourselves, to be prudent, just, and bold. I am dreadfully dis- 
appointed at the spirit here. They have all of a sudden realized 
the asperities of war. If I only had some veteran troops to take 
the trust, they would soon rally and be inspired with the great 
principle for which we are contending. The enemy is quiet, and 
safe in his big boats. He is threatening everywhere around, pil- 
laging, burning, and robbing where he can venture with impunity, 
and alarming women and children. Every day I have reports of 
their landing in force, marching upon us, etc., which turns out to 
be some marauding party. The last was the North Edisto. I yes- 
terday went over the whole line in that region from the Ashepro 
to the W. and found everything quiet and could only see them by 
black ships lying down the Edisto, where the water is too broad 
for anything we have to reach them. They will not venture as 
yet in the narrow waters. I went yesterday 115 miles but only 35 
on horseback. I did not get back until 11 p. m. I took Green- 
brier the whole distance. Take good care of Richmond. Draw 
his forage on my account. Send him to me if opportunity offers, if 
you do not want him. I have two horses now with me. Good-by, 
my dear son. 

R. E. Lee. 

In a letter to this same son, under date of January 4, 1862, 
he writes very fully of his desire to settle up the estate of Mr. 
Custis, and free the negroes at the appointed time, and then 
adds: 

Give much love to everybody. We are all well. No news. Ene- 
my quiet, and retired to his Islands. The main seemed too insecure 
for him, and he never went 400 yds. from his steamers, not even 
to the extent of the range of his guns. After burning some houses 
(three) on the river bank, and feeling our proximity unpleasant, 
he retreated to Port Royal again. I hope we may always be able 



158 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

to keep him close. But he can move with great facility and rapid- 
ity and land anywhere he can bring his steamers, and burn, pillage, 
and destroy and we cannot prevent him. We lost one 12-pounder. 
It was drawn by mules with negro drivers, so hard are we pressed 
for men, who became frightened at the firing, upset the gun in a 
ditch, broke the carriage, and it had to be abandoned. Do you 
hear of any more troops coming to me, or can any be sent? The 
Mississippi regiment, Colonel Russell, I understand has gone to 
Tennessee, and I hear of none coming in its place. The South 
Carolina troops come very slowly. Georgia has taken her troops 
in the State service. Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Under date of the 19th of January, he writes : 

I have just returned from a visit to the coast as far as Fernan- 
dina. Our defenses are growing stronger, but progress slowly. 
The volunteers dislike work and there is much sickness among 
them besides. Guns too are required, ammunition, and more men. 
Still, on the whole, matters are encouraging and if the enemy does 
not approach in overwhelming numbers, we ought to hold our 
ground. He is quiescent still. What he is preparing for or when 
he will strike I cannot discover. His numerous boats cut off all 
communications with the islands, where he hides himself, and his 
works. I saw in Fernandina Miss Matilda. I fear she is out 
with me. She had written me another tremendous long letter, which 
I had never been able to read, and it seems she wanted some 
companies placed near her at old Fort Carlos, which I could not 
do. I was also at Dungeness. The garden was beautiful. Filled 
with roses, etc., which had not so far been touched with frost this 
winter. The place is deserted. Mrs. N. and her daughters occupy 
a log cabin in the pines near Thebeanville, junction of Brunswick 
and S. & Gulf R. R's. Mr. N. is on the St. Mary's. Every one 
on the coast has suffered, but they bear it manfully. No civilized 
nation within my knowledge has ever carried on war as the U. S. 
Govt, has against us. I saw good old Mrs. Mackay, the young 
Stiles, etc., in S. Everybody inquired kindly for you. Ives is 
in S. helping Echols lay out intrenchments around the city. Give 
much love to all friends, your mother, etc., and believe me always, 

Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 

He wrote his wife on February 8, 1862, from Savannah : 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 159 

I wrote you the day I left Coosawhatchie. I have been here 
ever since endeavoring to push forward the works for the defense 
of the city. Guns are scarce as well as ammunition. I shall have 
to bring up batteries from the coast, I fear, to provide for this 
city. Our enemies are trying to work their way through the 
creeks and soft marshes along the interior of the coast, which 
communicate with the sounds and sea, through which the Savan- 
nah flows, and thus avoid the entrance to the river, commanded 
by Fort Pulaski. Their boats require only seven feet of water to 
float them, and the tide rises seven feet, so that at high water they 
can work their way and rest on the mud at low tide. I hope, how- 
ever, we shall be able to stop them, and my daily prayer to the 
Giver of all victory is to enable us to do so. We must make up our 
minds to meet with reverses and overcome them. But the contest 
must be long, and the whole country has to go through much 
suffering. It is necessary we should be humble and taught to be 
less boastful, less selfish, and more devoted to right and justice to 
all the world. 

And again from the same place he says on February 23 : 

The news from Tennessee and North Carolina is not at all 
cheering. Disasters seem to be thickening around us. It calls for 
renewed energies and redoubled strength on our part. I fear our 
soldiers have not realized the necessity of endurance and labor, 
and that it is better to sacrifice themselves for our cause. God, 
I hope, will shield us and give us success. I hear the enemy is 
progressing slowly in his designs. His gunboats are pushing up 
all the creeks and marshes to the Savannah, and have obtained a 
position so near the river as to shell the steamers navigating it. 
I am, engaged in constructing a line of defense at Fort Jackson 
which, if time permits and guns can be obtained, I hope will keep 
them out. 

The following playful letter was written to one of his daugh- 
ters on her attaining her sixteenth birthday : 

Savannah, 26th February, 1862. 
And are you really sweet sixteen? That is charming, and I 
want to see you more than ever. But when that will be, my 
darling child, I have no idea. I hope after the war is over we 
may again all be united, and I may have some pleasant years with 
my children, that they may cheer the remnant of my days. I am 
very glad to hear that you are progressing so well in your studies, 
and that your reports are so favorable. Your mother wrote me 



160 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

about them. You must continue to do likewise to the end of the 
session, when I hope you will be able to join your mother. It 
has been a long time since I have seen you, and you must have 
grown a great deal. Rob says he is told that you are a young 
woman. I have grown so old, and become so changed, that you 
would not know me. But I love you just as much as ever and 
you know how great a love that is. You must remember me to 
the P's., your cousin M., Mrs. B., the C's., etc., and tell them how 
obliged I am for their kindness to you. I hope you appreciate it, 
and that your manners and conduct are so well regulated as to 
make your presence and company agreeable to them. 

I hope you will be admired and loved by all my friends, and 
acquire the friendship of all the good and virtuous. I am glad 
S. agrees with you so well. You know it is considered vulgar 
for young ladies to eat, which I suppose is the cause of your 
abstinence. But do not carry it too far, for you know I do not 
admire young women who are too thin. Who is so imprudent in 
Clarke as to get married? I did not think in these days of serious 
occurrences that any one would engage in such trivial amusements. 
This is a serious period, indeed, and the time looks dark, but it 
will brighten again, and I hope a kind Providence will yet smile 
upon us, and give us freedom and independence. These reverses 
were necessary to make us brace ourselves for the work before us. 
We were getting careless and confident, and required correction. 
You must do all you can for our dear country. Pray for the aid 
of our dear Father in Heaven for our suffering soldiers and their 
distressed families. I pray day and night for you. May Al- 
mighty God guide, guard, and protect you ! I have but little time 
to write, my dear daughter. You must excuse my short and dull 
letters. Write me when you can, and love always your devoted 
father, 

R. E. Lee. 

In a letter to one of his sons under date of February 16, 1862, 
he says : 

I am very glad to hear that you are well and that you have 
attained such a high position by your own merit. I hope you will 
strive hard to show that you deserve it, and that you will go on in- 
creasing in honor and usefulness. Our country requires now every 
one to put forth all his ability, regardless of self, and I am 
cheered in my downward path in life by the onward and rising 
course of my dear sons. 



FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 161 

The following I give in full, as of deep interest : 

Savannah, 23d February, 1862. 
My dear Sox : 

I have received your letter of the 12th and am glad you 'have 
returned safely from the Rappahannock. I hope your visit was 
satisfactory. I am sorry your arrangement for sending on Rich- 
mond failed, and especially for the trouble he occasioned every- 
body. He is a troublesome fellow and dislikes to associate with 
strange horses. He expresses it more in words than acts, and if 
firmly treated becomes quiet at last. I know his propensity to squeal 
on such occasions and can imagine how unacceptable he made him- 
self to strangers. I carried him in the car with all our horses to and 
from western Virginia without accident or harm. He might as 
well wait now, and I hope you can make him useful to you. The 
expense of hiring a man and car to get him to me would not be 
indemnified by the use to me. I have two horses. Col. W. has 
been here, as you may have learned, and I should judge from his 
manner everything was agreeable to him. He took his departure 
two days since, and I sent by him an afghan or robe, knit for me 
by Miss "Tattie" Clinch, which is too pretty to have in camp. T 
desired him to give it to you and I wish you would send it to your 
mother or put it away somewhere, and ask her to keep it for me. 
I have heard of Mary's return from Norfolk, and I hope she is 
now with her mother. In these times of trouble I am always 
anxious about those away from me. The victories of the enemy 
increase and consequently the necessity of increased energy and 
activity on our part. Our men do not seem to realize this, and the 
same supineness and carelessness of their duty continue. If it will 
have the effect of arousing them and imparting an earnestness and 
boldness to their work, it will be beneficial to us. If not we shall 
be overrun for a time, and must make up our minds to great suf- 
fering. Here the enemy seems to be slowly making his way to 
the Savannah River through the creeks and marshes, and his 
shells now interrupt its navigation. We have nothing that floats 
that can contend with him, and it is grating to see his progress 
unopposed by any resistance we can make. The communication 
with Fort Pulaski is cut. That may in time be reduced, but I am 
constructing batteries at Fort Jackson which, if our men will fight, 
will give him trouble to get to the city. His batteries are so 
numerous and strong that I know they are hard to resist, but if we 
have the time and guns they ought if vulnerable to be beaten off. 
Their barges and reconnoitering boats are even clad with iron, so 
that our musket and rifle balls are harmless. The work pro- 



162 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

gresses slowly and it is with the utmost difficulty that it is pushed 
ahead. I had until lately supposed Charleston would have been 
first attacked, but now it seems they are concentrating here. We 
are stronger in C. than here. The creeks that intersect the marshes 
through with the waters of Port Royal Harbor to the north and 
Warsaw Sound on the south are a great element of weakness, and 
indeed the facilities the arms or branches of these waters afford 
for approach and investment in all directions make it one of the 
hardest places to defend I ever saw, against light draft boats. 
The tide rises seven and eight feet, so it is easy to propel their 
boats over the mud. This will be plain to you who know the 
topography of the place. Your friends here are all well and 
frequently inquire after you. Mrs. Wm. H. Stiles has come down, 
since Mrs. Lord's return to her children. I now hear that Mr. 
Lord is released on parole in Baltimore. I do not know if it is true. 
Remember me to all friends, my dear son, and give much love to 
your mother, Fitzhugh, and all the girls. I hope you will be able 
to attend to the business matters without distress to yourself or 
neglect of your duty. All must be sacrificed to the country. May 
God protect you and shield you from all harm. 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 



CHAPTER VI 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 

"Military adviser of the President" — Question of rank, in which Lee took 
no part — The Confederate disasters of the spring of 1862 — The situ- 
ation at Richmond — The Merrimac {Virginia) and the Monitor — 
Jackson's Valley campaign and its results — Battle of Seven Pines 
(Fair Oaks) — Jos. E. Johnston wounded and Lee put in command of 
the Army — The situation at Richmond — Lee's strategy — Seven days' 
battles around Richmond and their results — Letters to his family — 
Second Manassas campaign — Battle of Cedar Run — Pope's orders — 
General Lee's letters — A description of his war-horse "Traveler" — 
The battle of second Manassas — Capture of Harper's Ferry — Battle of 
Sharpsburg (Antietam) — Death of his daughter Anne, and how he 
bore it — Family letters — Removal of General McClellan — Battle of 
Fredericksburg — Family letters — General Long's incidents — Capt. 
Robert E. Lee's recollections — General orders — Letter from an Eng- 
lish officer. 

! 

About the middle of March, 1862, General Lee was sum- 
moned to Richmond as the "Military Adviser of the Presi- 
dent," practically commander-in-chief of the Confederate 
armies. 

Some time before he had been made full general, the five 
generals appointed ranking as follows : S. Cooper, Albert Syd- 
ney Johnston, R. E. Lee, Jos. E. Johnston, and G. T. Beaure- 
gard. 

Gen. Jos. E. Johnston earnestly resented this assignment, 
claiming that as he was Quartermaster-General in the United 
States Army, with rank of brigadier-general, he was entitled, 
under the Confederate law, to the first place among the gen- 
erals, as the rest had only been colonels. But the President's 
reply was that Quartermaster-General was only a staff appoint- 
ment, and simply entitled General Johnston to outrank any one 
on the staff; that he was entitled to be Adjutant and Inspector- 
General, Commissary-General, or Quartermaster-General if he 



164 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

desired one of those positions, but that if he went into the field 
he must have the same relative rank that he had before he was 
made Quartermaster-General, and be outranked by Cooper, 
Sydney Johnston, and Lee, who outranked him in the line. 

The controversy was very bitter, but Lee took no part in it, 
and was accustomed to say, "Oh, I care nothing about rank. T 
am willing to serve anywhere that I can be most useful." 

Indeed, when the Virginia troops were transferred to the 
Confederacy, and he did not understand that he was to retain 
his proper rank, he was quietly making his arrangements to 
enlist as a private soldier in his son's cavalry company. The 
outlook for the Confederacy in the early spring of '62 was 
dark indeed. The capture of Forts Henry and Donelson 
in the West necessitating the evacuation of Nashville and a 
large part of Tennessee, the capture of New Orleans, the 
capture of Roanoke Island, and other points had cast a gloom 
over the Confederate cause which could not be concealed from 
its most enthusiastic adherents. The truth is, that after the 
splendid victory of first Manassas the Confederates thought 
that their independence was practically won ; that by the spring 
England and France would recognize the independence of the 
Confederacy and the war would cease. As a result the soldiers 
had, many of them, gone home, and the people had quit pray- 
ing and gone to speculating. 

On the other hand, the Government and people at the North 
had made the most herculean efforts to prepare for opening the 
campaign, and they put into the field overwhelming numbers, 
superbly equipped, and a naval force of unexampled strength in 
vessels, guns, and equipment. 

In Virginia, Gen. Geo. B. McClellan, who had been put in 
command of the Army of the Potomac, advanced on Manassas 
in such overwhelming force that Johnston fell back behind the 
Rappahannock. 

It becoming evident that McClellan would now transfer his 
army to Fortress Monroe and advance up the Peninsula, 
Johnston concentrated his army at Yorktown, where Gen. John 



THE. SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 165 

B. Magruder had made a brave defense. After delaying 
McClellan for about a month, Johnston fell back to the defenses 
of Richmond. When the Confederates captured the Navy 
Yard at Portsmouth Bay they found that the old Merrimac, 
the finest steamship in the service, had been scuttled and sunk 
by the Federal authorities. The Confederates raised her, and 
under a plan submitted by Capt. John M. Brooke, who had been 
M. F. Maury's accomplished assistant in the Observatory at 
Washington, converted her into an ironclad, and named her the 
Virginia. About noon of March 8, 1862, the Virginia steamed 
out from Norfolk into Hampton Roads, and made at once for 
the Cumberland near Newport News at the mouth of the James 
River. The Cumberland made a heroic fight, but her solid shot 
struck harmlessly on the iron sides of the Virginia, which soon 
crashed into her with her beak, and sunk her. The Cumberland 
went down with all on board, her flag still fluttering from the 
masthead above the water, while her hull lay in a careened 
position on the bottom. The Virginia next destroyed the 
Congress, and continued the fight until after night with the 
shore batteries, and the frigates Minnesota, Roanoke, and 
St. Lawrence, and would no doubt have destroyed these vessels 
also had they not hugged the shore in shoal water where the 
Virginia could not get at them. 

That night the Virginia (with the Patrick Henry, the 
Jamestown, the Tcazer, and the Raleigh, small wooden boats 
which were her consorts), anchored off Sewell's Point, her 
wounded, including her commander, Commodore Buchanan, 
having been sent to Norfolk on the Beaufort. 

Early the next morning the Virginia, now commanded by 
Lt. Catesby Jones, steamed from Sewell's Point straight for the 
Minnesota, when she encountered the ironclad Monitor, which 
was the invention of Capt. Ericsson, and had arrived the night 
before. Then ensued the first battle between ironclads that 
had ever been witnessed. The Virginia was much the larger, 
and more clumsy, and her machinery was not at all equal to that 
of her beautifully constructed antagonist, but neither could 



166 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

penetrate the armor of the other. The Virginia failed to sink 
the Monitor as her ram had been broken off in the Cumberland, 
and the battle continued until the Monitor ran into shoal water 
where the Virginia could not get at her. After waiting' for 
some time, and failing to induce her antagonist to come out 
again, the Virginia steamed up to Norfolk for necessary- 
repairs. 

On the nth of April, as soon as these repairs were made, 
Commodore Tattnall, who had now been put in command of 
the Virginia and her consorts (the wooden vessels mentioned 
above), steamed down to Hampton Roads and offered battle 
to the Federal fleet, which consisted of the Monitor, the 
Naugatnck (a small ironclad), and a large number of wooden 
vessels, including the powerful Vandcrbilt, which had been 
especially prepared to "run down and sink the Merrimac" ; but 
instead of accepting the proffered battle, the Federal fleet took 
refuge under the guns of Fortress Monroe, not venturing out, 
even when the Jamestown captured two vessels at Newport 
News. The Confederate fleet held possession of the Roads for 
several days without inducing the Federal fleet to come out 
from its refuge and without being able to get at them, because 
of shoal water and torpedoes that the Federals had planted 
in the channel. 

On the 8th of May the Federal fleet (now reinforced by the 
ironclad Galena and other vessels) took advantage of the 
absence of the Virginia at Norfolk, and began to bombard 
Sewell's Point; but the Virginia promptly moved down to meet 
them, and as soon as her smoke was seen the Federal fleet 
precipitately fled to their refuge under the guns of Fortress 
Monroe. Indeed, the commander of the Monitor had positive 
orders from the Navy Department at Washington, after the first 
engagement, not to fight the Virginia (Merrimac) unless 
forced to do so ; and the Virginia "ruled the wave" in Hampton 
Roads and protected Norfolk and the waterway to Richmond 
until the evacuation of Norfolk, when the pilots decided, at 
the last moment, that she drew too much water (twenty-three 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 167 

feet) to be carried up the James, and she was destroyed off 
Craney Island, May 10, 1862. She would never have been 
able to go to Washington, far less to New York, as she drew 
too much water for the river, and would not have been equal 
to a sea voyage; but she unquestionably revolutionized the 
naval warfare of the world, and, while many improvements 
have since been made, the real inventor of ironclads was the 
modest gentleman and great scientist, Capt. John M. Brooke, 
who planned the Virginia. 

There can be little doubt that the great battleships of today 
are planned after the model of Brooke's Virginia, and not after 
Ericsson's Monitor. 

The claim of the crew of the Monitor, which perished in a 
storm off Cape Hatteras, for prize money on the ground that 
the Monitor had defeated the Virginia, and prevented her from 
going to Washington, Baltimore, or even New York, was re- 
ferred to a committee of the House of Representatives. This 
committee made a full investigation of the whole question, 
examining carefully the official reports and all competent wit- 
nesses they could secure, and on May 4, 1884, through their 
chairman, Mr. Ballentine, made a report adverse to this claim 
on the ground that it had been clearly established, "{1) that 
the Monitor, after her engagement with the Merrimac {Vir- 
ginia), on the 9th of March, never again dared encounter her 
though offered frequent opportunities; (2) that so much doubt 
existed in the minds of the Federal authorities as to her power 
to meet the Merrimac {Virginia) that orders were given her 
commander not to fight her voluntarily; (3) that the Merrimac 
{Virginia), so far from being seriously injured in her engage- 
ment, efficiently protected the approaches to Norfolk and 
Richmond until Norfolk was evacuated; (4) that the Merrimac 
could not have gotten to Washington or Baltimore in her nor- 
mal condition ; ( 5 ) that she could not have gone to sea at all ; 
(6) and that although she could have run by the Federal fleet 
and Old Point (barring torpedoes in the channel) and threat- 
ened McClellan's base at Yorktown, in exceptionably good 



168 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

weather, yet to do this she would have had to leave the James 
River open." 

I published this report in full in "Southern Historical 
Papers" (Vol. XIII, pp. 90-119), and it conclusively settles 
the questions at issue. I have stated the facts in reference to 
the battle between the Virginia (Merrimac) and the Monitor 
thus fully because they are so generally misstated in the books. 

After the advance of the Federal army to the Chicka- 
hominy this was the situation: McClellan had 105,000 men 
intrenched around Richmond, 40,000 at Fredericksburg- to 
move down on his flank, and 10,000 in reserve at Fortress 
Monroe. But just then the plan of attack was disturbed by 
Stonewall Jackson's brilliant Valley campaign. Defeating 
Fremont's advance at McDowell, and returning to drive Banks 
down the Valley and across the Potomac, he so alarmed the 
authorities at Washington that on the 24th of May Mr. Lincoln 
telegraphed McDowell at Fredericksburg as follows* 

General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph to move from 
Franklin to Harrisonburg to relieve General Banks and capture or 
destroy Jackson's or Ewell's forces. You are instructed, laying 
aside for the present the movement on Richmond, to put 20,000 
men in motion at once for the Shenandoah, moving on the line 
in advance of the Manassas Gap Railroad. 

The same day McDowell telegraphed the Secretary of War : 

The President's order has been received, is in process of exe- 
cution. This is a crushing blow to us. 

Jackson eluded the two columns sent to ■'crush" him, fought 
them in detail at Cross Keys and Port Republic, defeating 
Fremont, and routing Shields, and remained master of the 
situation. 

In thirty days he had marched over 400 miles, skirmishing 
almost daily; fought five battles, defeated three armies, two of 
which were completely routed, captured twenty pieces of artil- 
lery, 4,000 prisoners, and immense stores of all kinds, and had 
done all this with a loss of fewer than 1,000 men killed, 
wounded, and missing, and with a force of only 15,000 men, 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 169 

while there were at least 60,000 men in all opposed to him. 
He had spread consternation throughout the North, and had 
neutralized McDowell's 40,000 men at Fredericksburg, who 
were about to march on Richmond to aid McClellan in investing 
the city. 

After the destruction of the Virginia there was nothing to 
prevent the Federal fleet from coming up the James to Rich- 
mond save an unfinished earthwork at Drewry's Bluff, nine 
miles below Richmond, and some obstructions in the river at 
that point. 

On the morning of May 15 Commander Rogers with the 
Galena, the Monitor, the Aroostook, the Port Royal, and the 
Naugatuck, — the first two being ironclads, — made an attack 
on Drewry's Bluff ("Fort Darling"), and there was naturally 
great alarm felt in Richmond. But the fort was held by the 
crew of the Virginia, and other brave artillerists, President 
Davis and General Lee were there in person to encourage the 
men by their presence, and a gallant, and successful defense 
was made. The Galena was very much cut up, others of the 
vessels were injured, and Commander Rogers reported a loss 
of thirteen killed and eleven wounded. The Confederates lost 
seven killed and eight wounded. The vessels withdrew out. 
of range and dropped down the river, and Richmond was 
saved. 

The battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks were fought on 
the 31st of May and 1st of June. General Johnston endeavored 
to crush the wing of McClellan's army south of the Chicka- 
hominy, and on the first day did drive them from several lines 
of works and inflict on them very heavy loss. It seemed 
that the whole of that wing would be destroyed as there was 
a freshet in the river at the time, and reinforcements could 
not be easily brought from the north side. But General Sum- 
ner, with great energy, succeeded in bridging the river, and 
throwing over his command, who checked the farther advance 
of the victors. There was some confusion among the Con- 
federates owing to misapprehension of orders. General 



170 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Johnston was severely wounded, the battle was not vigorously 
pressed the next day, and both sides resumed their old lines. 

On the afternoon of the second day (June i) Gen. R. E. 
Lee, by order of President Davis, was assigned to the command 
of all of the Confederate troops in Virginia. 

The military career of Lee in the Confederate Army really 
began to show itself after this assignment. He had previously 
rendered most important service, but the world had no oppor- 
tunity of judging what a soldier he was. 

He at once set himself to work to prepare an attack which 
should drive McClellan from before Richmond, and if possible 
crush his army. That gallant trooper J. E. B. Stuart, being- 
sent with 1,200 picked cavalry to reconnoiter McClellan's right 
flank, rode entirely around his army and returned to Richmond 
with large captures of stores and prisoners, and precisely the 
information which General Lee wanted. 

Lee had written Jackson, "You can have what forces you 
need to advance down the Valley again, but you must first 
come and help me drive these people away from Richmond." 

McClellan had 105,000 men intrenched with all the strength 
that complete appliances and engineering skill could provide, 
and he only waited for McDowell to come down from Freder- 
icksburg to complete the investment and secure the capture of 
the "Rebel Capital." But Lee sent reinforcements to Jackson 
so ostentatiously that the Federal authorities promptly heard of 
it, and inferred that Jackson was to advance down the Valley 
again and threaten Washington. Under instructions from 
Lee, Jackson covered his front with a cordon of cavalry pickets, 
and did everything to convince the Federals that he intended 
to advance down the Valley, so that at the very moment that 
McClellan was expecting the advance of McDowell he received 
notice from Washington that McDowell had been united with 
the forces of Banks and Fremont "to defend the National 
Capital." At the appointed hour Jackson took up his line of 
march for Richmond and conducted his movement so secretly 
that at the very hour that he was thundering on McClellan's 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 171 

flank on the Chickahominy, Banks and Fremont were fortifying 
in the lower Valley against an expected attack from him, and 
McDowell was getting ready to support them. After Lee had 
brought Jackson to his help, and had gathered all of the troops 
he could from other points, he had only 80,000 troops (the 
largest army he ever commanded), with which to attack 
McClellan's 105,000 in their strong intrenchments. And yet 
he did not hesitate. He had a conference with Jackson, Long- 
street, A. P. Hill, and D. H. Hill, gave them their instructions, 
and calmly awaited the issue. 

I cannot describe in detail the seven days' battles, but can 
merely indicate in outline the trend of events. 

McClellan had been awaiting the cooperation of McDowell 
to begin his long-contemplated attack on the main lines defend- 
ing Richmond, and now that he found that he was to be de- 
prived of McDowell's help, he determined to wait no longer, 
but to begin the attack. Accordingly, on the morning of the 
25th of June he sent forward Hooker's division of Lleintzel- 
man's corps on both sides of the Williamsburg road, sent other 
troops to reinforce them, and made quite a spirited attack on 
the Confederate position; but the attack was finally repulsed, 
the Federal loss being 516 and the Confederate loss a little 
over 400, and both sides resumed their old positions. McClellan 
had waited too long to assume the offensive, for it now began 
to dawn upon him that Lee was about to attack him, and the 
question now was not whether he could capture Richmond, 
but whether he could successfully retreat. 

On the afternoon of the 26th of June A. P. Hill, with his 
famous "Light Division," crossed the Chickahominy at 
Meadow Bridge, and moved down on Mechanicsville, driving 
off the Federal force, and opening the way for Longstreet and 
D. H. Hill to cross at that point. He next moved on the very 
strong position at Ellison's Mill, but was stoutly and success- 
fully resisted until night put an end to the contest, and early the 
next morning Jackson flanked the position, and it was aban- 
doned by its brave defenders. There followed the next day 



172 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the battle of Gaines' Mill and Cold Harbor, in which Gen. Fitz- 
John Porter made a heroic defense against the assaults of A. P. 
Hill, Longstreet, Jackson, and D. H. Hill, but was finally 
driven from every position, and compelled to cross the Chicka- 
hominy to join the rest of the army on the south side. The 
positions at Cold Harbor and Gaines' Mill (substantially the 
same battlefield) were naturally strong, and after being forti- 
fied with all the art which engineering skill and ample material 
could produce, and being manned with the most improved guns 
and the best troops, they were so formidable that a commander 
of less nerve than Lee would have hesitated to attack them, 
and less heroic troops would have recoiled before the withering 
fire which the brave defenders poured into their ranks. Even 
Stonewall Jackson said, when looking at one of the positions 
the next day which seemed absolutely impregnable, "The men 
who carried this position were soldiers indeed." 

The brave and able Gen. Fitz-John Porter commanded this 
wing of McClellan's army and was reinforced from the south 
side of the Chickahominy as his needs required. A. P. Hill, 
with his gallant "Light Division," opened the battle a little 
after noon, and Longstreet, Jackson, and D. H. Hill took up 
the attack until the battle raged fiercely along the whole Gaines' 
Mill and Cold Harbor lines. About sundown a final charge 
was made by the Confederates, which swept everything before 
them, carried every position on Porter's line, and drove him 
across the Chickahominy, the timely arrival of fresh troops 
enabling him to make good his retreat and destroy his bridges 
behind him. 

General Lee thus announced the result of this battle : 

Headquarters, June 27, 1862. 
His Excellency, President Davis. 

Mr. President : Profoundly grateful to Almighty God for the 
signal victory granted to us, it is my pleasing task to announce to 
you the success achieved by this army today. 

The enemy was this morning driven from his strong position 
behind Beaver Dam Creek, and pursued to that behind Powhite 
Creek, and finally, after a severe contest of five hours, entirely 
repulsed from the field. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 173 

Night put an end to the contest. I grieve to state that our loss 
in officers and men is great. 

We sleep on the field, and shall renew the contest in the 
morning. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 

General McClellan sent the following telegram to President 
Lincoln : 

June 28, 1862, 12.20 a. m. 

I now know the full history of the day. On this side of the 
river (the right bank) we repulsed several strong attacks. On the 
left bank our men did all that men could do — all that soldiers 
could accomplish, but they were overwhelmed by vastly superior 
numbers, even after I brought my last reserves into action. Had 
I 20,000 or even 10,000 fresh troops to use tomorrow, I could 
take Richmond ; but I have not a man in reserve, and shall be glad 
to cover my retreat and save the material and personnel of 
the army. If we have lost the day, we have yet preserved our 
honor, and no one need blush for the Army of the Potomac. I 
have lost this battle because my force was too small. ... I still 
hope to retrieve our. fortunes. ... I know that a few thousand 
men more would have changed this battle from a defeat to a 
victory. 

To this Mr. Lincoln replied : 

June 28, 1862. 
Save your army at all events. . . . 

General McClellan during the whole of these operations 
labored under a very strange delusion as to the strength of the 
Confederate army opposed to him. With the great help of 
"intelligent contrabands" and the estimates of his "Secret 
Service" corps he placed General Lee's force at the beginning 
of these battles at 200,000 men, nearly twice, as many as he had 
under his immediate command. Yet the figures given above 
(80,000) are absolutely the correct strength of Lee's army, as 
verified by the most careful study of the official figures. 

What McClellan might have done had he not labored under 
this delusion of Lee's superior numbers — whether after the 
battle of the 27th he would have made a bold attempt to cut 



174 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

through the Confederate lines and go into Richmond, and what 
would have been the result — it is useless now to speculate. 
What he actually did was to retreat to a new base on James 
River, Westover, or Harrison's Landing, twenty miles below 
Richmond. 

That this was a mere "change of base" which had been 
determined on some time before, and not a forced retreat, is 
abundantly refuted by McClellan's own confidential dispatches 
to the authorities at Washington as published in the report 
of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, and by the 
testimony of various officers of his army. The truth is that 
after Gaines' Mill and Cold Harbor, McClellan was only 
intent on saving his army, as Mr. Lincoln had advised. 

He had very great advantage over Lee in the beginning of his 
retreat, because the Confederate commander could not deter- 
mine whether he would make another attack on his lines, or 
retreat, and if the latter whether he would retreat to the York, 
or the lower James. Thus McClellan gained twenty-four 
hours' start, and was further favored by the character of the 
country and the ease with which the roads could be obstructed. 
But Lee's pursuit, when he ascertained that McClellan was 
retreating to the James, was skilful and vigorous. At Savage 
Station on the 29th of June, and at White Oak Swamp, and 
Frazier's Farm (Glendale) on the 30th of June there were 
severe battles and decisive Confederate victories. But at 
White Oak Swamp there were failures on the part of Lee's 
subordinates which not only made his victory dearly bought, 
but which prevented the crushing of a large part of McClellan's 
army, which would have rendered the battle of Malvern Hill 
unnecessary and in fact impossible. 

Col. Wm. Allan, who was Jackson's chief of ordnance and 
proved one of the ablest and most accurate of our military 
writers, in his really superb book on the "Army of Northern 
Virginia in 1862," thus concludes his account of this battle: 

As we have seen, only the column under Longstreet and A. P. 
Hill did anything — the others accomplished nothing. They did 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 175 

not even prevent reinforcements from going to the Federal center. 
It is impossible to deny that General Lee was very poorly served 
on this occasion by his subordinates. Holmes was so imposed 
upon by Porter's demonstration that he was not only paralyzed 
for the day, but continued inactive during the great struggle at 
Malvern Hill on the morrow. He is, also, responsible for keeping 
Magruder out of the fight, who spent the afternoon in marching 
and countermarching because of Holmes's request for reinforce- 
ments. Huger's feeble operations were the most disappointing of 
all. He was nearest to Longstreet, and he was almost on the 
edge of the battlefield, yet he did nothing, while Sloeum in his 
front reinforced Kearny, and thus held Longstreet's left wing at 
bay. Nor is it possible to free from blame on this occasion a 
greater soldier than Holmes or Huger. Jackson, ignorant of the 
country, had in the swamp and Franklin's veterans substantial 
causes of delay, but they were not such obstacles as usually held 
Jackson in check. Vigorous demonstrations at the fords above 
and below as well as at White Oak Swamp bridge would probably 
have secured a crossing at one point or another, and the tremendous 
prize at stake was such as to justify any efforts. Jackson's com- 
parative inaction was a matter of surprise at the time, and has 
never been satisfactorily explained. Some have attributed it to 
physical exhaustion, and the demands of the campaign had been 
severe ; but it is best to set it down as one of the few great 
mistakes of his marvelous career. 

Rev. Dr. R. L. Dabney, who was on Jackson's staff at the 
time, and wrote his biography, concurs in this view of Colonel 
Allan, but attributes Jackson's failure to force the crossing of 
White Oak Swamp to his utter physical exhaustion. It is proper 
to say on the other hand that Colonel Henderson, in the able 
biography of Jackson, defends him from the charge of failure 
on this occasion and quotes statements from several members 
of his staff in proof. And I remember that one day at Beau- 
voir, not long before his death, President Jefferson Davis dis- 
cussed this question very earnestly, and showing me the map 
insisted that the impassability of the swamp and the position of 
Franklin, and not any tardiness or fault on the part of Jackson, 
caused his delay in crossing, and his inaction during the battle. 
At Malvern Hill on July i McClellan crowned the heights with 
his artillery, and made a skilful and heroic stand to save his 



176 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

army. He handsomely repulsed several attacks (disjointed 
and in small force because of misapprehension of orders) which 
were made upon him before night put an end to the contest. 
Lee made all of his dispositions to renew the contest the next 
morning, but McClellan wisely and skilfully retreated that night 
to the cover of his gunboats at Harrison's Landing — Turkey 
Bend. 

It is said that General Magruder, who had not been fortunate 
in his attack that da)', sought General Lee at night and said, 
"General, I came to ask that you give me permission to assault 
those heights at daybreak with my Division, and if you will al- 
low me to do so I pledge you my honor as a soldier that I will 
carry them at the point of the bayonet." "I have no doubt you 
could do so now" replied Lee, "but I have one serious objec- 
tion to your making the attempt." "What is that?" said Ma- 
gruder ; "what is that ?" hoping to remove the objection and see- 
ing honor and glory before him. "I am afraid," quietly 
replied General Lee, "that you would hurt my friend Major 
Kidder Meade of the Engineer Corps. The enemy left about 
an hour ago and he is over there reconnoitering." 

General Lee put his columns in motion to follow up the Fed- 
eral army, and it is difficult to see how its utter annihilation or 
surrender could have been prevented, but for an unfortunate 
mistake of J. E. B. Stuart, "the Flower of Cavaliers," who was 
ever at the front and always eager for the fight. Pushing for- 
ward his cavalry, Stuart occupied Evelington Heights, which 
completely commanded the Westover Plantation on which Mc- 
Clellan's army was huddled in great confusion. Had Stuart 
been content to quietly hold these heights until the infantry 
could come up and fortify them, the artillery could have so 
swept every part of the Federal camps that surrender or the 
annihilation of all of McClellan's army who were unable to es- 
cape on the transports would inevitably have followed. But 
►Stuart — thinking that Longstreet was near at hand — brought 
up his horse artillery under "the gallant Pelham," and began a 
vigorous shelling of the camps, which produced a wild panic 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 177 

among them, but showed McClellan that he must at once oc- 
cupy and fortify those heights or his army would be destroyed. 
Accordingly, he pushed forward a heavy column. Stuart held 
out heroically as long as possible, but his ammunition being ex- 
hausted, and learning that Longstreet had been misled by his 
guide, and was six miles distant, he galloped away from the 
heights, and left the Federal troops to occupy and strongly for- 
tify this key to their position. 

On reaching the ground the next morning Longstreet, as 
Jackson's senior, decided not to attack until General Lee could 
be consulted. 

Lee carefully reconnoitered the position at Harrison's Land- 
ing, but found it so strong — the river and the gunboats protect- 
ing McClellan's flanks — that he reluctantly decided that it 
would not be wise for him to attack. While McClellan had 
not been annihilated (as Lee designed and would probably have 
accomplished had his orders been carried out by certain of his 
subordinates), yet the so-called siege of Richmond had been 
raised, McClellan's beaten and shattered army had taken refuge 
under cover of his gunboats at Harrison's Landing thirty miles 
below Richmond, and the Federal Government, instead of now 
expecting the capture of Richmond, were seriously alarmed for 
the safety of Washington. The Confederate loss in the battles 
was 15,765 — being the attacking party and constantly charg- 
ing strong works their loss was naturally larger in proportion — 
and that of the Federals, 16,365. Lee captured fifty-one pieces 
of artillery, upwards of 35,000 stand of small arms, a large num- 
ber of flags, and immense stores of every description, though 
there were far larger quantities of these destroyed than were 
captured. The demoralization of McClellan's army was so 
great that he wrote Secretary Stanton, on the 3d of July, "I 
doubt whether there are today more than 50,000 men with their 
colors;" and the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of 
the War, after hearing the testimony of many officers, reported 
that "nothing but a heavy rain, thereby preventing the enemy 
from bringing up their artillery, saved the army from destruc- 
tion." 



178 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The following orders from General Lee, and from President 
Davis, who was constantly with the army during the seven days' 
battles, give their views and feelings at the close of these great 
battles : 

Headquarters in the Field, July 7, 1862. 
General Orders, 
No. 75. 

The General Commanding, profoundly grateful to the Giver of 
all victory for the signal success with which He has blessed our 
arms, tenders his warmest thanks and congratulations to the 
army by whose valor such splendid results have been achieved. 

On Thursday, June 26, the powerful and thoroughly equipped 
army of the enemy was intrenched in works vast in extent and 
most formidable in character, within sight of our Capital. 

Today the remains of that confident and threatening host lie 
upon the banks of the James River, thirty miles from Richmond, 
seeking to recover, under the protection of his gunboats, from 
the effects of a series of disastrous defeats. 

The battle beginning on the afternoon of the 26th of June, 
above Mechanicsville, continued until the night of July 1, with 
only such intervals as were necessary to pursue and overtake the 
flying foe. His strong intrenchments and obstinate resistance 
were overcome, and our army swept resistlessly down the north 
side of the Chickahominy, until it reached the rear of the enemy, 
and broke his communication with the York, capturing or causing 
the destruction of many valuable stores, and, by the decisive 
battle of Friday, forcing the enemy from his line of powerful 
fortifications on the south side of the Chickahominy, and driving 
him to a precipitate retreat. This victorious army pursued, as 
rapidly as the obstructions placed by the enemy in his rear would 
permit, three times overtaking his flying column, and as often 
driving him with slaughter from the field, leaving his numerous 
dead and wounded in our hands in every conflict. 

The immediate fruits of our success are the relief of Richmond 
from a state of siege, the rout of the great army that so long 
menaced its safety, many thousand prisoners, including officers of 
high rank, the capture or destruction of stores to the value of 
millions, and the acquisition of thousands of arms and fifty-one 
pieces of superior artillery. 

The service rendered to the country in this short but eventful 
period can scarcely be estimated, and the General Commanding 
cannot adequately express his admiration of the courage, endur- 
ance, and soldierly conduct of the officers and men engaged. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 179 

These brilliant results have cost us many brave men ; but while 
we mourn the loss of our gallant dead, let us not forget that they 
died nobly in defense of their country's freedom, and have linked 
their memory with an event that will live forever in the hearts of a 
grateful people. 

Soldiers, your country will thank you for the heroic conduct 
you have displayed — conduct worthy of men engaged in a cause 
so just and sacred, and deserving a nation's gratitude and praise. 
By command of General Lee, 

R. H. Chilton, 
A. A. General. 

Richmond, July 5, 1862. 
To the Army in Eastern Virginia. 

Soldiers : I congratulate you on the series of brilliant vic- 
tories which, under the favor of Divine Providence, you have 
lately won ; and, as the President of the Confederate States, do 
heartily tender to you the thanks of the country whose just cause 
you have so skilfully and heroically served. Ten days ago an 
invading army, greatly superior to you in numbers and in the 
material of war, closely beleaguered your Capital and vauntingly 
proclaimed its speedy conquest; you marched to attack the enemy 
in his intrenchments ; with well-directed movements and death- 
defying valor you charged upon him in his strong positions, drove 
him from field to field over a distance of more than thirty-five 
miles, and, despite his reinforcements, compelled him to seek 
safety under cover of his gunboats, where he now lies cowering 
before the army so lately derided and threatened with entire 
subjugation. The fortitude with which you have borne toil and 
privation, the gallantry with which you have entered into each 
successive battle, must have been witnessed to be fully appreciated ; 
but a grateful people will not fail to recognize your deeds and to 
bear you in their loved remembrance. Well may it be said of you 
that you have "done enough for glory," but duty to a suffering 
country and to the cause of constitutional liberty claims from 
you yet further effort. Let it be your pride to relax in nothing 
which can promote your future efficiency — your one great object 
being to drive the invader from your soil, and, carrying your 
standards beyond the outer boundaries of the Confederacy, to 
wring from an unscrupulous foe the recognition of your birth- 
right — community independence. 

Jefferson Davis. 

Colonel Allan makes so clear a summary of this campaign 
that I quote it in full as follows : 



180 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The foregoing statements, all from Federal sources, as to the 
character of the retreat need no comment. They serve to illus- 
trate, also, the frank statement of General Lee that, "under ordi- 
nary circumstances the Federal army should have been destroyed." 
Prompt information on the morning of June 28 as to McClellan's 
designs would have enabled Lee to concentrate his army one day 
sooner on the south side of the Chickahominy, and might have 
rendered the escape of the Federal army far more difficult. Again 
on the afternoon of the 30th, had Huger and Holmes thrown 
their divisions against the enemy with half the vigor of Long- 
street and A. P. Hill, or had Jackson, with the skill and audacity 
which characterized his Valley campaign, forced Franklin from 
White Oak Swamp, that day would have been fatal to a large 
portion of the Federal army. Of Malvern Hill, General Hunt, 
who commanded the Federal artillery, which was the principal 
agent in the repulse of the Confederates, says : "The battle was 
desperately contested, and frequently trembled in the balance. The 
last attack was nearly successful, but we won from the fact that we 
had kept our reserves in hand for such an attack." Lastly, had 
the Confederates pursued vigorously to Westover, the complete 
overthrow of the Federal army might have been their reward. 

But if such were the unattained possibilities of this campaign, 
the very existence of these possibilities was due to the skill and 
courage of the Confederate army and its leader. The task they 
undertook was a bold and difficult one, and they accomplished it 
in a way deserving of admiration. The Federal army in their 
front was the largest, best organized, and best appointed force on 
this continent. It outnumbered the Confederates in the propor- 
tion of five to four, and its superiority in equipment was far 
greater. It had changed its defensive role of the previous autumn 
to one of aggression ; it had transferred the seat of war from the 
vicinity of Washington to that of Richmond. Its advance had 
been slow, but unbroken, and now with both the York and James 
rivers at command as avenues of supply, and all its preparations 
complete, it was about to strike the final blow for the capture of 
Richmond. Eighty thousand Confederates had attacked this army 
of 105,000 men in its chosen position, and had driven it from 
Mechanicsville and Cold Harbor across the Chickahominy, and 
thence to James River, where, half disorganized, it had sought 
safety from destruction under cover of the fleet of gunboats in 
the river, it was left amid the swamps and lowlands of the river, 
under a mid-summer sun, to the ravages of disease more depleting 
than Confederate arms. The so-called siege of Richmond was 
ended, and a few weeks later we are to see McClellan holding the 
fortifications of Washington against the victorious advance of Lee. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 181 

I saw General Lee during the battle of Cold Harbor for the 
first time since that day on which he came from Washington 
to Richmond. I had been serving in "Jackson's Foot Cavalry" 
in his famous Valley campaign and had come down from the 
mountains on that march which was so secretly conducted that 
neither friend nor foe knew our exact destination until, on the 
evening of the 26th of June, we heard A. P. Hill's guns open 
at Mechanicsville and made the woods echo and re-echo with 
shouts of anticipated victory. My regiment — the famous old 
Thirteenth Virginia Infantry, whose first field officers were the 
afterwards gallant Generals A. P. Hill, James A. Walker and 
J. E. B. Terrill — had the advance of Jackson's corps, and as we 
were moving to take position on the left of Lee's line I noticed 
a group of officers dismounted under a tree and in seeming 
eager consultation. I had no difficulty in recognizing among 
them our commander-in-chief, for although time and care had 
whitened his hair and full beard, and his uniform of simple 
gray had on the collar of his coat only the three stars which 
any Confederate colonel was entitled to wear, yet the erect car- 
riage and knightly bearing of the man, as well as the respect and 
deference shown him by all who came into his presence, marked 
him at once as a king among men, and made one feel that he 
was in the presence of a great soldier. As a staff officer gal- 
loped up and brought some message, and Lee mounted Trav- 
eler (his favorite and famous horse), and rode off attended by 
his staff, I thought that he was beyond question the finest horse- 
man and grandest looking man I had ever seen. 

I saw a number of our most famous leaders that day, but 
none of them could compare in appearance to "Marse Robert," 
as the men began to call him. 

President Davis was on the field, and almost constantly with 
Lee, but I did not chance to see him that day. He told me 
once a very amusing incident which occurred at the battle of 
Frazier's Farm. The President rode out a little in advance of 
the lines and overtook General Lee, who was carefully recon- 
noitering the position of the enemy, and said to him, "Why, 



182 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

General, this is no place for you. Some shell or some bullet 
might deprive the army of its commander." "Excuse me, Mr. 
President," was the reply, "but this is very emphatically no 
place for you, as we might lose our Commander-in-Chief of all 
the forces of the Confederacy by some stray shot." 

But they became absorbed in a discussion of the plan and 
prospects of the battle and soon forgot all about any personal 
danger to President or General. 

Soon after A. P. Hill— "Glorious little Powell Hill," as Mr. 
Davis called him — galloped up and exclaimed, "Gentlemen, this 
is no place for either of you, I beg you to go to the rear. In 
fact, as commander of this part of the army, I order you to the 
rear!" "We will obey orders," was the reply, and they moved 
back a short distance, and again became so absorbed in their 
talk that they were oblivious of the shot and shell that were 
falling dangerously near them. 

Hill now galloped up again and exclaimed, "Did I not order 
you to the rear, and did you not promise to obey me ? Why, 
a single shot from that battery over yonder may deprive the 
Confederacy of its President, and the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia of its commander." With much persuasion he finally in- 
duced them to retire. 

The people of Richmond had heard the firing and many of 
them had been eyewitnesses of these great battles, and now well- 
nigh every home was a hospital and every woman a tender nurse 
of the wounded. Whenever the great commander rode into 
Richmond he was the observed of all observers, and a great ova- 
tion awaited him. Lee had risen from the cloud under which 
his West Virginia campaign had placed him, and was hence- 
forth the idol of his soldiers and the admiration of his people, 
indeed, of the world. 

Mrs. Lee and her daughters had gone from Arlington to the 
White House, where they remained until McClellan advanced 
up the Peninsula, when they came to Richmond, and during the 
remainder of the war occupied rented rooms there. Mrs. Lee 
left on the front door of the White House the following request : 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 183 

Northern soldiers, who profess to reverence Washington, forbear 
to desecrate the home of his first married life, the property of his 
wife, now owned by her descendants. 

A Granddaughter of Mrs. Washington. 

One of McClellan's officers wrote beneath this, "A Northern 
officer has protected your property in sight of the enemy, and 
at the request of your overseer." 

But unfortunately the "protection" did not last long, for dur- 
ing McClellan's "change of base" the house was burned to the 
ground, and "not a blade of grass left to mark the culture of 
more than a hundred years." 

General Lee's letters to his family during this period are of 
deepest interest, and I make no apology for freely quoting them. 
He thus writes to the wife of his son W. H. F. Lee : 

Richmond, 26th April, 1862. 

I have just received your note of Thursday night, dearest 
Chass, and write to say that I have taken time to read it and enjoy 
it too, and shall always do so as long as I live, so do not hesitate to 
write. I want to see you very much, and am always thinking of 
you. It is very hard, I think, for you to say that you did not want 
to come to me. I hope, at least, F. will be able to go to you, and 
if he does you must tell him to kiss you for me double and treble. 
DO not accuse your mama, you told me yourself. You are such 
a little sieve, you cannot retain anything. But there is no harm, 
you sweet child, and I love you all the more for it, and so does F. 

I am glad you get such delightful tidings of him. C. left him 
yesterday, very indignant at some of his pickets having been cap- 
tured. I hope he will get them back, and indemnify himself with 
many of the enemy. He is very well, but sent no particular 
messages. I am glad you rejoice in the good service he is doing 
his country. Encourage him to continue to the end. We have 
received some heavy blows lately, from the effects of which I trust 
a merciful God will deliver us. I fear New Orleans has fallen, 
though nothing certain has yet been received. The last accounts 
received prepared me for its fall. Remember me to your grand- 
papa and all at Hickory Hill. Kiss my grandson for me, and tell 
him you are mistaken. I want to do so for myself very much, 
but do not know when I can have that pleasure. I must confess 
that I desire more to kiss his mother, but I catch that from Fitz- 
hugh. Good-by, my sweet daughter. May Heaven guard and 
protect you and yours, prays Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 



184 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Near Richmond, 2d June, 1862. 

You may have heard that a battle has been fought near Rich- 
mond, my darling Chass, and be uneasy about your husband. I 
write, therefore, to inform you that he is well. The cavalry was 
not engaged, and of course he was not exposed. ... I am sorry 
to say that General Johnston was wounded Saturday evening, not 
seriously, I am told ; but when I left Richmond yesterday the 
extent of his wound was not known. ... I am now in the field 
again. The wound of General Johnston obliging him to leave, it 
rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President, that I should 
take his place. I wish his mantle had fallen upon an abler man, 
or that I were able to drive our enemies back to their homes. I 
have no ambition and no desire but for the attainment of this 
object, and, therefore, only wish for its accomplishment by him 
that can do it most speedily and thoroughly. I saw F. Friday. 
Was at his camp. . . . He is well and so is Shiloh, Moses, etc. 
I told him about you, and gave him your address. He said he 
would write. I hear nothing of your poor, mama, or the White 
House. Kiss Agnes for me, also your fine boy. I wrote to both 
of you some days since, — but I can do nothing but think of you. 
God bless you both and all, and keep you for himself now and 
forever, Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Mrs. Charlotte Lee. 

Dabbs, June 22, 1862. 

I must take a part of this holy day, my dearest Chass, to thank 
you for your letter of the 14th. I am very glad that my com- 
munication after the battle reached you so opportunely and re- 
lieved your anxiety about your Fitzhugh. He has, since that, made 
a hazardous scout, and been protected by that Divine Providence 
which, I trust and pray, may always smile on, as I know it will 
ever watch over you and yours. I sent you some account of this 
expedition in a former letter, as well as the order of General 
Stuart, on the subject. It was badly printed, but may serve to 
show you that he conducted himself well. The General deals in 
the flowering style, as you will perceive if you ever see his report 
in detail ; but he is a good soldier, and speaks highly of the conduct 
of the two Lees, who, as far as I can learn, deserve his encomiums. 
Your mama is very zealous in her attentions to your sick brother. 
He is reported better. I think he was a few evenings since, when 
I saw him, and a note this morning from her states that he slowly 
improves. I hope he will soon be well again. He is much reduced, 
and looks very feeble. I suppose he will be obliged to go to the 
"N. C. White Sulphur" to keep you young women company. How 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 185 

will you like that ? And now I must answer your inquiries about 
myself. My habiliments are not as comfortable as yours, nor so 
suited to this hot weather, but they are the best I have. My coat 
is of gray, of the regulation style and pattern, and my pants of dark 
blue, as is also prescribed, partly hid by my long boots. I have 
the same handsome hat which surmounts my gray head (the latter 
is not prescribed in the regulations) and shields my ugly face, 
which is masked by a white beard as stiff and wiry as the teeth 
of a card. In fact, an uglier person you have never seen, and 
so unattractive is it to our enemies that they shoot at it whenever 
visible to them, but though age with its snow has whitened my head, 
and its frosts have stiffened my limbs, my heart, you well know, 
is not frozen to you, and summer returns when I see you. Having 
now answered your questions, I have little more to say. Our 
enemy is quietly working within his lines, and collecting additional 
forces to drive us from our Capital. I hope we shall be able yet to 
disappoint him, and drive him back to his own country. I saw 
F. the other day. He was looking very well in a new suit of 

gray 

And now I must bid you farewell. Kiss your sweet boy for me, 
and love always, Your devoted papa, 

- R. E. Lee. 
Mrs. Wm. H. Fitzhugh Lee. 

July 9, 1862, he writes to his wife from Dabbs farm on the 
Nine Mile road : 

I have returned to my old quarters, and am filled with gratitude 
to our Heavenly Father for all the mercies He has extended to us. 
Our success has not been as great or complete as we should have 
desired, but God knows what is best for us. Our enemy has met 
with a heavy loss, from which it must take him some time to 
recover before he can recommence his operations. 

Gen.' Henry Clitz had been wounded and was a prisoner 
in Richmond. General Lee answered a letter in reference to 
him and other wounded prisoners : 

Headquarters, July 15, 1862. 
My dear Fitz : 

I have just received your letter of the 13th. I am very sorry 
to hear of the sufferings of the wounded prisoners, and wish I 
could relieve them. I proposed to General McClellan on Tuesday, 
before the battle of that day, to parole and send to him all his 
wounded if he would receive them. Since that the arrangement 



186 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

has been made, and the sick and wounded are now being conveyed 
to him. This will relieve them very much, and enable us to 
devote our attention to those retained. In addition, the enemy 
has at last agreed to a general exchange of all prisoners of war, and 
Generals Dix and D. H. Hill are to meet tomorrow to commence 
the negotiations. I hope in this way much relief will be afforded ; 
at first the hospitals were overtaxed, men could not be had to bury 
the dead, and the sufferings of all were increased. Friend Clitz 
ought to recollect that this is a matter of his own seeking, and 
he has only to blame himself. I will still be happy to do for 
him all I can, and will refer your letter to the director of the 
hospital if I can find him. Your loving uncle, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. Fitz Lee. 

The situation after the seven days' battles around Richmond 
was simply this : McClellan was strongly posted at Harrison's 
Landing recruiting and resting his army. General Lee must 
either attack him in his strong position, wait for McClellan to 
attack him, or so maneuver as to transfer the seat of war to 
northern Virginia, and relieve Richmond of the threatened at- 
tack upon her. He chose the latter plan, sent Jackson to hold 
Gen. John Pope in check, and followed as soon as it was made 
safe for him to do so by the ordering of McClellan's troops to 
join Pope. Jackson attacked the advance of Pope, under 
Banks, at Cedar Run, near Slaughter's Mountain, eight miles 
from Culpeper, on August 9, and gained a decided victory over 
him. When it was ascertained that Banks was in command in 
front of Jackson, some wag of the "foot cavalry" (as Jackson's 
men were called) passed the word down the line, "Make out 
your requisitions, boys — make them full, put in everything you 
want in the way of quartermaster's stores. Our old friend 
'Quartermaster Banks' has come with a full supply to 'issue,' 
and we will just go in and 'draw' whatever we want." 

This fight decided the character of the campaign. McClel- 
lan was ordered to reinforce Pope, and Lee hastened to add the 
rest of his army to Jackson's advance. Gen. Fitz Lee quaintly 
says, "It was now a race who should get to Pope first — the 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 187 

Army of Northern Virginia or the Army of the Potomac." 
Lee was anxious to strike Pope before McClellan could rein- 
force him. 

Pope had made himself very obnoxious to the Confederates, 
his orders and conduct being just the opposite of those of Mc- 
Clellan, who had as far as possible protected private citizens 
quietly pursuing their business. Pope ordered that all male 
citizens who would not take "the oath" should be sent beyond 
his lines, and treated as spies if caught within them again ; that 
prominent citizens should be seized and held as hostages for 
soldiers captured by "roving bands of rebels;" that citizens 
should be held responsible for damage done to railways or tele- 
graph lines within their vicinage; and that his army should "live 
on the country." 

He also rendered himself an object of ridicule by the follow- 
ing bombastic order which he issued to his troops : 

Washington, July 14, 1862. 
To the Officers and Soldiers of the Army of Virginia : 

By special assignment of the President of the United States I 
have assumed command of this army. 

I have spent two weeks in learning your whereabouts, your 
condition, and your wants ; in preparing you for active operations, 
and in placing you in positions from which you can act promptly 
and to the purpose. 

I have come from the West, where we have always seen the 
backs of our enemies — from an army whose business it has been to 
seek the adversary, and to beat him when found ; whose policy has 
been attack and not defense. 

In but one instance has the enemy been able to place our 
Western army in a defensive attitude. 

I presume that I have been called here to pursue the same system, 
and to lead you against the enemy. It is my purpose to do so, 
and that speedily. I am sure you long for an opportunity to win 
the distinction you are capable of achieving. That opportunity I 
shall endeavor to give you. 

Meantime, I desire you to dismiss from your minds certain 
phrases which I am sorry to find much in vogue amongst you. 

I constantly hear of taking strong positions and holding them — 
of lines of retreat and bases of supplies. Let us dismiss such 
ideas. The strongest position a soldier should desire to occupy is 
one from which he can most easily advance against the enemy. 



188 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Let us study the probable lines of retreat of our opponents, 
and leave our own to take care of themselves. Let us look before 
and not behind. Success and glory are in the advance. Disaster 
and shame lurk in the rear. Let us act on this understanding, and 
it is safe to predict that your banners shall be inscribed with 
many a glorious deed, and that your names will be dear to your 
countrymen forever. 

John Pope, 
Major-General Commanding. 

Even Lee could not refrain from a little quiet humor at Pope's 
expense. In a letter to his wife he says : 

When you write to Rob again [his youngest son, who was a 
private in the Rockbridge Artillery in Jackson's corps] tell him 
to catch Pope for me, and also to bring in his cousin, Louis 
Marshall, who I am told is on his staff. I could forgive the 
latter for fighting against us, but not for his joining Pope. 

The Confederate Government warmly resented these orders 
of General Pope, and directed General Lee to inform the Fed- 
eral authorities that unless they were rescinded General Pope 
and his officers would not, if captured, be treated as prisoners 
of war. Fortunately, Pope's orders were repudiated at Wash- 
ington and the retaliation threatened was not enforced. 

Lee wrote this pleasant letter to his brother, Sydney Smith 
Lee, of the Navy : 

31st July, 1862. 
My dear Smith : 

I send by General Martin your overcoat. It was a great 
comfort to me and kept me very warm, but it is not waterproof. 
I was out till 12 that night. Upon my return I found Fitzhugh's 
promotion, which I had applied for some days before. I con- 
sider him one of our best cavalry officers. He, of course, knew 
nothing of my application, and when his promotion was an- 
nounced to him he could find but one objection, viz., his fear he 
might be mistaken for the other General Lee, and that they would 
be so mixed up together they would not be able to tell one from 
the other. I pity him if he is mistaken for me. With much love 
and affection. Your brother, 

R. E. Lee. 
Capt. S. S. Lee. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 189 

The fear which Fitz Lee, his nephew, jocularly expressed of 
being "mixed up with the other General Lee," when he was 
made brigadier-general, recalls a pleasing incident which "our 
gallant Fitz" told on himself. Just after the surrender Fitz 
Lee and some of his staff were riding along a country road, 
when they were hailed by a plain old farmer and asked "the 
news." They told him that there was "no news, except that 
General Lee has surrendered." "That is a lie," the old man 
retorted. "You can't make me believe any such stuff." They 
assured him that it was true, when the old man replied, "No, it 
cannot be true. 'Marse Robert' would never surrender. But 
I'll tell you how the report got out. It is that fellow Fitz Lee 
who has surrendered. He was all the time cavorting around 
where he had no business, and the Yankees have surrounded 
and captured him. But General Lee has not surrendered, and 
never will." There were roars of laughter at the expense of 
"General Fitz," and he greatly enjoyed telling the joke after- 
wards. 

As General Lee was about to leave his camp near Richmond 
for his army in Orange County he wrote the following : 

My dear Custis : 

I write a line to say good-by to you and Mary. I had hoped 
to be able to come in and see you both tonight, but I find it im- 
possible to enjoy that pleasure. I have had much to do, which 
with preparation for my departure renders it impossible. Good-by, 
my dear children. May God bless and guard you both. Tell your 
mother when she arrives that I was unable to stop to see her. 
I go to Gordonsville. My after movements depend on circum- 
stances that I cannot foresee. 

Truly and aff'y., your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 

P. S. — I send in my straw-hat, to which please give house room, 
also a summer under-jacket which I find out of my trunk. If you 
have the key put it in, or ask your mother to mend it and keep it 
for me. 

R. E. Lee. 

From "Camp near Orange Court House," August 17, 1862, 
he wrote : 



190 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Here I am in a tent instead of my comfortable quarters at 
Dabbs's [his headquarters in front of Richmond]. The tent, 
however, is very comfortable, and of that I have nothing to com- 
plain. General Pope says he is very strong, and seems to feel so, 
for he is moving apparently up to the Rapidan. I hope he will 
not prove stronger than we are. I learn since I have left that 
General McClellan has moved down the James River with his 
whole army. I suppose he is coming here too, so we shall have a 
busy time. Burnside and King from Fredericksburg have joined 
Pope, which, from their own report, has swelled Pope to 92,000. 
I do not believe it, though I believe he is very big. Johnny Lee saw 
Louis Marshall after Jackson's last battle, who asked him kindly 
after his old uncle, and said his mother was well. Johnny said 
Louis looked wretchedly himself. I am sorry he is in such bad 
company, but I suppose he could not help it. 

Louis Marshall was General Lee's nephew, the son of the 
sister who lived in Philadelphia, and Johnny Lee was his nephew 
who met his cousin under the flag of truce which the Federals 
had to bury their dead just after the battle of Cedar Run. 

At this period General Lee was certainly one of the most su- 
perb looking soldiers whom the world ever saw. I had first 
seen him on the day on which he came to offer his sword to the 
State that gave him birth — the home of his love. Then he had 
a smooth face, save a moustache, and his hair had only a few 
silver threads in it. Now he had a full beard, and that and his 
hair were as white as the driven snow, but his graceful, knightly 
bearing, his eagle eye, and the very expression of his counte- 
nance all betokened mingled firmness and gentleness, and 
showed the true soldier. 

But when mounted he sat his horse with easy grace, seemed 
indeed a part of the horse, and was the finest horseman I ever 
saw. His famous charger Traveler, which Capt. Gordon Mc- 
Cabe once said "always stepped as if conscious that he bore a 
king upon his back," was as well known in the army as his mas- 
ter, and I am glad to give the following description of him, 
which I quote from General Long : 

In connection with this West Virginia campaign we may revert 
to another matter of considerable interest, that relating to Lee's 
favorite horse Traveler, a noble animal which attained almost as 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 191 

much celebrity in the Army of Northern Virginia as the gallant 
form which he bore through so many fields of battle. He was 
purchased during this campaign, and served his master royally 
throughout the whole duration of the war and for several years 
afterwards. We are fortunately able to give a history and descrip- 
tion of this celebrated charger from Lee himself. It was dictated 
to his daughter Agnes, with corrections in his own handwriting, 
apparently in response to some artist who had asked for a descrip- 
tion of the animal. The enthusiasm with which the General speaks 
of his companion of so many days of peril and hardship shows 
the spirit of a true horseman and a nature capable of kindly 
affection and companionship for every creature with which he 
came into intimate relations : 

"If I was an artist like you, I would draw a true picture of 
Traveler, representing his fine proportions, muscular figure, deep 
chest and short back, strong haunches, flat legs, small head, broad 
forehead, delicate ears, quick eye, small feet, and black mane and 
tail. Such a picture would inspire a poet, whose genius could then 
depict his worth and describe his endurance of toil, hunger, thirst, 
heat, cold, and the dangers and suffering through which he has 
passed. He could dilate upon his sagacity, affection, and his 
invariable response to every wish of his rider. He might even 
imagine his thoughts through the long night-marches and days of 
battle through which he has passed. But I am no artist, and 
can only say he is a Confederate gray. I purchased him in the 
mountains of Virginia in the autumn of 1861, and he has been my 
patient follower ever since, to Georgia, the Carolinas, and back to 
Virginia. He carried me through the seven days' battles around 
Richmond, the second Manassas, at Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, 
the last day at Chancellorsville, to Pennsylvania, at Gettysburg, 
and back to the Rappahannock. From the commencement of the 
campaign in 1864 at Orange till its close around Petersburg the 
saddle was scarcely off his back, as he passed through the fire of 
the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and across the James 
River. He was almost in daily requisition in the winter of 1864-65 
on the long line of defenses from the Chickahominy north of Rich- 
mond and Hatcher's Run south of the Appomattox. In the cam- 
paign of 1865 he bore me from Petersburg to the final days at 
Appomattox Court House. 

"You must know the comfort he is to me in my present retire- 
ment. He is well supplied with equipments. Two sets have been 
sent to him from England, one from the ladies of Baltimore, and 
one was made for him in Richmond ; but I think his favorite is the 



192 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

American saddle from St. Louis.* Of all his companions in toil, 
Richmond, Brown Roan, Ajax, and quiet Lucy Long, he is the 
only one that retained his vigor to the last. 1 " The first two expired 
under their onerous burden, and the last two failed. You can, I 
am sure, from what I have said, paint his portrait." 

To General Lee's description of his noble horse may be added 
some few further particulars of his appearance and history. He 
was sixteen hands high, of a dark iron-gray color, and when 
purchased, about five years old. He was strong and active, but 
perfectly docile, and as calm as his master under fire. General Lee 
had always a strong affection for him, which he manifested on 
many occasions. Six years after the war Traveler had become 
almost milk-white, having grown hoary with age and honors. He 
died very soon after the decease of his master, his death arising 
from lockjaw caused by his treading on a nail which penetrated 
his foot and could not be withdrawn. 

Lee now entered actively on a campaign to strike Pope before 
his reinforcements reached him. 

On August 23 J. E. B. Stuart ("Jeb," he was familiarly and 
affectionately called) made a raid with his cavalry on Catlett's 
Station, where he captured Pope's headquarters wagons, a large 
sum of money, immense stores of every description, and very 
valuable papers. Among the captures was Pope's personal 
baggage, including his dress uniform. Stuart a short time be- 
fore had lost his hat in escaping from a party of Federal Cav- 
alry, and he now wrote Pope by flag of truce, "If you will send 
me back my hat, I will send you your coat." 

Another amusing incident of this raid was that Fitz Lee 
came very near capturing his cousin Louis Marshall, who made 
his escape, in the darkness of the night, by rushing out of the 
rear of his tent, leaving his toddy untouched. 



*This saddle has its story, which is worth relating. When Colonel Lee re- 
signed from the United States Army and repaired to Richmond to offer his 
services to his native State, his baggage, which had just reached New York, 
was seized by the authorities. Among his effects was a saddle of peculiar 
form which he preferred to all others. He immediately wrote to St. Louis, 
to the maker, desiring to have another like it if he was willing to take the 
risk of receiving his pay. The saddle was at once sent, and the soldier did 
not let the busy occupation of war make him forget to send the full price to 
the maker through a safe channel. He rode this saddle all through the war 
and throughout his after-life. 

tThe horse ridden by Lee in the Mexican war was named "Grace Darling.'' 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 193 

Lee had purposed crossing the Rappahannock at Warrenton 
White Sulphur Springs, and throwing his whole army to Pope's 
rear at Warrenton, but as a heavy rain rendered the river past 
fording and prevented this movement, he rested his troops on 
Sunday, the chaplains preaching to immense congregations, de- 
spite the bursting of shell near and the falling of an immense 
shell in the center of the congregation to which I preached. 
At "early dawn" the next morning — the men used to say, "Old 
Jack always starts at 'early dawn,' except when he starts the 
night before" — Lee sent Jackson on that famous flank move 
which captured Manassas Junction and the immense stores ac- 
cumulated there, and planted himself full in Pope's rear. 

Pope attempted to crush Jackson before Lee and the rest of 
his army could get up. This attempt was a failure, for, though 
he was very largely outnumbered, "Stonewall" stood every at- 
tack, his brave men held their position with heroic pertinacity — 
some of them actually using rocks when their ammunition was 
exhausted — and for two days beat off every attack until Lee, 
with Longstreet's corps, having forced his way through the pass 
at Thoroughfare Gap, came up, the Army of Northern Virginia 
was reunited, and the victory was assured. 

On August 30 Pope advanced on Jackson again, — still labor- 
ing under the delusion that Longstreet was not up, — when he 
was heavily repulsed, and Lee made a counter attack with his 
whole force and drove Pope pell-mell, and in great confusion, 
across Bull Run. 

Pope seemed to think that he had only Jackson in his front, 
and preferred charges against gallant Fitz-John Porter, and 
actually succeeded in having him cashiered, for not attacking 
Jackson in flank and rear at a time when, as a matter of fact, 
he would have had to whip the whole of Longstreet's corps in 
order to get at Jackson's flank. Pope took position at Center- 
ville, after his crushing defeat on the 30th, where he received a 
reinforcement of at least 42,000 men, but Lee moved on his 
flank, and he retreated again, fighting the battle of Ox Hill only 
to save his trains and his army, and was soon within the forti- 



194 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

fications of Washington. He was now relieved of his com- 
mand, and sent to the West to fight Indians, and was not heard 
of again during the war. He had indeed realized that "shame 
and disaster lurk in the rear." 

General Pope had actually engaged in the battles of Manassas 
74,578 men with large reinforcements coming up, while Gen- 
eral Lee's force was barely 50,000. Pope's loss was over 30,000. 
Lee's loss was 7,244. Lee's captures were over 9,000 prison- 
ers, thirty pieces of artillery, upwards of 20,000 stand of small 
arms, numerous colors, and a large amount of stores, besides 
Jackson's captures at Manassas Junction. The authorities now 
felt obliged to put McClellan in command again, although he 
was under the ban of the Government. General Lee deter- 
mined that he would cross into Maryland, and thus flank the 
heavy fortifications of Washington, give Confederate sympa- 
thizers a chance to join his standard, and if opportunity offered 
win a battle that would give him Washington and Baltimore. 

Accordingly, he crossed the Potomac on the 7th of Septem- 
ber, and massed his army at Frederick, Maryland. Harper's 
Ferry was not evacuated, and Lee determined to capture it, and 
then concentrate his army for battle with McClellan. One of 
his confidential orders was lost and fell into the hands of Mc- 
Clellan, who at once laid aside his usual caution and hastened 
forward to break through the mountain passes, raise the siege 
of Harper's Ferry, and attack Lee's army in detail. But Jack- 
son moved on Harper's Ferry so rapidly and pushed the attack 
so vigorously, and the Confederates held the passes of South 
Mountain with such heroic pertinacity, that before McClellan 
succeeded in breaking through the garrison surrendered. 

The surrender of Harper's Ferry occurred September 15, and 
embraced 11,500 prisoners, 13,000 stand of small arms, sev- 
enty-three pieces of artillery, and large quantities of stores and 
provisions of every description. Lee rapidly concentrated his 
army at Sharpsburg, or Antietam as it is called by Northern 
writers, where, before a large part of his troops got up, he was 
attacked by McClellan at early dawn the 17th of September, 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 195 

and a fierce conflict raged all day until night put an end to it. 
Although McClellan had 87,000 men and Lee only 35,000 after 
all of his troops had gotten up, — his army having been depleted 
by the fearful marches of his ragged, barefooted men, — the 
Confederates not only held their ground, but considerably ad- 
vanced their lines on a part of the field. ■ 

It was one of the bloodiest battles of the war, the Federals 
losing 12,400 men and the Confederates 8,000. General Lee 
remained in line of battle all day the 18th, "expecting and in- 
deed hoping for another attack" (as he himself once expressed 
it in conversation with me), but as the attack was not made, 
and he had information that McClellan was being largely rein- 
forced, he withdrew that night to the south side of the Poto- 
mac — the movement being made without molestation on the 
part of the enemy, in good order, and without loss of men or 
material. 

On the 20th McClellan attempted to follow, and Sykes's divi- 
sion crossed the Potomac at Boteler's Ford, under cover of the 
heavy artillery fire, from guns which crowned the heights on 
the north bank and commanded the southern approaches. But 
A. P. Hill fell upon them with his famous "Light Division," 
and literally drove them into the river with fearful slaughter. 

Then followed a season of rest and recuperation, much need- 
ed by both armies, and only interrupted by a brilliant raid of 
"Jeb" Stuart, who crossed the Potomac above Williamsport on 
October 10th with 1,800 of his troopers, and a second time 
made the entire circuit of McClellan's army, then recrossed the 
river at White's Ford with his prisoners and captures, having 
lost only one man wounded and two captured. The feeling at 
the North on the safe return of General Lee's army to Virginia 
was well voiced by the Nezv York Tribune, which said : 

He leaves us the debris of his late camps, two disabled pieces 
of artillery, a few hundred of his stragglers, perhaps two thou- 
sand of his wounded, and as many more of his unburied dead. Not 
a sound field-piece, caisson, ambulance, or wagon ; not a tent, 
box of stores, or a pound of ammunition. He takes with him the 
supplies gathered in Maryland, and the rich spoils of Harper's 
Ferry. 



196 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Certain of the newspapers were very severe on McClellan for 
not pursuing and destroying "Lee's beaten army," but McClel- 
lan knew better, and was too good a soldier to yield to this 
clamor or even to the pressure brought to bear on him by the 
Administration. What General Lee thought of the campaign 
is best told in the following order which he issued to his army : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, October 2, 1862. 
General Orders, 
No. 116. 

In reviewing the achievements of the army during the present 
campaign, the Commanding General cannot withhold the expres- 
sion of his admiration of the indomitable courage it has displayed 
in battle, and its cheerful endurance of privation and hardship on 
the march. 

Since your great victories around Richmond, you have defeated 
the enemy at Cedar Mountain, expelled him from the Rappa- 
hannock, and, after a conflict of three days, utterly repulsed him 
on the plains of Manassas, and forced him to take shelter within 
the fortifications around his Capital. Without halting for repose, 
you crossed the Potomac, stormed the heights of Harper's Ferry, 
made prisoners of more than 11,600 men, and captured upward 
of seventy pieces of artillery, all of their small arms, and other mu- 
nitions of war. While one corps of the army was thus engaged 
another insured its success by arresting at Boonsboro the com- 
bined armies of the enemy, advancing under their favorite general 
to the relief of their beleaguered comrades. 

On the field of Sharpsburg, with less than one-third his num- 
bers, you resisted from daylight until dark the whole army of the 
enemy, and repulsed every attack along his entire front of more 
than four miles in extent. 

The whole of the following day you stood prepared to resume 
the conflict on the same ground, and retired next morning without 
molestation across the Potomac. 

Two attempts subsequently made by the enemy to follow you 
across the river have resulted in his complete discomfiture and 
his being driven back with loss. Achievements such as these de- 
manded much valor and patriotism. History records few exam- 
ples of greater fortitude and endurance than this army has exhib- 
ited, and I am commissioned by the President to thank you in the 
name of the Confederate States for the undying fame you have 
won for their arms. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 197 

Much as you have done, much more remains to be accomplished. 
The enemy again threatens us with invasion, and to your tried 
valor and patriotism the country looks with confidence for deliv- 
erance and safety. Your past exploits give assurance that this 
confidence is not misplaced. 

R. E. Lee, 
General Commanding. 

Col. Walter H. Taylor, Lee's adjutant-general, in his admir- 
able book, "Four Years with Lee" (which settles the question 
of relative numbers in all of the battles), tells this incident, 
which is so characteristic of our great subject that I quote it in 
full: 

Tidings reached General Lee soon after his return to Virginia 
from Maryland of the serious illness of one of his daughters, 
the darling of his flock. For several days apprehensions were en- 
tertained that the next intelligence would be of her death. One 
morning the mail was received, and the private letters were dis- 
tributed, as was the custom, but no one knew whether any home- 
news had been received by the General. At the usual hour he 
summoned me to his presence to know if there were any matters 
of army routine upon which his judgment and action were de- 
sired. The papers containing a few such cases were presented 
to him; he reviewed and gave his orders in regard to them. I 
then left him, but for some cause returned in a few moments, and 
with my accustomed freedom entered his tent without announce- 
ment or ceremony, when I was startled and shocked to see him 
overcome with grief, an open letter in his hands. That letter con- 
tained the sad intelligence of his daughter's death. . . . 

His army demanded his first thought and care ; to his men, to 
their needs, he must first attend, and then he could surrender 
himself to his private, personal affairs. Who can tell with what 
anguish of soul he endeavored to control himself and to maintain a 
calm exterior, and who can estimate the immense effort necessary to 
still the heart filled to overflowing with tenderest emotions and 
to give attention to the important trusts committed to him, before 
permitting the more selfish indulgence of private meditation, grief, 
and prayer? "Duty first" was the rule of his life, and his every 
thought, word, and action was made to square with duty's inex- 
orable demands. 



198 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I give here several of General Lee's private letters. And 
first one to Mrs. W. H. F. Lee : 

Jeffersonton, 26th August, 1862. 
I arrived at my tent last night, my dear Chass, and to my delight 
found your Fitzhugh. It was the first time I had seen him since 
the battles around Richmond. He is very well, and the picture 
of health. He could not stay very long, as he had to return to his 
camp about four miles distant. In the recent expedition to the 
rear of the enemy, (with a view of cutting off their R. R. com- 
munication) he led his regiment, during a terrible storm at night, 
through the camp of the enemy to Catlett's Station, capturing sev- 
eral hundred prisoners and some valuable papers of General Pope. 
His cousin, Louis Marshall, is said to have escaped at the first 
onset, leaving his toddy untouched. I am so grateful to Almighty 
God for preserving, guiding, and directing him in this war ! Help 
me pray to Him for the continuance of His signal favor. Fitz- 
hugh left me a letter of M. L.'s to read. It is so full of sympathy, 
piety, and affection that I enclose it to you. I sent you several 
messages in a letter to your mother yesterday. Kiss her for me. 
I have heard from neither of you since I left Richmond. Give 
much love to everybody and believe me, my dear child, 

Aff'ly, your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

In a letter to his wife not long after the battle of Sharpsburg 
he says : 

I have not laid my eyes on Rob since I saw him in the battle 
of Sharpsburg going in with a single gun of his battery for the 
second time after his company had been withdrawn in conse- 
quence of three of its guns having been disabled. Custis has 
seen him, and says he is very well and apparently happy and con- 
tent. My hands are improving slowly, and with my left hand 
I am able to dress and undress myself, which is a great comfort. 
My right is becoming of some assistance, too, though it is still 
swollen, and sometimes painful. The bandages have been re- 
moved. I am now able to sign my name. It has been six weeks 
today since I was injured, and I have at last discarded the sling. 

In a letter dated October 26, 1862, he thus writes Mrs. Lee 
about the death of his daughter, of which Colonel Taylor spoke 
in the incident already given : 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 199 

I cannot express the anguish I feel at the death of our sweet 
Annie. To know that I shall never see her again on earth, that her 
place in our circle, which I always hoped one day to enjoy, is 
forever vacant, is agonizing in the extreme. But God in this, as 
in all things, has mingled mercy with the blow in selecting that 
one best prepared to leave us. May you be able to join me in 
saying, "His will be done !" When I reflect on all she will escape 
in life, brief and painful at the best, and all we may hope she 
will enjoy with her sainted grandmother, I cannot wish her back. 
I know how much you will grieve, and how much she will be 
mourned. I wish I could give you any comfort, but beyond our 
hope in the great mercy of God, and the belief that He takes her 
at the time and place when it is best for her to go, there is none. 
May that same mercy be extended to us all, and may we be pre- 
pared for his summons. 

In a letter to his son, after writing of some business matters, 
he says : 

Camp Culpeper Court House, ioth November, 1862. 
My dear Custis : 

Fitzhugh reached here yesterday morning from the Valley and 
joined his brigade now in my front. I have nothing new to relate 
beyond my public dispatches. I am operating to baffle the ad- 
vance of the enemy and retain him among the mountains until I 
can get him separated that I can strike at him to advantage. His 
force will be thus diminished and disheartened. His sick and 
stragglers must be going back. He is along the Manassas R. R. 
near Piedmont. His advance cavalry along the line of the Rap- 
pahannock River. Give much love to your dear mother, Agnes 
and Charlotte, not forgetting my granddaughter. I wish you were 
with me. Truly and aff'y, your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 

In another letter to his son, Col. Custis Lee, who was now 
serving on President Davis's staff, he mentions a number of 
business matters requiring attention, sends a passport for some 
ladies who desired to go within the enemy's lines, but advises 
them against going, and then says : 

Give much love to your mother, Chass, and Agnes. I hope all 
will continue well. Remember me to all friends. God grant that 
our armies may sustain the confidence reposed in them by our 



200 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

people, and I trust that the prayers offered up in their behalf may 
be answered. But the people must help themselves, or Providence 
will not help them. 

He wrote the following to a daughter within the enemy's 
lines : 

Camp Near Fredericksburg, November 24, 1862. 
My dear Daughter : 

I have just received your letter of the 17th, which has afforded 
me great gratification. I regretted not finding you in Richmond, 
and grieve over every opportunity of seeing you that is lost, for I 
fear they will become less and less frequent. I am glad, however, 
that you have been able to enjoy the society of those who are so 
well qualified to render you happy, and who are so deservedly 
loved and admired. The death of my dear Annie was indeed to 
me a bitter pang. But the Lord gave, and the Lord has taken 
away ; blessed be the name of the Lord. In the hours of night, 
when there is nothing to lighten the full weight of my grief, I 
feel as if I should be overwhelmed. I had always counted, if God 
should spare me a few days of peace after this cruel war was 
ended, that I should have her with me. But year after year my 
hopes go out, and I must be resigned. I write with difficulty, and 
must be brief. Fitzhugh and Rob are near me and well. Nephew 
Fitz has laid aside his crutches, and I hope will soon join me. 
Your mother, I presume, informs you of the rest. General Burn- 
side's whole army is apparently opposite Fredericksburg, and 
stretches from the Rappahannock to the Potomac. What his in- 
tentions are he has not yet disclosed. I am sorry he is in position 
to oppress our friends and citizens of the "Northern Neck." He 
threatens to bombard Fredericksburg, and the noble spirit dis- 
played by its citizens, particularly the women and children, has 
elicited my highest admiration. They have been abandoning their 
homes night and day, during all of this inclement weather, cheer- 
fully and uncomplainingly, with only such assistance as our wag- 
ons and ambulances could afford — women, girls, and children, 
trudging through the mud, and bivouacking in the open field. . . . 

Believe me alwavs your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

The daughter whose death is so touchingly alluded to in the 
above letter was Miss Annie Carter Lee, who died at Warren 
White Sulphur Springs, North Carolina, the 20th of October, 
1862. At the close of the war citizens of the county erected 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 201 

over her grave a handsome monument, which was unveiled 
with appropriate ceremonies. In response to an invitation to 
be present, General Lee wrote the following characteristic letter : 

Rockbridge Baths, July 25, 1862. 
Ladies : 

I have read with deep emotion your letter of the 17th inst., 
inviting myself and family to witness the erection of a monument 
over the remains of my daughter at Warren White Sulphur 
Springs on the 8th of next month. 

I do not know how to express to you my thanks for your great 
kindness to her while living, and for your affectionate remem- 
brance of her since dead. 

My gratitude for your attention and consideration will continue 
through life, and my prayers will be daily offered to the throne of 
the Most High for His boundless blessings upon you. 

I have always cherished the intention of visiting the tomb of 
her who never gave me aught but pleasure ; but, to afford me the 
satisfaction which I crave, it must be attended with more privacy 
than I can hope for on the occasion you propose. 

But there are more controlling considerations which will pre- 
vent my being present. Her mother, who for years has been af- 
flicted with a painful disease, which has reduced her to a state of 
helplessness, is this far on her way to the mineral springs which 
are considered the best calculated to afford her relief. My at- 
tendance is necessary to her in her journey, and the few weeks I 
have now at my disposal is the only time which can be devoted to 
this purpose. 

Though absent in person, my heart will be with you, and my 
sorrow and devotions will be mingled with yours. 

I hope my eldest son and daughter may be able to be present 
with you, but, as they are distant from me, I cannot tell under 
what circumstances your invitation may find them. I feel certain, 
however, that nothing but necessity will prevent their attendance. 

I enclose, according to your request, the date of my daughter's 
birth, and the inscription proposed for the monument over her 
tomb. The latter are the last lines of the hymn which she asked 
for just before her death. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
Mrs. Joseph S. Jones, Mrs. Thomas Carroll, Miss Brownlow, 
Miss M. Alston, Mrs. J. M. Heck, Mrs. Lucinda Jones, 
Committee. 



202 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The date of the following letter gives it additional interest. 
The movements of Burnside were developing themselves, and 
the sanguinary battle of Fredericksburg was about to open ; but 
the charger of the great captain must "wait at his tent-door" 
while from a heart as tender as that of the gentlest woman he 
sends these lines of affectionate sympathy to the bereaved moth- 
er : 

Camp Fredericksburg, December 10, 1862. 

I heard yesterday, my dear daughter, with the deepest sorrow, 
of the death of your infant. I was so grateful at her birth. I 
felt that she would be such a comfort to you, such a pleasure to 
my dear Fitzhugh, and would fill so full the void still aching in 
your hearts. But you have now two sweet angels in heaven. 
What joy there is in the thought ! I can say nothing to soften the 
anguish you must feel, and I know you are assured of my deep 
and affectionate sympathy. May God give you strength to bear 
the affliction he has imposed, and produce future joy out of your 
present misery, is my earnest prayer. 

I saw Fitzhugh yesterday. He is well, and wants much to 
see you. When you are strong enough, cannot you come up to 
Hickory Hill, or your grandpa's, on a little visit, when he can come 
down and see you? My horse is waiting at my tent-door, but I 
could not refrain from sending these few lines to recall to you the 
thought and love of Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Mrs. Wm. H. Fitzhugh Lee. 

Gen. A. L. Long, who was at this time serving with great 
ability on Lee's staff, gives in his Memoirs several incidents of 
this period, which are so characteristic that I quote them as 
follows : 

Throughout the late campaign the duty of selecting a place for 
headquarters usually devolved upon the writer. The General 
would say, "Colonel Long has a good eye for locality; let him find 
a place for camp." It was not always so easy to find a desirable 
situation, but as the General was easily satisfied, the difficulties of 
the task were greatly lightened. Only once, to my recollection, did 
he object to the selection made for headquarters ; this was on reach- 
ing the neighborhood of Winchester. The army had preceded 
the General and taken possession of every desirable camping- 
place. After a long and fatiguing search a farm-house was dis- 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 203 

covered, surrounded by a large shady yard. The occupants of the 
house with great satisfaction gave permission for the establishment 
of General Lee, not only in the yard, but insisted on his occupying 
a part of the house. Everything being satisfactorily settled, the 
wagons were ordered up, but just as their unloading began the 
General rode up and flatly refused to occupy either yard or house. 
No one expected him to violate his custom by occupying the house, 
but it was thought he would not object to a temporary occupation 
of the yard. Being vexed at having to look for another place for 
headquarters, I ordered the wagons into a field almost entirely 
covered with massive stones. The boulders were so large and 
thick that it was difficult to find space for the tents. The only 
redeeming feature the location possessed was a small stream of 
good water. When the tents were pitched, the General looked 
around with a smile of satisfaction, and said, "This is better than" 
the yard. We will not now disturb those good people." 

While occupying this camp we were visited by several distin- 
guished British officers, among them, Colonel Garnet Wolseley, 
who has since become prominent in history. Subsequently, one 
of the number published the following account of General Lee and 
his surroundings : 

"In visiting the headquarters of the Confederate generals, but 
particularly those of General Lee, any one accustomed to see 
European armies in the field cannot fail to be struck with the 
great absence of all the pomp and circumstance of war in and 
around their encampments. 

"Lee's headquarters consisted of about seven or eight pole tents, 
pitched, with their backs to a stake-fence, upon a piece of ground 
so rocky that it was unpleasant to ride over it, its only recom- 
mendation being a little stream of good water which flowed close 
by the General's tent. In front of the tents were some three or four 
army wagons, drawn up without any regularity, and a number of 
horses turned loose about the field. The servants — who were, of 
course, slaves — and the mounted soldiers called couriers, who 
always accompany each general of division in the field, were un- 
provided with tents, and slept in or under the wagons. Wagons, 
tents, and some of the horses were marked 'U. S.,' showing that 
part of that huge debt in the North has gone to furnishing even 
the Confederate generals with camp equipments. No guard or 
sentries were to be seen in the vicinity, no crowd of aides-de-camp 
loitering about, making themselves agreeable to visitors and en- 
deavoring to save their generals from receiving those who had no 
particular business. A large farm-house stands close by, which 
in any other army would have been the general's residence pro tent; 



204 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

but, as no liberties are allowed to be taken with personal property 
in Lee's army, he is particular in setting a good example himself. 
His staff are crowded together, two or three in a tent; none are 
allowed to carry more baggage than a small box each, and his own 
kit is but very little larger. Every one who approaches him does 
so with marked respect, although there is none of that bowing and 
flourishing of forage caps which occurs in the presence of European 
generals ; and, while all honor him and place implicit faith in his 
courage and ability, those with whom he is most intimate feel for 
him the affection of sons to a father. Old General Scott was 
correct in saying that when Lee joined the Southern cause it was 
worth as much as the accession of 20,000 men to the 'rebels.' Since 
then every injury that it was possible to inflict the Northerners 
have heaped upon him. Notwithstanding all these personal losses, 
however, when speaking of the Yankees he neither evinced any 
bitterness of feeling nor gave utterance to a single violent ex- 
pression, but alluded to many of his former friends and com- 
panions among them in the kindest terms. He spoke as a man 
proud of the victories won by his country and confident of ultimate 
success under the blessing of the Almighty, whom he glorified for 
past successes, and whose aid he invoked for all future operations." 

Notwithstanding the ruggedness of this encampment, it proved 
unusually lively. Besides the foreign friends, we had numerous 
visitors from the army, also ladies and gentlemen from Winchester 
and the neighborhood, all of whom had some remark to make upon 
the rocky situation of our camp. This the General seemed to 
enjoy, a* it gave him an opportunity of making a jest at the 
expense of Colonel Long, whom he accused of having set him down 
there among the rocks in revenge for his refusing to occupy the 
yard. Although there were no habitual drinkers on the General's 
staff, an occasional demijohn would find its way to headquarters. 
While at this place one of the officers received a present of a jug 
of fine old rye. Soon after its advent Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, with 
Sweeney and his banjo, arrived — not on account, however, of the 
jug, but, as was his wont, to give us a serenade. The bright camp- 
fire was surrounded by a merry party, and a lively concert com- 
menced. After a while the General came out, and, observing the 
jug perched on a boulder, asked with a merry smile, "Gentlemen, 
am I to thank General Scott or the jug for this fine music?" 

By this time the men had come to know their leader. The bril- 
liant campaigns through which he had led them had inspired them 
with love and confidence, and whenever he appeared among them 
his approach was announced by "Here comes Marse Robert !" and 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 205 

he would be immediately saluted with the well-known Confederate 
yell, which called forth in other quarters the exclamation, "There 
goes Marse Robert — ole Jackson, or an ole hare." 

It ought to be added in this connection that "the jug" had no 
attractions for the gallant "Jeb" Stuart, as he never drank so 
much as a glass of wine; nor for "Marse Robert," who was 
noted for his disapproval of the drinking usages of the army, 
and his abstinence from the use of intoxicants. 

He once called his staff around a jug that he had received, 
telling them that he had a nice "treat" for them, and remarking, 
"I know where this came from, and that it is the very best that 
this goodly land produces." He then filled the drinking ves- 
sels to the brim with fresh buttermilk, which he presented to 
each one present. 

McClellan had incurred the severest censure of his Govern- 
ment and of many of the Northern newspapers for not "pressing 
and crushing Lee's beaten army," and after he had finally 
crossed the river east of the mountains, and concentrated his 
army about Warrenton, Virginia, on the night of November 
7th, he received orders from Washington displacing him from 
the command, and putting Gen. A. E. Burnside at the head of 
the army. While he had obvious faults as a soldier, there can 
be but little doubt that McClellan was the ablest and most ac- 
complished commander that the Army of the Potomac ever had, 
unless General Meade was the exception, and that his removal 
was due to partisan or political rather than military reasons. 

There can be little doubt that the following letter written on 
the 7th of July, 1862 (while he was at Harrison's Landing 
just after "Seven Days around Richmond"), in response to a 
request from President Lincoln that he should give his views 
on the proper "Conduct of the War," had a great deal to do 
with his retirement from active service : 

This rebellion has assumed the character of a war; as such it 
should be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest 
principles known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war 
looking to the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. 
It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed 



206 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

forces and political organization. Neither confiscation of property, 
political executions, territorial organizations of States, nor forcible 
abolition of slavery should be contemplated for a moment. In 
prosecuting the war all private property and unarmed persons 
should be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of mili- 
tary operations. All private property taken for military use should 
be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as 
high crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and 
offensive demeanor by the military toward citizens promptly re- 
buked. Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places 
where active hostilities exist, and oaths not required by enact- 
ments constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor re- 
ceived. Military government should be confined to the preser- 
vation of public order and the protection of political right. Military 
power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of 
servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the 
master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves 
contraband under the Act of Congress, seeking military protection, 
should receive it. The right of the Government to appropriate 
permanently to its own service claims to slave-labor should be 
asserted, and the right of the owner to compensation therefor 
should be recognized. 

This principle might be extended upon grounds of military 
necessity and security to all the slaves of a particular State, thus 
working manumission in such State ; and in Missouri, perhaps in 
Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expe- 
diency of such a measure is only a question of time. 

A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the 
influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support 
of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel 
masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that 
it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty. 

Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our 
struggle shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain 
requisite forces will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical 
views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our pres- 
ent armies. 

The policy of the Government must be supported by con- 
centrations of military power. The national forces should not 
be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous 
armies ; but should be mainly collected into masses and brought to 
bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. These armies 
thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they support 
would soon cease to exist. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 207 

In carrying" out any system of policy which you may form, you 
will require a commander-in-chief of the Army — one who possesses 
your confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to 
execute your orders, by directing the military forces of the nation 
to the accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not 
ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such posi- 
tions as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever 
subordinate served superior. I may be on the brink of eternity, 
and, as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this 
letter with sincerity toward you, and from love for my country. 

The policy inaugurated immediately by General Pope and the 
subsequent policy of the Government, as well as the fact that 
McClellan's army was taken from him and given to Pope ; that 
he was reinstated for a season only because of Pope's great dis- 
aster, and that he was removed so soon after the Maryland cam- 
paign, all go to prove that this frank, conservative and states- 
man-like letter had a good deal to do with his removal. 

General Lee had a high opinion of General McClellan. Gen- 
eral Long quotes a relative of General Lee as saying that her 
father, an old gentleman, "asked General Lee which, in his opin- 
ion, was the ablest of the Union generals ; to which he answered, 
bringing his hand down on the table with emphatic energy, 'Mc- 
Clellan, by all odds !' " 

I found in General Lee's private letter-book after his death 
a letter from him to a distinguished Federal general who, among 
other questions, had asked his opinion of General McClellan. 
The General's reply was one of those beautiful specimens of 
"how not to say it," for which he had marked talent, but in re- 
sponse to the question he said : "I always had a high opinion 
of General McClellan, and have no reason to suppose that he 
failed to accomplish anything that he was able to do." 

McClellan seems to have been the idol of his army, which he 
had organized and disciplined, and there was general regret 
when he left the command. Burnside changed McClellan's 
plans, and moved on Fredericksburg only to find the advance of 
Lee confronting him, on November 17, the Confederate chief 
seeming to read his designs by intuition. 



208 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

On the nth of December Burnside bombarded the town with 
143 guns, posted on Stafford Heights on the north side of the 
Rappahannock River. But when, after a stout resistance from 
Barksdale's brigade of gallant Mississippians, he succeeded in 
laying his pontoons and crossing the river he found that Lee 
had resisted his crossing at all only to gain time to concentrate 
his troops and form his lines on the hills beyond the valley, ex- 
tending from near the river above the town to Hamilton's 
Crossing below. With 113,000 men and 307 guns (147 of 
them posted on Stafford Heights so as to sweep the battlefield) 
Burnside attacked Lee, who with 78,000 men, only 20,000 of 
whom were actually engaged, occupied a strong natural position. 
A part of the line was strengthened by hastily constructed earth- 
works for the artillery and rifle-pits for the infantry. The re- 
sult was that Burnside received a bloody defeat both at Marye's 
Hill near Fredericksburg, and in Jackson's front near Hamil- 
ton's Crossing. The Federal troops were brave, heroic, but no 
troops of any army could have carried the position against the 
Confederates who held it, and every renewal of the effort only 
resulted in more fearful slaughter. 

As Lee from his position near the center of his lines watched 
the combat and witnessed the repulse of the enemy he is said to 
have exclaimed, "It is well that this is so terrible, or else we 
might grow fond of it." 

Lee awaited the renewal of the contest, and husbanded his 
resources for the severer battle which he supposed would come, 
and for which he felt fully prepared, since not one-third of his 
army had been actually engaged. 

And Burnside was anxious to renew the attack, but his sub- 
ordinate generals were so unanimous in "protesting against fur- 
ther slaughter" that he abandoned his purpose, and availed him- 
self of a dark and stormy night on the 15th, and recrossed the 
river to a position where his strong works and heavy artillery 
rendered him safe from a counter-attack by Lee. 

Burnside's retreat was a great disappointment both to Lee 
and his men, as they were confident of a still more complete vie- 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 209 

tory if the battle should be renewed. The Federal loss in this 
battle was 12,631, while the Confederate loss was only 5,322. 

Much greater damage would have been inflicted upon Burn- 
side's army had not General Lee forbidden his artillery to fire 
on the town of Fredericksburg, into which Burnside's shattered 
legions were crowded. 

Two incidents which illumined the battle of Fredericksburg 
may be given. John Pelham, "the boy artillerist" of Stuart's 
horse artillery, with one gun, took position in the plain below 
Hamilton's Crossing, enfiladed the Federal line with such effect 
as to halt Franklin's advance on Jackson for an hour, and held 
his position with such heroic persistency as to extort from Gen- 
eral Lee the commendation, "It is glorious to see such courage 
in one so young." 

The cries of the Federal wounded between the lines in front 
of Marye's Hill so excited the sympathies of Richard Kirkland, 
a sergeant in the Second South Carolina Regiment, that he ob- 
tained permission from his general, Kershaw, and at the immi- 
nent risk of his life carried water to the famishing enemy and 
did everything else in his power to help them. He was after- 
wards killed, while bravely doing his duty at the battle of Chick- 
amauga, but he deserves to be known in history as "the humane 
hero of Fredericksburg." 

This closed the campaign of 1862 in Virginia, except that on 
the 26th of December the able and indefatigable Stuart took 
1,800 of his troopers, under Hampton and the Lees, and made 
a most successful raid to the enemy's rear, making large cap- 
tures, sending a telegram to the Federal Quartermaster-General 
complaining of the bad quality of the mules he furnished Burn- 
side, and making a circuit through Loudoun and Fauquier 
counties before returning to Culpeper. 

Lee was the unquestioned victor of the campaign and master 
of the situation, as he was the idol of his soldiers and of his 
people, and the admiration of the world. General Long gives 
some very pleasant incidents of Lee's life in camp after the 
battle of Fredericksburg, and I quote the following : 



210 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

We were frequently visited by distinguished personages from 
Richmond and elsewhere. Among those deserving of especial 
mention were Colonel Freemantle of the British Army, and Cap- 
tain Scheibert of the Prussian engineers. Scheibert remained with 
us for some time ; he was present at the battle of Chancellorsville, 
and accompanied us to Gettysburg, where Colonel Freemantle was 
also present. Both of these officers were highly esteemed at 
headquarters. 

Having for some time been reduced to very meagre fare, we 
were rejoiced to receive a present of a lot of chickens. One of the 
hens so distinguished herself as to be worthy of a place in history. 
Bryan, the steward of General Lee's mess, having discovered that 
she daily contributed an egg, spared her life. She proved to be a 
very discriminating hen, for she selected the General's tent to 
make her daily deposit. Instinct seemed to teach her that he was 
fond of fowls and domestic animals. Every day she would walk 
to and fro in front of his tent, and when all was quiet walk in, find 
a place under his bed, and deposit her egg, then walk out with a 
gratified cackle. Appreciating her partiality for him, he would 
leave his tent-door open for her to come in. This she kept up 
daily for weeks, Bryan always securing her contribution for the 
General's breakfast. She chose a roosting-place in the baggage- 
wagon, and on breaking up camp to meet Hooker at Chancellors- 
ville, Bryan found room in the wagon for the hen. During the 
battle she seemed too much disturbed to lay, but as soon as the 
engagement was over she fell at once into her regular routine. 
She accompanied the army to Gettysburg. One night, when pre- 
paring for retreat, with the wagon loaded and everything ready, 
the question was raised, "Where is the hen ?" By that time every- 
body knew her and took an interest in her ; search was made in 
every direction, even General Lee joining in it. She was found 
at last perched on the wagon, where she had taken her place of her 
own accord. She accompanied the army in all its marches and 
countermarches for more than a year, and finally came to rather 
an unsentimental end. In the winter of 1864, General Lee's head- 
quarters was near Orange Court House. The hen had become 
rather fat and lazy, and on one occasion, when the General had 
a distinguished visitor to dine with him, Bryan finding it ex- 
tremely difficult to procure material for a dinner, very inhumanly 
killed the hen, unknown to any of the staff. At the dinner the 
General was very much surprised to see so fine a fowl ; all enjoyed 
it, not dreaming of the great sacrifice made upon the altar of 
hospitality. When she was missed and inquiry made, Bryan had 
to acknowledge that he had killed her in order to provide some- 
thing for the gentleman's dinner. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 211 

Several highly interesting letters written by General Lee to his 
wife and daughters at the period considered in the present chapter 
have been kindly handed to the writer with permission to publish 
them. As they possess both a personal and public significance, 
with some amusing comments upon army matters, he takes pleas- 
ure in laying them before the reader. General Lee's devotion to 
his family, his religious faith, and his sense of humor are all here 
strongly displayed. No better introduction can be offered than a 
sentence from a letter written by Miss Mildred Lee in reference to 
these letters : "In them one has glimpses of a great war raging 
mercilessly, while the chief actor sits down, to the sound of shot 
and cannon, and pours out his heart in affection to his 'little 
daughter.' " 

From a letter to his daughter Mildred, written on Christmas, 
1862, we make the following extract : 

"I cannot tell you how I long to see you when a little quiet oc- 
curs. My thoughts revert to you, your sisters and mother; my 
heart aches for our reunion. Your brothers I see occasionally. 
This morning Fitzhugh rode by with his young aide-de-camp 
(Rob) at the head of his brigade, on his way up the Rappahannock. 
You must study hard, gain knowledge, and learn your duty to God 
and your neighbor; that is the great object of life. I have no 
news, confined constantly to camp and my thoughts occupied with 
its necessities and duties. I am, however, happy in the knowledge 
that General Burnside and his 'army will not eat their promised 
Xmas dinner in Richmond today.' " 

On the succeeding day he writes as follows to his daughter 
Agnes : 

"Camp Fredericksburg, 26th December, 1862. 
"My precious little Agnes : 

"I have not heard of you for a long time. I wish you were with 
me, for, always solitary, I am sometimes weary, and long for the 
reunion of my family once again. But I will not speak of myself, 
but of you 

"I have only seen the ladies in this vicinity when flying from 
the enemy, and it caused me acute grief to witness their exposure 
and suffering. But a more noble spirit was never displayed any- 
where. The faces of old and young were wreathed with smiles 
and glowed with happiness at the sacrifices for the good of their 
country. Many have lost everything. What the fire and shells of 
the enemy spared, their pillagers destroyed. But God will shelter 
them, I know. So much heroism will not be unregarded. I can 
only hold oral communication with your sister, and have forbidden 
the scouts to bring any writing, and have taken back some that I 



212 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

had given them for her. If caught it would compromise them. 
They only convey messages. I learn in that way she is well. . . . 

"Your devoted father, 

"R. E. Lee. 
"To Agnes Lee." 

We add two other letters, one written to his daughter Agnes, 
and one to Mrs. Lee : 

"Camp Fredericksburg, 6th February, 1863. 
"To Agnes Lee : 

"I read yesterday, my precious daughter, your letter, and grieved 
very much when last in Richmond at not seeing you. My move- 
ments are so uncertain that I cannot be relied on for anything. 
The' only place I am to be found is in camp, and I am so cross 
now that I am not worth seeing anywhere. Here you will have to 
take me with the three stools — the snow, the rain, and the mud. 
The storm of the last twenty-four hours has added to our stock 
of all, and we are now in a floating condition. But the sun and 
wind will carry all off in time, and then we shall appreciate our 
relief. Our horses and mules suffer the most. They have to bear 
the cold and rain, tug through the mud, and suffer all the time with 
hunger. The roads are wretched, almost impassable. I heard of 
Mag lately. One of our scouts brought me a card of Margaret 
Stuart's, with a pair of gauntlets directed to 'Cousin Robert.' 

". . . . I have no news. General Hooker is obliged to do some- 
thing. I do not know what it will be. He is playing the Chinese 
game, trying what frightening will do. He runs out his guns, 
starts his wagons and troops up and down the river, and creates 
an excitement generally. Our men look on in wonder, give a 
cheer, and all again subsides in statu quo ante helium. I wish you 
were here with me today. You would have to sit by this little 
stove, look out at the rain, and keep yourself dry. But here 
come, in all their wet, the adjutant-general with the papers. I 
must stop and go to work. See how kind God is : we have plenty 

to do in good weather and bad 

"Your devoted father, 

"R. E. Lee." 

Extract from letter to Mrs. Lee : 

"Camp Fredericksburg, 23d February, 1863. 
"The weather now is very hard upon our poor bushmen. This 
morning the whole country is covered with a mantle of snow fully 
a foot deep. It was nearly up to my knees as I stepped out this 
morning, and our poor horses were enveloped. We have dug them 
out and opened our avenues a little, but it will be terrible and the 
roads impassable. No cars from Richmond yesterday. I fear our 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 213 

short rations for man and horse will have to be curtailed. Our 
enemies have their troubles too. They are very strong imme- 
diately in front, but have withdrawn their troops above and below 
us back toward Aquia Creek. I owe Mr. F. J. Hooker no thanks 
for keeping me here. He ought to have made up his mind long 
ago what to do. 24th. — The cars have arrived, and brought me a 
young French officer full of vivacity, and ardent for service with 
me. I think the appearance of things will cool him. If they do 
not, the night will, for he brought no blankets. 

"R. E. Lee." 

I might add many of his letters written at this period, but 
make room for only a few. 

In a letter to Mrs. Lee he says : 

I tremble for my country when I hear of confidence expressed 
in me. I know too well my weakness, and that our only hope is in 
God. 

On Christmas day he writes Mrs. Lee : 

I will commence this holy day by writing to you. My heart is 
filled with gratitude to Almighty God for the unspeakable mercies 
with which He has blessed us in this day, for those He has granted 
us from the beginning of life, and particularly for those He has 
vouchsafed us during the past year. What should have become of 
us without His crowning help and protection? Oh, if our people 
would only recognize it and cease from vain self-boasting and 
adulation, how strong would be my belief in final success and 
happiness to our country ! But what a cruel thing is war, to 
separate and destroy families and friends, and mar the purest joys 
and happiness God has granted us in this world ; to fill our hearts 
with hatred instead of love for our neighbors, and to devastate the 
fair face of this beautiful world! I pray that on this day, when 
only peace and good-will are preached to mankind, better thoughts 
may fill the hearts of our enemies and turn them to peace. Our 
army was never in such good health and condition since I have 
been attached to it. I believe they share with me my disappoint- 
ment that the enemy did not renew the combat on the 13th. I was 
holding back all that day and husbanding our strength and am- 
munition for the great struggle for which I thought I was pre- 
paring. Had I divined what was to have been his only effort he 
would have had more of it. My heart bleeds at the death of every 
one of our gallant men. 



214 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I quote again freely from Capt. R. E. Lee's charming "Recol- 
lections." He says : 

In the spring of 1862 I was allowed to volunteer, and, having 
selected the company I wished to join, my father gave his approval, 
and wrote me to come to Richmond, so that he could procure 
me my outfit. He was as sweet and loving to me then as in the 
old days when I was a little fellow. I had seen so little of him 
during the last six years that I stood somewhat in awe of him. 
I soon found, however, that I had no cause for such a feeling. He 
took great pains in getting whatever was necessary for me. In 
a letter to my mother, the 15th March, 1862, he tells of my arrival 
in Richmond from the University : 

"On returning to my quarters last night, after 11 p. m., Custis 
informed me Robert had arrived, and had made up his mind to go 
into the army. He stayed at the Spottswood, and this morning I 
went with him to get his overcoat, blankets, etc. There is great 
difficulty in procuring what is good ; they all have to be made, and 
he has gone to the Adjutant-General's Office, of Virginia, to engage 
in the service. God grant it may be for his good. As He has 
permitted it, I must be resigned. I told him of the exemption 
granted by the Secretary of War to the professors and students of 
the University, but he expressed no desire to take advantage of it. 
It would be useless for him to go if he did not improve himself, 
nor could I wish him to go merely for exemption. As I have 
done all in the matter that seems proper and right, I must now 
leave the rest in the hands of a merciful God. I hope our son will 
do his duty, and make a good soldier." 

The baggage of a private soldier in a Confederate field battery 
was not extensive. How little was actually needed, my father even 
at that time did not know, for, though he was very careful to 
provide me with the best amount he thought necessary, I soon 
found by experience that he had given me a great deal too much. 
It was characteristic of his consideration for others, and of the 
unselfishness of his nature, that at this time, when weighed down, 
harassed and burdened by the cares incident to bringing the un- 
trained forces of the Confederacy into the field, and preparing 
them for a struggle, the gravity of which he so well knew, he 
should give so much of his time and attention to the petty details 
of fitting out his youngest son as a private soldier. 

I think it is worthy of note that the fact of the son of the com- 
manding general enlisting as a private in his army was not con- 
sidered to be anything remarkable or unusual, and that neither 
my mother, family, friends, nor myself conceived of any other 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 215 

course. I do not think it ever occurred to my father to give me, 
or rather get me, a position in the Army. I know it never oc- 
curred to me, nor did I ever hear at that time or afterwards from 
any one that I might have been entitled to better rank because of 
my father's prominence in Virginia and in the Confederacy. 

With the good advice to be obedient to all authority, to do my 
duty in everything, great or small, he bade me good-by and sent 
me off to the Valley of Virginia, where the company in which I 
was about to enlist, the "Rockbridge Artillery," was serving under 
General "Stonewall" Jackson. 

The day after the first battle of Cold Harbor, during the seven 
days' fighting around Richmond, was the first time I met my father 
after I joined the Army. The tremendous work Jackson's men 
had performed during their campaign in the Valley, their rapid 
march from there to Lee's left flank at Richmond, the short rations, 
the bad water, and the great heat had begun to tell upon them. On 
the morning I allude to, my battery had not moved from its bivouac 
grounds of the previous night, but was parked in an open field, 
waiting orders. Most of the men were lying down, many sleeping, 
myself among the latter number. To get some shade and to be out 
of the way, I had crawled under a caisson, and was slumbering 
profoundly, making up many lost hours of rest. Suddenly I was 
rudely awakened by some comrade prodding me with a sponge- 
staff, as I had failed to be aroused by his call, and was told to get 
up and come out, as some one wished to see me. Half awake, I 
staggered out, and found myself face to face with General Lee and 
his staff. Their fresh uniforms, bright equipments, and well- 
groomed horses contrasted so forcibly with the war-worn appear- 
ance of our command that I was completely dazed. It took me a 
minute or two to realize what it all meant. But when I saw my 
father's loving eyes and kind smile it all became clear to me and I 
knew that he had ridden by to look me up and shake me by the 
hand. I remember well how curiously those who were with him 
gazed at me, and I am sure that it must have struck them as very 
odd that such a dirty, ragged, unkempt youth could have been the 
son of this grand-looking man and victorious general. 

After McClellan's change of base to Harrison's Landing on 
James River, the Confederate army lay inactive around Richmond, 
I had a short furlough on account of sickness, and was sent into 
town. I met my mother at the door of her house, and she did not 
recognize me. When she found out that this dreadful looking 
creature was her son, she immediately had me put in a bath, and all 
my clothing, including hat and shoes, burned in the back yard. I 
do not think I was in a worse condition than many of the other 



216 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

private soldiers. Poor fellows ! They all needed such treatment 
about that time. I saw my father frequently, for he came into 
Richmond whenever he could to visit my mother and sisters. He 
was the same loving father to us all, as kind and thoughtful of 
my mother, who was an invalid, and of his children, as if their 
comfort and happiness was all he had to care for. His great 
victory did not perceptibly elate him. 

Alexander Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, 
once said : "What I had seen General Lee to be at first — childlike 
in simplicity and unselfishness in his character — he remained, un- 
spoiled by praise and by success." He was the same in victory or 
defeat, always calm and self-contained. 

When I again saw my father he was riding at the head of Long- 
street's men on the field of Manassas, and we of Jackson's corps, 
hard pressed by Pope for two days, welcomed him and the divisions 
which followed him with ringing cheers of delight. Two rifle 
guns from our battery were detached and sent to join Longstreet's 
advance artillery, which was under the command of Col. Stephen 
D. Lee, and came into action on our right. I was No. i at one of 
these guns. We advanced rapidly, from hill to hill, firing as fast 
as we could, trying to keep ahead of our gallant comrades, just 
arrived. As we were ordered to cease firing from the last position, 
and the breathless cannoneers were lying down resting by their 
guns, General Lee and staff galloped up, and from this point of 
vantage scanned the movements of the enemy and of our own 
forces. The General reined in Traveler close by my gun, not 
fifteen feet from me. I looked at them for a few moments, and 
perceiving that I was not recognized, went up and spoke to Captain 
Mason of his staff. He had not the slightest idea who I was. 
When he found me out he was greatly amused, and introduced 
me to several others, whom I already knew. My appearance on 
this occasion was even less prepossessing than when I had met my 
father at Cold Harbor. I had been marching and fighting four 
days and nights, with no opportunity to wash even my face, much 
less my clothes. My face and hands were blackened with powder- 
sweat and my few and scanty garments were stained with red soil. 
The General, after a moment or two, dropped his field-glass to his 
side, and turned round to his staff. Then Captain Mason said : 
"General, here is some one who wants to speak to you." The 
General, seeing a much-begrimed artilleryman, sponge-staff in 
hand, approaching, said : "Well, my man, what can I do for you ?" 
When I replied, "Why, General, don't you know me ?" he at once 
recognized me. He was much amused at my appearance, but de- 
lighted to see me safe and well. 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 217 

We of the said ranks had our opinions on all subjects, and 
freely discussed the armies, their generals, what they did, what 
they should do, and what they left undone. If there was one 
point on which the entire army was unanimous — I speak of the 
rank and file — it was that we were not in the least afraid of General 
Pope, and were perfectly sure of whipping him when we could 
meet him. 

As one of the Army of Northern Virginia, I frequently saw the 
commander-in-chief on the march, or passed the headquarters close 
enough to recognize him and members of his staff. But a private 
soldier in Jackson's corps during that campaign did not have much 
time for visiting. Until the battle of Sharpsburg (Antietam) I 
had no further opportunity of speaking to him. 

In that fight our battery was constantly engaged, losing, many 
men and horses, three of our four guns were disabled. Late in the 
day we were ordered to withdraw from the front and refit. While 
moving back we passed General Lee and several of his staff 
grouped on a little knoll near the road. Having no definite orders 
where to go, our captain, seeing the commanding general, halted 
the battery, and rode over to get instructions. I, with some others, 
went along to see and hear. General Lee was dismounted, a 
courier holding his horse. Captain Poague, commanding the 
battery, saluted, reported our condition, and asked for instructions. 
The General, listening patiently, looked over us, his eyes passing 
by me without any sign of recognition, and then ordered Captain 
Poague to take the best serviceable men and horses, man the un- 
injured gun, and sending the disabled part of his command back 
to refit, to report at the front for duty. 

As Captain Poague turned to go, I went up and spoke to my 
father, taking his hand. He immediately recognized me, and con- 
gratulated me on being well and unhurt. Then after a few words 
with him, I said jokingly, "General, you are not going to send us 
in again?" "Yes, my son," he replied with a smile, "you must do 
what you can to help drive these people back." 

During this part of the campaign, General Lee rode much in an 
ambulance, and when he was obliged to mount Traveler, a courier 
rode by his side and led his horse. The accident which rendered 
this course necessary happened before he left Virginia. He had 
dismounted and was sitting on a fallen tree, with the bridle reins 
hanging over his arm. Traveler becoming frightened from some 
cause, suddenly dashed off, and dragged the General over the logs, 
spraining both hands, and breaking a small bone in one of them. 

That autumn I was offered the position of lieutenant and aide- 
de-camp on the staff of my brother, W. H. F. Lee, just promoted 



218 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

from the colonelcy of the Ninth Virginia Cavalry to the command 
of a brigade in the same arm of the service. I remember that my 
father told me when I joined the Army to do my whole duty faith- 
fully, not to be rash about volunteering for any service out of my 
regular line, and always to accept promotion. After consulting 
him, it was decided that I should take the position offered, and he 
presented me with a horse and one of his swords. 

My promotion necessitated my having an honorable discharge as 
a private from the ranks. The papers I obtained in the proper 
way, and carried them to General "Stonewall" Jackson, com- 
manding the corps of which my battery was a part, to affix his 
signature. His adjutant-general was an old college-mate of mine, 
and he insisted on introducing me to the General. Having served 
in his command since my enlistment, I had seen him daily almost 
since that time, and "Old Jack," as we affectionately called him, 
was as familiar to me as one of the battery guns. But I never had 
met him in this way, and felt much awe at being ushered into his 
presence. This feeling, however, was groundless, for he was seem- 
ingly so embarrassed by the interview that I really felt sorry for 
him before he dismissed me with my discharge papers properly 
signed. 

I had already received a letter from my father, telling me to 
come to him as soon as I had gotten my discharge from the battery. 
So I proceeded at once to the army headquarters, which were near 
Orange Court House, on a wooded hill, just east of the village. 
The General was on the point of moving his headquarters to 
Fredericksburg. Some of his army had already gone forward to 
that place. I think the camp was struck the day after I arrived. 
As my father's hands were not yet strong, he allowed me to ride 
Traveler. This horse was as well known amongst the soldiers as 
his master. He was a handsome iron-gray, with black points, his 
mane and tail very dark, sixteen hands high, and 5 years old. He 
was born and raised in Greenbrier County, West Virginia, and 
attracted the notice of the General when he was out there in 1861. 
He was never known to tire, was quiet and sensible, and without 
fear in battle. 

My father had the strongest affection for this noble animal, 
which he showed on all occasions, and his allowing me to ride 
him on this long march I took as a great compliment. But possibly 
he wanted to give me a good "hammering" before he turned me 
over to the cavalry. I had all my soldier life, so far, been on foot, 
and had ridden nothing more lively than a tired artillery horse. I 
therefore mounted Traveler with some misgivings as to the com- 
fort of my ride ; still, I was very proud of my mount, by far the 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 219 

best in the party. My fears were fully realized. Traveler would 
not walk a step. He took a short high trot, — a buck-trot, as 
compared with a buck- jump, — and kept it all the way to Freder- 
icksburg, some thirty-odd miles. Though young, strong, and 
tough, I was glad when the journey ended. This was my first 
introduction to the cavalry service. I think I am safe in saying 
that I could have walked the distance with much less discomfort 
and fatigue. 

My father rode "quiet Lucy Long" on this day. She had been 
very recently presented to him by General "Jeb" Stuart. She was 
gentle, young, and strong, with very easy paces, and on account of 
these qualities had been selected by General Stuart as a suitable 
mount for him until he should regain the full strength of his hands. 
The General found her very comfortable on that journey, and I 
frequently caught his eye, turned toward Traveler, who was 
steadily hammering me at every step, with the same old twinkle 
that I used to see many years before when I rode with him on my 
pony. 

After a day with him at Fredericksburg, I was sent on to join 
my new command, then on the lower Rappahannock. My father's 
kindness had furnished me a horse, a sword, and a modest purse, 
sufficient to purchase me an outfit suitable to my new position. 

As an officer in the cavalry and on the staff I had many more 
opportunities of seeing my father than had been possible when I 
was a private in an artillery company. In the course of duty I 
was sent to him to report the conditions of affairs at the front or 
on the flank of the army, and occasionally could pay him a visit. 
At such times he would take me into his tent, talk to me about my 
mother and sisters, my horse, myself, or the country and the people 
where my command happened to be stationed. I think my coming 
was very grateful to him, and he seemed to me always to brighten 
up when I came. He could unbend and relax the constant tension 
of mind in my presence, and it rested him. 

His headquarters at this time, just before the battle of Fred- 
ericksburg, and often, were on a back road, about half-way between 
Fredericksburg and Hamilton's Crossing, selected on account of 
accessibility to all parts of his line. Although there was a good 
house nearby, and vacant, he lived in his tents. His camp was 
very unpretending, consisting of three or four wall tents, and 
several more common ones, situated on the edge of an old pine 
field, near a grove of forest trees, where he drew his supply of 
firewood, while the pines helped to shelter his tents and horses 
from the cold winds. Though from an outside view these quarters 
appeared rather dismal, especially through the dreary winter-time, 



220 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

within they were cheerful, and all the surroundings as neat and 
comfortable as possible under the circumstances. In his letters 
at this time, written to members of his family, he tells of the noble 
fortitude of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, and of their suffer- 
ings when obliged to abandon their homes ; also something of his 
life and thoughts in camp. 

General Lee issued to his army the following congratulatory 
order : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

December 31, 1862. 
General Orders, 
No. 132. 

The General Commanding takes this occasion to express to the 
officers and soldiers of the army his high appreciation of the 
fortitude, valor, and devotion displayed by them, which, under the 
blessing of Almighty God, have added the victory of Fredericks- 
burg to the long list of their triumphs. 

An arduous march performed with celerity under many dis- 
advantages exhibited the discipline and spirit of the troops, and 
their eagerness to confront the foe. 

The immense army of the enemy completed its preparations for 
the attack without interruption and gave battle in its own time, and 
on ground of its own selection. 

It was encountered by less than twenty thousand of this brave 
army, and its columns crushed and broken, hurled back at every 
point with such fearful slaughter that escape from entire destruc- 
tion became the boast of those who had advanced in full confidence 
of victory. 

That this great result was achieved with a loss small in point 
of numbers, only augments the admiration with which the Com- 
manding General regards the prowess of the troops, and increases 
his gratitude to Him who hath given us the victory. 

The war is not yet ended. The enemy is still numerous and 
strong, and the country demands of the army a renewal of its 
heroic efforts in her behalf. Nobly has it responded to her call in 
the past, and she will never appeal in vain to its courage and 
patriotism. 

The signal manifestations of Divine mercy, that have dis- 
tinguished the eventful and glorious campaign of the year just 
closing, give assurance of hope that under the guidance of the 
same Almighty hand the coming year will be no less fruitful of 



THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR 221 

events that will ensure the safety, peace, and happiness of our 
beloved country, and add new lustre to the already imperishable 
name of the Army of Northern Virginia. 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 

Thus General Lee closed the year in his camp near Freder- 
icksburg, busy looking after the comfort of his men, promoting 
their discipline, and preparing in every way possible to meet 
the mighty combinations which he felt sure would be brought 
to bear against him on the opening of the next spring campaign. 



CHAPTER VII 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 

Resignation of General Burnside and appointment of General Hooker — 
Mr. Lincoln's letter — General Lee's letters to his family — Kelley's 
ford — The campaign and battle of Chancellorsville — Death of Stone- 
wall Jackson — Affectionate friendship between Lee and Jackson — 
Their last meeting and who suggested the flank movement — Lee's 
order announcing Jackson's death — His letters — His order announ- 
cing the victory — The cavalry battle of Fleetwood — Family letters — 
The Gettysburg campaign and battle — Accounts of this battle by Gen. 
Fitz Lee, General Long, Col. W. H. Taylor — Colonel Henderson of 
the British Army and Gen. R. Taylor — Family letters — General Lee's 
letter proposing to resign his command and President Davis's reply — 
Letters — His refusal of the gift of a house from the city of Richmond 
— In camp along the Rapidan — Letters to his sons, his wife, and 
others — The great revival in the Army — Family and other letters. 

General Burnside, an honorable and accomplished soldier, 
felt keenly his defeat at Fredericksburg, and was so anxious to 
retrieve that disaster that he keenly watched for an opportunity 
to recross the river and join battle again with his cool, alert op- 
ponent. 

On the 19th of January he attempted another advance, but 
the roads were so horrible that the artillery and wagons literally 
stuck in the mud, and before a single man could cross the river 
the order for the advance had to be countermanded. The ef- 
fort ingloriously failed, and passed into the annals of the Army 
of the Potomac as "the mud march." 

Swinton in his very able book, "The Army of the Potomac," 
thus describes this last effort of General Burnside to cross the 
river : 

It was a wild Walpurgis night, such as Goethe paints in the 
Faust. Yet there was brave work done during its hours, for guns 
were hauled painfully up the heights and placed in their posi- 
tions, and the pontoons were drawn down nearer to the river. 



' THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 223 

But it was already seen to be a hopeless task ; for the clayey roads 
and fields, under the influence of the rain, had become bad beyond 
all former experience, and by daylight, when the boats should all 
have been on the banks ready to slide down into the water, but 
fifteen had been gotten up — not enough for one bridge, and five 
were wanted. Moreover, the night operations had not escaped the 
notice of the wary enemy, and by morning Lee had massed his 
army to meet the menaced crossing. 

.... The night's rain had made deplorable havoc with the 
roads ; but herculean efforts were made to bring pontoons enough 
into position to build a bridge or two withal. Double and triple 
teams of horses and mules were harnessed to each boat; but it 
was in vain. Long stout ropes were then attached to the teams, 
and a hundred and fifty men put to the task on each. The effort 
was but little more successful. Floundering through the mire for 
a few feet, the gang of Liliputians with their huge-ribbed Gulliver, 
were forced to give over, breathless. Night arrived, but the pon- 
toons could not be got up, and the enemy's pickets, discovering 
what was going on, jocularly shouted out their intentions to "come 
over tomorrow and help build the bridges." 

Morning dawned upon another day of rain and storm. The 
ground had gone from bad to worse, and now showed such a 
spectacle as might be presented by the elemental wrecks of another 
Deluge. An indescribable chaos of pontoons, vehicles, and artil- 
lery encumbered all the roads — supply wagons upset by the road- 
side, guns stalled in the mud, ammunition trains mired by the way, 
and hundreds of horses and mules buried in liquid muck. The 
army, in fact, was embargoed ; it was no longer a question of how 
to go forward — it was a question of how to get back. The three 
days' rations brought on the persons of the men were exhausted, 
and the supply trains could not be moved up. To aid the return 
all the available force was put to work to corduroy the rotten roads. 
Next morning the army floundered and staggered back to the old 
camps, and so ended a movement, that will always live in the recol- 
lection of the army as the "mud march," and which remains a 
striking exemplification of the enormous difficulties incident to 
winter campaigning in Virginia. 

General Lee was so fully prepared to meet this move and so 
confident of his ability to defeat it that he wrote his govern- 
ment that "it was fortunate for the Federals that they failed to 
get over the river." 



224 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

In the Army of the Potomac, however, there were loud com- 
plaints among- the higher and subordinate officers, and in the 
ranks, of the hardships of the "mud march," and against their 
general who had ordered it. 

Chagrined and disappointed, and stung by the criticisms of 
some of his general officers, Burnside asked that these men be 
transferred to other fields, or that his own resignation be ac- 
cepted. The President promptly accepted his resignation and 
appointed as his successor the man Burnside most disliked, and 
to whom he attributed a large part of his failures — Gen. Joseph 
E. Hooker, who was affectionately called by his soldiers "Fight- 
ing Joe." 

Mr. Lincoln wrote General Hooker a very characteristic 
letter, which I quote as follows : 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, D. C., January 31, 1863. 
Maj.-Gen. Hooker. 

General: I have placed you at the head of the Army of the 
Potomac. Of course, I have done this upon what appears to me 
to be sufficient reasons. And yet I think it best for you to know 
that there are some things in regard to which I am not quite sat- 
isfied with you. I believe you to be a brave and skilful soldier, 
which, of course, I like. I also believe that you do not mix politics 
with your profession, in which you are right. You have confidence 
in yourself, which is a valuable if not an indispensable quality. 
You are ambitious, which, within reasonable bounds, does good 
rather than harm. 

But I think that during General Burnside's command of the 
army you have taken counsel of your ambition, and thwarted him 
so much as you could, in which you did a great wrong to the 
country, and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. 
I have heard in such a way as to believe it of your recently saying 
that both the Army and the Government needed a dictator. Of 
course it was not for this, but in spite of it that I have given you 
the command. Only those generals who gain successes can set 
up for dictators. What I ask of you is military success, and I will 
risk the dictatorship. The Government will support you to the ut- 
most of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done 
and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit you 
have aided to infuse into the army of criticising their commander, 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 225 

and withholding confidence from him will now turn upon you. I 
shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you, nor 
Napoleon if he were alive again, could get any good out of any 
army while such a spirit prevails in it. And now beware of 
rashness ! but with energy, and sleepless vigilance, go forward 
and give us victories. Yours very truly, 

A. Lincoln. 

General Hooker went diligently to work, and had so increased 
the numbers, discipline, equipment, and efficiency of his com- 
mand that, with pardonable pride, he pronounced it "the finest 
army on the planet." His field returns show that he had pres- 
ent for duty on the 30th of April, 1863, 137,378 men, while 
Lee had at that date only 53,303. 

Some of General Lee's letters may be appropriately intro-< 
duced at this point. 

In a letter to his son dated January 5, after writing- of some 
business matters, he says : 

We have another snow-storm this morning, which promises to 
be deep. Our men and animals have suffered much from scarcity 
of food, and I fear they are destined to suffer more. I am doubt- 
ful whether I shall be able to retain my position, and may at last 
be obliged to yield to a greater force than that under command of 
General Burnside. We shall lose the moral advantages we have 
gained, and our men may become discouraged. Give much love 
to your mother, Agnes, if in Richmond, and all friends. Present 
me particularly to the gentlemen of the President's staff. 

January 1 1 he writes that he is encouraged to hope, from a let- 
ter just received from his son, for "our ability to hold the Miss- 
issippi. God grant that the integrity of the Confederacy may 
be thus preserved." 

He writes fully about plans for freeing the negroes of the 
Custis estate, and then says : 

I heard of Mary yesterday by one of our scouts. She was well, 
but no written communication can pass between us now. Fitz- 
hugh and Rob are well. I saw them on their return from the last 
scout. Their camp is some twenty-five miles from me. I reviewed 
Fitz Lee's brigade yesterday, and, though it was raining, and they 
had marched fourteen miles, they made a very fine appearance, 
and for their size presented the finest appearance of any cavalry 



226 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I have ever seen. They were all comfortably clad. Their horses 
and equipments in good condition and their exercises good. I 
want to review Fitzhugh's this week, if circumstances permit. 

The following are characteristic : 

Camp, February 9, 1863. 
I enclose a letter to your mother, which contains a passport for 
Mrs. Murdock, which it might be convenient for her to get 
tonight. Can you send it to her? No news. All well. Country 
liquid. Roads wretched. General Hooker is agitating something 
on the other side, or at all events is agitating his troops. Last 
Friday night he attempted to burn the R. R. Bridge at Rappr. 
Station, Orange and Alex'a R. R. He was driven off, but did it 
some damage. Extent not yet known. Yesterday he was march- 
ing his infantry up and down the river, etc. 

On the 1 2th of February, 1863, he says in a letter to his son : 

I am sorry to hear of your mother's suffering. I wish I could 
relieve her. I am also sorry to hear of the President's being 
unwell. I fear it will be a serious interruption to his business. As 
far as I can judge at this distance, the proper authorities in Rich- 
mond take the necessities of the Army generally very easy. 

I hope there will be no cause to repent. But now every exertion 
should be made to put the Army everywhere on the strongest foot- 
ing for vigorous work in the spring. Our salvation will depend on 
the next four months, and yet I cannot even get regular promotions 
made to fill vacancies in regiments, while Congress seems to be 
laboring to pass laws to get easy places for some favorites or con- 
stituent, or get others out of active service. 

I shall feel very much obliged to them if they will pass a law 
relieving me from all duty and legislating some one in my place, 
better able to do it. 

In a letter to his son, dated February 28, he speaks more 
freely of public matters than was his wont. He says : 

I have no news. We have mud up to our eyes. River very 
high. Enemy seems very strong in our front. Cannot ascertain 
yet what he is going to do, unless it is to remain as he is, till 
better weather, then push his columns now at Newport News up 
James River. Seems to be his best plan. Must try and defeat it. 
To do this, will require our regiments to be filled up. Can you 
devise any plan to get the laggards out? Give much love to your 
mother and Agnes. Have not heard from my Precious Life since 
1st of January. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 227 

I wrote to the President account of Fitz Lee, and Fitzhugh's 
handsome conduct. I am very glad to learn that he is able to attend 
his office again. You see the Fed. Cong, has put the whole power 
of their country into the hands of the President. Nine hundred 
millions of dollars and three millions of men. Nothing now can 
arrest, during the present Administration, the most desolating war 
that was ever practiced, except a revolution among their people. 
Nothing can produce revolution except systematic success on our 
part. What has our Congress done to meet the exigency, I may 
say extremity, in which we are placed? As far as I know, con- 
cocted bills to excuse a certain class of men from service, and to 
transfer another class in service, out of active service, where they 
hope never to do service. Among the thousand applications of 
Kentuckians, Missourians, Marylanders, Alabamians, and Geor- 
gians, etc., etc., to join native regiments out of this army, who ever 
heard of their applying to enter regiments in it, when in face of 
the enemy? I hope Congress will define what makes a man a 
citizen of a State. 

For some apply for regiments of States in which they were born, 
when it suits their purpose, while others thus apply for regiments 
of States in which they live, or have married, or visited, or where 
they have relatives, but never when the regiments of those States 
are in active service. Gen. Fitz Lee has reached his camp in Cul- 
peper with 150 prisoners, including five commissioned and ten non- 
commissioned officers, taken in his recent fight. Had to leave his 
wounded behind, six or eight (one, Sergeant Davis, Second Regi- 
ment, mortally). Gen. W. E. Jones reports that two regiments of 
Federal Cavalry drove in his pickets on the 26th. 

He fell upon them with small force, cut them up badly, captured 
200 prisoners with horses and equipments. His loss, four wounded 
(two mortally). Please read to the President these items. Have 
not time to write another letter before mail closes. 

Cannot General Wigfall do something for us with Congress ? 

The following is to his son's wife : 

Camp Fredericksburg, 3d March, 1863. 
I received today, my darling daughter, your letter of the 28th, 
and it has furnished me such pleasing thoughts. I am glad you are 
so well and happy. Tell F. I know you "look very well," and more 
than that you look beautiful, and that he must answer all your 
questions, and R. must drive you out every day. You and that 
young bride must make fine company for each other. Affording 
each other so much time for fruitful thought, and when you do 
speak always on the same subject, your husbands. How deluded 



228 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

eacTi must appear to the other. As to Fitzhugh, the Misses H. need 
take no credit to themselves for perceiving his condition. It is 
patent to all the world and requires no Columbus to discover it. 
Tell him that he must look at you as much as he can, for the spring 
is approaching and we have a great deal before us. I am glad you 
have had this opportunity to be together, and hope the war with 
all its baneful effects will always be removed far from you. It is 
strange though that nobody writes to you now. You are both such 
good correspondents that I should think you would be overwhelmed 
with letters. Your mama says neither of you ever write to her. 
But I tell her it is the fault of the mails. Your poor mama has 
been a great sufferer this winter. I have not been able to see her, 
and fear I shall not. She talks of coming to Hickory Hill this 
month when the weather becomes more fixed. We are up to our 
eyes in mud now, and have but little comfort. Mr. Hooker looms 
very large over the river. Has two balloons up in the day and one 
at night. I hope he is gratified at what he sees. Your cousin 
Fitz Lee beat up his quarters the other day with about 400 of his 
cavalry and advanced within four miles of Falmouth, carrying off 
150 prisoners with their horses, arms, etc. The day after he re- 
crossed the Rappahannock they sent all their cavalry after him, 
and even brought Sir Percy Wyndham and his three regiments 
from Chantilly down upon him, but the bird had flown. It was re- 
ported that they displayed 10,000 cavalry. I suppose half that 
number would be nearer the truth. I hope these young Lees will 
always be too smart for the enemy. Kiss Fitzhugh for me and 
give much love to Rob. I pray daily to our Heavenly Father to 
guard, guide, and protect you all. Tell Fitzhugh I will not write 
to him this time. It is so dark I can hardly see. I am obliged to 
him for his letter. Your devoted papa, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following is without date but was evidently written about 
this time: 

My dear Fitzhugh : 

I wrote you a few lines the other day and also to daughter 
Charlotte. Tell her she must talk quick to you. Her time is 
getting short and the soldiers complain of officers' wives visiting 
them when theirs cannot. I am petitioned to send them off. Your 
poor mother is I fear no better. I received yesterday a very 
pleasing letter from Rev. Dr. S., complimentary of Precious Life. 
I have mailed it to your mother. Kiss Chass for me, and tell her 
that daughters are not prohibited from visiting their papas. It is 
only objected to wives visiting their husbands. But she and Mrs. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 229 

R. are not included in the prohibition. Your Uncle Carter says 
that they had him with a gun and sword buckled to him, guarding 
a ford on James River during Stoneman's last expedition. You 
and Fitz must not let them capture your uncle. I wish I could 
have seen your review. I hope Chass did. 

AfF ly. your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. Wm. Fitzhugh Lee. 

But the spring finally dawned, and with it opened the active 
campaign. As preliminary to the movement of his main army, 
Hooker sent 3,000 cavalry, under Averill, across the river at 
Kelley's ford, near Culpeper, to drive off the brigade of Fitz 
Lee, which could only put 800 troopers in the saddle that morn- 
ing. But under their gallant and skilful leader this little force 
not only successfully resisted Averill, but drove him back across 
the river with heavy loss. It was, however, a dearly bought 
victory for the Confederates, inasmuch as "the gallant Pel- 
ham" — "the boy artillerist" — who commanded Stuart's horse 
artillery, and was the pride and idol of the whole army, was 
killed leading a cavalry charge. Hooker's plan was admirably 
conceived, and at first well executed. Sending Stoneman with 
10,000 cavalry to Lee's rear to break his communications with 
Richmond, he sent Sedgwick across the river at Fredericks- 
burg on the night of April 26, with 52,401 men, while he him- 
self crossed on the night of the 28th and morning of the 29th 
at the upper fords. He moved out on Lee's flank with 73,124 
men, it being designed that Sedgwick should hold Lee at Fred- 
ericksburg while Hooker completed his move to Lee's flank and 
rear. Hooker concentrated his wing of the army at Chancel- 
lorsville, and issued a congratulatory order in which he said 
that after the complete success of his movement the enemy 
would now be compelled "to ingloriously fly or come out from 
behind his defenses and give us battle on our ground, where cer- 
tain destruction awaits him." 

But he did not know the genius or the boldness of the Con- 
federate chief. Leaving Early with his division, and Barks- 
dale's Mississippi Brigade to watch and check Sedgwick, Lee 



230 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

with the rest of his army moved on Hooker at Chancellorsville. 
Finding him too strongly intrenched to be attacked in front or 
on his left, Lee sent Stonewall Jackson around his right flank. 
Hooker, in the mean time, had ordered up Reynolds's corps from 
Falmouth, and when that reached him on the morning of the 
3d of May he had in his very strong position, heavily intrenched, 
92,719 men, while Lee had 14,000 in Hooker's front, and less 
than 30,000 in Jackson's flanking column. It is useless to spec- 
ulate on what might have been had Hooker, with the genius and 
boldness of Napoleon at Austerlitz, attacked and crushed Lee's 
14,000 and then turned on Jackson, but what did occur was that 
Jackson made his detour of fifteen miles so rapidly and so 
secretly that when at 4.10 p. m. Hooker dispatched Sedgwick, 
"We know the enemy is flying trying to save his trains," Jack- 
son, guided by Fitz Lee, who had guarded the marching col- 
umn, was forming his line of battle on Hooker's right and rear, 
and about to burst like a cyclone upon Howard's corps. 

Howard was completely routed, his men fleeing in wild panic, 
and Jackson was moving to cut off Hooker from the United 
States ford, his only line of retreat, with the view of surround- 
ing and capturing his whole army, when, returning from one 
of those bold reconnaissances which he was accustomed to. 
make, his party was mistaken for the enemy, and fired on by 
his own men, several being instantly killed, and the great chief 
receiving three severe wounds. 

The confusion which ensued from Jackson's fall, and the 
wounding of A. P. Hill, the next in command, delayed any fur- 
ther advance of the Confederates that night, and Hooker 
worked until morning with axe and spade to strengthen his 
position. 

But the next morning Lee said, "General Jackson's plans 
shall be carried out. These people shall be pressed today." 

J. E. B. Stuart, who had been put in command of Jackson's 
corps after Hill was disabled, gave the ringing order, "Charge 
and remember Jackson!" and finally leading the charge in per- 
son, while his voice could be heard above the din of battle sing- 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 231 

ing iii clear tones, "Old Joe Hooker, won't you come out of 
the wilderness?" he swept everything before him. An eyewit- 
ness says that he "could not get rid of the impression that Harry 
of Navarre led the charge, except that Stuart's plume was black, 
for everywhere the men followed his feather with enthusiastic 
yells." 

Lee moved forward his lines at the same time, and by 10 
o'clock on the morning of May 3d the position at Chancellors- 
ville had been won, the two wings of Lee's army reunited, and 
Hooker driven to another line nearer the river. Lee was ar- 
ranging to attack again when he received the news that Sedg- 
wick had defeated the small force in his front at Fredericksburg, 
and was rapidly advancing on the Confederate rear. Leaving 
Stuart with Jackson's corps to watch Hooker, Lee with Ander- 
son's, McLaws's and Early's divisions moved on Sedg-wick, 
routed and drove him across the river, and returned on the eve- 
ning of the 5th, with the purpose of finishing Hooker the next 
morning. But Hooker wisely availed himself of the fearful 
storm that night, and under its cover retreated across the river. 

Lee's loss in the Chancellorsville campaign aggregated 10,- 
281, Hooker's, 17,197. Lee captured 5,000 prisoners besides 
the wounded, fourteen pieces of artillery, seventeen stand of 
colors, 19,500 small arms, and a large amount of ammunition. 

But the Confederacy sustained an irreparable loss in the death 
of Stonewall Jackson, which occurred on the 10th of May from 
an attack of pneumonia, which in his enfeebled condition, from 
the effects of his wounds, he could not resist. 

Just as Lee had carried the position at Chancellorsville and 
united the two wings of his army, and rode in among his vic- 
torious troops who greeted him with loud cheers, and hailed 
him victor of the hard- fought field, a note from Jackson was 
handed him in which, without mentioning his wound, he con- 
gratulated General Lee on the great victory. The commander- 
in-chief at once wrote his wounded lieutenant a tender, sympa- 
thizing note, in which he said : 



232 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I cannot tell you how distressed I am at your being wounded. 
Could I have directed events, I should have chosen, for the good of 
the country, to have been disabled in your stead. I congratulate 
you upon the victory which is due to your skill and energy. 

On the receipt of this letter Jackson exclaimed, "Better that 
ten Jacksons should fall than one Lee. But General Lee should 
give the glory of the victory to God, and not to me." 

The last interview between Lee and Jackson, prior to the bat- 
tle of Chancellorsville, and whether Lee or Jackson conceived 
the flank movement which resulted in the great victory is a mat- 
ter of such great interest, and has been so widely discussed, 
that I give in full a letter on the subject which I wrote some 
years ago in the Atlanta Constitution: 

I was very much interested in the account of the "last official, 
interview between Lee and Jackson" which you published this 
morning, written by Captain Carlton McCarthy in the Rich- 
mond Critic. 

It very conclusively shows that the great flank movement 
which resulted in the defeat of Hooker originated with Lee, and 
not (as has been popularly supposed) with Jackson. 

But as all details concerning these great and good men and 
their relations to each other are of interest, I beg to give you 
some additional facts concerning that famous interview and the 
origin of that brilliant movement. 

In Gen. A. L. Long's "Life of Lee" he published a letter 
from the gallant and accomplished engineer officer Col. T. 
M. R. Talcott, in which he gives the following deeply interest- 
ing account of that historic interview. Colonel Talcott says : 

My recollections of the night before the battle of Chancellorsville 
are as follows : 

About sunset General Jackson sent word to General Lee (by 
me) that his advance was checked, and the enemy were in force at 
Chancellorsville. This brought General Lee to the front, and 
General Jackson met him at the southeast angle of the Chancellors- 
ville and Cathrine Forge road. 

General Lee asked General Jackson if he had ascertained the 
position and strength of the enemy on our left, to which General 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 233 

Jackson replied by stating the result of an attack made by Stuart's 
cavalry near Cathrine Forge about dusk. The position of the 
enemy immediately in our front was then discussed and Captain 
Boswell and myself were sent to make a moonlight reconnaissance, 
the result of which was reported about 10 p. m., and was not 
favorable to an attack in front. 

At this time Generals Lee and Jackson were together, and Lee, 
who had a map before him, asked Jackson, "How can we get at 
these people?" To which Jackson replied, in effect, "You know 
best. Show me what to do and I will do it." General Lee looked 
thoughtfully at the map ; then indicated on it and explained the 
movement he desired General Jackson to make, and closed by 
saying, "General Stuart will cover your movement with his cav- 
alry." General Jackson listened attentively and his face lighted 
up with a smile while General Lee was speaking. Then rising and 
touching his cap, he said : "My troops will move at 4 o'clock." 

It will be seen that this letter of Colonel Talcott is very ex- 
plicit on the point that Jackson declined to make a suggestion, 
and Lee suggested and ordered the flank movement. 

Col. Charles Marshall, who was at the time Lee's military 
secretary, gives a graphic and interesting account of either the 
same interview, or of another the same evening, as that given 
above by Colonel Talcott, and I quote Colonel Marshall's ac- 
count as given in Gen. Fitzhugh Lee's superb address on Chan- 
cellorsville before the Army of Northern Virginia Association. 

General Fitz Lee says : 

The problem presented to General Lee's mind on Friday night, 
May 1, was to decide how best to attack Hooker's army on the 
morning of May 2. Time was an important element, for near 
Fredericksburg, in his rear, was Sedgwick largely outnumbering 
the Confederate force in his front under Early. During the 
afternoon General Lee wished to attack from his right and cut 
Hooker off from the United States ford, severing his communica- 
tion with Sedgwick, and rode down himself and examined the 
lines all the way to the river, but found no way to do so. Returning 
at night he found Jackson, and asked him if he knew of any place 
to attack. Jackson said "No." Lee said, "Then we must go 
around on the Federal right." Jackson said he had been inquir- 
ing about roads by the furnace. Stuart came up then and said he 
would go down to the furnace and see what he could learn about 
roads. He soon returned with Rev. B. T. Lacy, who said a circuit 



234 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

could be made around by Wilderness tavern, and a young man 
living in the country and then in the cavalry was sent for to act 
as guide. 

Ah ! what an earnest talk Lee and Jackson had on the night of 
May i. At sunset they took their seats on a log, on the right 
or north side of the Plank road and a little distance in the woods. 
Colonel Marshall, the well-known aide-de-camp of General Lee, 
was the only other person present, having been ordered to come to 
the spot for the purpose of writing a letter to Mr. Davis, dictated 
by General Lee. Marshall sat on the end of a fallen tree within 
three feet of the two generals, and heard every word that passed 
between them, and this is what he tells me Lee and Jackson 
talked about on that eventful night. Jackson spoke to General 
Lee about what he had seen and heard during the advance, and 
commented upon the promptness with which the enemy had ap- 
peared to abandon his movement toward Fredericksburg when op- 
posed and the ease with which he had been driven back to Chancel- 
lorsville, and concluded by expressing the opinion very decidedly 
and repeated it more than once that the enemy would recross the 
Rappahannock before morning. He said in substance: "By to- 
morrow morning there will not be any of them this side of the 
river." General Lee expressed the hope that General Jackson's 
expectations might be realized, but said that he did not look for 
such a result ; that he did not believe the enemy would abandon his 
attempts so easily, and expressed the conviction that the main 
body of General Hooker's army was in his front, and that the real 
move was to be made from this direction, and not from Freder- 
icksburg. On this point there was a great difference of opinion 
among our higher officers, and General Lee was the only one who 
seemed to have the absolute conviction that the real move of the 
Federal army was the one he was meeting then. In this belief he 
never wavered from the first. After telling General Jackson that he 
hoped his opinion might be proved to be correct, General Lee 
added, "But, General, we must get ready to attack the enemy, if 
we should find ihim here tomorrow, and you must make all 
arrangements to move around his right flank." General Lee then 
took up the map and pointed out to Jackson the general direction 
of his route by the Furnace and Brock roads. Some conversation 
took place as to the importance of endeavoring to conceal the move- 
ment from the enemy, and as to the existence of roads farther to 
the enemy's right by which Genera! Jackson might pass so as not 
to be exposed to observation or attack. The general line of 
Jackson's route was pointed out, and the necessity of celerity and 
secrecy was enjoined upon him. The conversation was a lengthy 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 235 

one, and at the conclusion of it General Lee said to Jackson that 
before he moved in the morning, if he should have any doubt as to 
whether the enemy was still in position, he could send a couple 
of guns to a spot close by and open fire on the enemy's position, 
which should speedily settle the question. From the spot referred 
to two of our guns had to be withdrawn that afternoon, as the 
infantry were suffering from the fire they were drawing from the 
enemy. General Jackson then withdrew, and General Lee dictated 
to Colonel Marshall a long letter to President Davis, giving him 
fully the situation. In it he regretted he would not have the assist- 
ance of Pickett's and Hood's divisions, but expressed his confi- 
dence in the good judgment that had, withdrawn and kept them 
from him, and closed with the hope that, notwithstanding all our 
dangers and disadvantages, Providence would bless the efforts 
which he was sure his brave army would make to deserve success. 
I give all this in detail to show the errors writers upon Chan- 
cellorsville have fallen into in reference to the origin of Jackson's 
famous flank movement. 

The above statement from General Fitz Lee and Colonel Mar- 
shall fully confirms the statement of Colonel Talcott, and leaves 
nothing else that needs to be added. 

But if stronger proof were wanted as to the origin of that 
movement, it is found in a letter written by Gen. R. E. Lee to 
Dr. A. T. Bledsoe, former Assistant Secretary of the Confed- 
erate War Department, which I found, after his death, copied 
into General Lee's private letter-book, in his own well-known 
hand-writing, and which I first published in my "Reminiscences, 
Anecdotes, and Letters of R. E. Lee." 

Dr. Bledsoe, who was then editor of the Southern Review, 
had written to General Lee asking him the direct question 
whether the flank movement at Chancellorsville originated with 
Jackson or with himself, and in reply General Lee wrote the 
following letter, which settles the question beyond all contro- 
versy. 

Lexington, Va., October 28, 1867. 
Dr. A. T. Bledsoe, Office Southern Review, Baltimore, Md. 

My dear Sir : In reply to your inquiry, I must acknowledge 
that I have not read the article on Chancellorsville in the last 
number of the Southern Revieiv, nor have I read any of the books 
published on either side since the termination of hostilities. I have 



236 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

i 

as yet felt no desire to revive my recollections of those events, and 
have been satisfied with the knowledge I possessed of what tran- 
spired. I have, however, learned from others that the various 
authors of the life of Jackson award to him the credit of the 
success gained by the Army of Northern Virginia where he was 
present and describe the movements of his corps or command as 
independent of the general plan of operations and undertaken at 
his own suggestion and upon his own responsibility. 

I have the greatest reluctance to say anything that might be 
considered as detracting from his well-deserved fame, for I believe 
no one was more convinced of his worth or appreciated him more 
highly than myself ; yet your knowledge of military affairs, if you 
have none of the events themselves, will teach you that this could 
not have been so. Every movement of an army must be well con- 
sidered and properly ordered, and every one who knew General 
Jackson must know that he was too good a soldier to violate 
this fundamental principle. In the operations around Chancellors- 
ville, I overtook General Jackson, who had been placed in com- 
mand of the advance, as the skirmishers of the approaching armies 
met, advanced with the troops to the Federal line of defenses, and 
was on the field until their whole army recrossed the Rappahan- 
nock. 

There is no question as to who was responsible for the oper- 
ations of the Confederates, or to whom any failure would have been 
charged. 

What I have said is for your own information. 

With my best wishes for the success of the Southern Revieiv, 
and for your own welfare, in both of which I take a lively interest, 
I am, with great respect, your friend and servant. 

R. E. Lee. 

It is due to the memory and fame of Lee that the facts given 
above should be brought out — that his true character as a sol- 
dier should be clearly portrayed — and that the world should 
know that so far from being "slow and cautious" (as General 
Grant said he was), he was not one whit behind even "Stone- 
wall" Jackson in the boldness of his conceptions and the rapidity 
of his execution; that President Jefferson Davis was not wrong 
in his estimate when he said, "Lee would attempt anything that 
man might dare." 

And yet in this we would dishonor the memory of Lee if we 
should disparage in any way his great lieutenant — "Stonewall" 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 237 

Jackson — whom he called his "right arm," and to whom he 
wrote when he was stricken down at Chancellorsville, "Could 
I have dictated events I should have chosen for the good of 
the country to have been disabled in your stead." I had the 
privilege once of hearing General Lee, in his office in Lexing- 
ton, pronounce a glowing eulogy on Jackson, in which he said 
with far more than his accustomed warmth of feeling, "He 
never failed me. Why, if I had had Stonewall Jackson at 
Gettysburg I should have won that battle, and if I had won a 
decided victory there we would have established the independ- 
ence of the Confederacy." 

It was, on the other hand, beautiful to see how Jackson recip- 
rocated Lee's high opinion. He said, "General Lee is a phe- 
nomenon. He is the only man whom I would be willing to fol- 
low blindfolded." And it was glorious to see the cheerful alac- 
rity, the splendid skill, and the terrific energy with which he 
executed the orders, or even the slightest wish of his chief. Lee 
and Jackson were indeed Par nobile fratrum. "Lovely in their 
lives, in their death they were not divided," but sleeping side by 
side in Lexington, in the Valley of Virginia, they live together 
in the hearts of a grateful people, their fame is forever linked 
together, and their pure spirits bask together in the sunlight of 
that brighter, better land, where "war's rude alarms" are never 
heard. J. William Jones. 

Atlanta, December 10, 1887. 

The short campaign of Chancellorsville was the most brilliant 
of all which General Lee had hitherto conducted and stamped 
his fame as that of a commander of transcendent courage and 
ability. With 45,000 men he had met and defeated 125,000, 
who were equipped for this onset with everything which lavish 
wealth, careful discipline, and deliberate preparation could pro- 
vide. He had inflicted on them a total loss nearly half of his 
whole army, had captured enough small arms and camp equip- 
age to furnish perfectly every man in his command, and, in 
forcing a march, had hurled back the fragments of this multi- 
tudinous host to its starting point baffled and broken. His line 



238 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

of defense was successfully turned on his right and left, by an 
advance movement ; his communications severed, and his little 
army seemingly placed within the jaws of destruction. But 
with an impregnable equanimity he had awaited the full devel- 
opment of his adversary's designs, and thus, disregarding for 
the time those parts of his assaults which his wisdom showed 
him were not vital, had concentrated his chief strength upon 
the important points, and with a towering courage which no 
odds could affect, had assailed his gigantic adversary on his 
vulnerable side with resistless fury. How much of the credit 
of this unexampled success is due to the assistance of General 
Jackson has already been indicated. But the history would be 
incomplete if it failed to refute the statement which had been 
made by some of the pretended asserters of Jackson's fame* — 
that the victories of Lee were due wholly to his military genius 
and ceased when he fell. 

The reputation of Jackson does not need to be supported by 
these insidious follies. 

The commander-in-chief was the first to recognize with grace 
and magnanimity his obligations to Jackson's valued assistance. 
But he fell in the midst of the struggle and Lee conducted it to 
its close with the same skill, genius, and happy audacity with 
which it was commenced. It was the glory of Virginia that, 
superior to the lioness which rears but one young lion, her 
fruitful breasts could nourish at once the greatness of more 
than one heroic soul. 

Col. Charles Marshall, of Lee's staff, in a Memorial address, 
thus describes his victorious troops : 

General Lee accompanied the troops in person, and as they 
emerged from the fierce combat they had waged in "the depths 
of that tangled wilderness," driving the superior forces of the 
enemy before them across the open ground, he rode into their 
midst. The scene is one than can never be effaced from the minds 
of those that witnessed it. The troops were pressing forward with 
all the ardor and enthusiasm of combat. The white smoke of 
musketry fringed the front of the line of battle, while the artillery 
on the hills in the rear of the infantry shook the earth with its 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 239 

thunder and rilled the air with the wild shrieks of the shells that 
plunged into the masses of the retreating foe. To add greater 
horror and sublimity to the scene, the Chancellorsville house and 
the woods surrounding it were wrapped in flames. In the midst of 
this awful scene General Lee, mounted upon that horse which we 
all remember so well, rode to the front of his advancing battalions. 
His presence was the signal for one of those uncontrollable out- 
bursts of enthusiasm which none can appreciate who have not 
witnessed them. 

The fierce soldiers, with their faces blackened with the smoke 
of battle, the wounded, crawling with feeble limbs from the fury of 
the devouring flames, all seemed possessed with a common impulse. 
One long, unbroken cheer, in which the feeble cry of those who lay 
helpless on the earth blended with the strong voices of those who 
still fought, rose high above the roar of battle and hailed the 
presence of the victorious chief. He sat in the full realization of all 
that soldiers dream of — triumph ; and as I looked on him' in the 
complete fruition of the success which his genius, courage, and 
confidence in his army had won, I thought that it must have been 
from some such scene that men in ancient days ascended to the 
dignity of the gods. 

His first care was for the wounded of both armies, and he was 
among the foremost at the burning mansion, where some of them 
lay. But at that moment, when the transports of his victorious 
troops were drowning the roar of battle with acclamations, a note 
was brought to him from General Jackson. It was brought to 
General Lee as he sat on his horse near the Chancellorsville house, 
and, unable to open it with his gauntleted hands, he passed it to 
me with directions to read it to him. The note made no mention 
of the wound which General Jackson had received, but congratu- 
lated General Lee upon the great victory. 

I shall never forget the look of pain and anguish that passed 
over his face as he listened. With a voice broken with emotion he 
bade me to say to General Jackson that the victory was his, and 
that the congratulations were due to him. I do not know how 
others may regard this incident, but for myself, as I gave ex- 
pression to the thoughts of his exalted mind, I forgot the genius 
that won the day in my reverence for the generosity that refused its 
glory. 

Rev. Dr. James P. Smith, editor of the Central Presbyterian, 
Richmond, Virginia, who served gallantly on Stonewall Jack- 
son's staff, relates the following incident illustrating Jackson's 
habit of prompt obedience to the smallest request of his chief. 



240 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

One day when he was at Lee's headquarters the General told 
Captain Smith to say to General Jackson that the first time he 
rode in that direction he would be glad to see him on a matter 
of no great importance, which could await his convenience. 

When the message was delivered Jackson promptly said, "I 
will go tomorrow morning at 6 o'clock, Captain Smith, and I 
wish you to accompany me." At 5 o'clock the next morning 
Captain Smith looked out of his tent, and rinding a driving- 
snow storm raging, took for granted that his chief would not 
go to General Lee's headquarters in such weather, as Lee had 
sent him word that it was a matter of no great importance and 
could await his convenience. Accordingly he went to sleep 
again, and was greatly enjoying his morning nap when his serv- 
ant rudely awakened him by saying, "Captain Smith, de Gen- 
eral done got he breakfast, and is gettin' ready to start." 

The gallant Captain hustled out of bed, dressed while his boy 
was saddling his horse, and, without his breakfast, galloped 
after his General, whom he found it difficult to overtake, or to 
keep up with, as he faced the storm and rode eight miles to 
General Lee's quarters. 

The Chief had just come out from his breakfast, and greeted 
his great lieutenant with the question, "Why, General, what 
stirred you out at this hour, and in this fearful weather ? Are 
those people across the river moving?" 

"No, not that I am aware of," replied Jackson, "but you said 
that you wished to see me." 

"But I told Captain Smith to tell you that it was a matter of 
no great importance, and could await your convenience. I had 
no idea of bringing you out such weather as this." 

Jackson promptly replied in those emphatic, crisp words -so 
characteristic of the man, "General Lee's lightest wish is a su- 
preme command to me, and I always take pleasure in prompt 
obedience." 

A cordial invitation to breakfast followed. Jackson declined, 
as he had already been to breakfast, but Captain Smith was 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 241 

only too glad to accept, and General Lee went with him into 
the mess tent, and waited on him himself, while he made the 
breakfast delightful by his pleasant chat. 

Captain Smith tells another anecdote of this same period, 
which is equally characteristic. When Sedgwick crossed the 
Rappahannock below Fredericksburg, Captain Smith was sent 
to tell General Lee of it. He found no one stirring at head- 
quarters except Colonel Venable, who was washing his face in 
a basin on a stump, and told him that the General was asleep in 
his tent, but that he had better go in at once and wake him. 
The Captain found the great Chieftain sleeping so sweetly that 
he hesitated for a minute to awaken him, but finally called him 
and he arose and asked what was wanted. The young aid 
replied that he had some very important information — that the 
enemy had crossed the river. 

"Well, come and sit on the side of my couch, and tell me all 
about it," Lee said with his usual kindly smile. 

After listening to the details the General said, "You are sure 
that the enemy has crossed the river? I did not know but that 
a certain colonel on your staff had heard firing in the direc- 
tion of Moss Neck, and had gone down there on a reconnoiter- 
ing expedition." 

The pleasant allusion was to Col. A. S. Pendleton, of Jack- 
son's staff, who was then paying devoted attention to Miss 
Corbin of Moss Neck, whom he married not long afterwards. 

General Lee then reflected for a few minutes and said, "Well, 
you wish me to give you some message for your General, do 
you not ? Tell General Jackson that he knows as well what to 
do with the enemy as I do. Tell him to dispose of them as he 
finds best, and I will come down after a while to see how he is 
getting along." And with other kind words and good wishes 
for his young friend, Lee dismissed him, and Captain Smith 
galloped back to tell Jackson what Lee had said. 

Jackson's death was regarded as a great calamity. General 
Lee thus announced it to the army. 



242 life and letters of lee 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

May ii, 1863. 
General Orders, 
No. 61. 
With deep grief the Commanding General announces to the 
army the death of Lieut.-Gen. T. J. Jackson, who expired on the 
10th inst. at 3 p. m. The daring, skill, and energy of this great and 
good soldier, by the decree of an All Wise Providence, are now 
lost to us. But while we mourn his death we feel that his spirit 
still lives, and will inspire the whole army with his indomitable 
courage, and unshaken confidence in God as our hope and strength. 
Let his name be a watchword to his corps who have followed him 
to victory on so many fields. Let his officers and soldiers emulate 
his invincible determination to do everything in the defense of our 
beloved country. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

General Lee wrote Mrs. Lee from camp near Fredericksburg, 
May 11, 1863: 

In addition to the death of friends and officers consequent upon 
the late battle, you will see we have to mourn the loss of the good 
and great Jackson. Any victory would be dear at such a price. 
His remains go to Richmond today. I know not how to replace 
him, but God's will be done. I trust He will raise some one in his 
place. 

To his son Custis he wrote : 

You will have heard of the death of General Jackson. It is a 
terrible loss. I do not know how to replace him. Any victory 
would be dear at such a cost. But God's will be done 

I quote again from General Fitz Lee : 

General Lee had been accustomed to expose himself unneces- 
sarily on the field of battle, and about this time his son W. H. F. 
Lee wrote to him : "I hear from every one of your exposing 
yourself. You must recollect, if anything should happen to you 
the cause would be very much jeopardized. I want very much to 
see you. May God preserve you, my dear father, is the earnest 
prayer of your devoted son." Lee remarked upon one occasion, 
when remonstrated with about endangering his life, "I wish some 
one would tell me my proper place in battle. I am always told I 
should not be where I am." On May 20, 1863, from camp near 
Fredericksburg, the General writes to Mrs. Lee in Richmond : 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 243 

"I learn that our poor wounded are doing very well. General 
Hooker is airing himself north of the Rappahannock and again 
threatening us with a crossing. It was reported last night that 
he had brought his pontoons to the river, but I heard nothing 
of him this morning. I think he will consider it a few days. He 
has published a gratulatory order to his troops, telling them they 
have covered themselves with new laurels, have destroyed our 
stores, communications, thousands of our choice troops, captured 
prisoners in their fortifications, filling the country with fear and 
consternation. 'Profoundly loyal and conscious of its own strength, 
the Army of the Potomac will give or decline battle whenever its 
interests or honor may demand. It will also be the guardian of its 
own history and its own honor.' All of which is signed by our 
friend S. Williams, A. A. G. It shows at least he is so far unhurt, 
and is so far good, but as to the truth of history I will not speak. 
May the great God have you all in His holy keeping and soon unite 
us again !" 

On the 31st of May, two days before he began his campaign, 
he writes : 

Camp Fredericksburg, May 31, 1863. 

General Hooker has been very daring the past week, and quite 
active. He has not said what he intends to do, but is giving out 
by his movements that he designs crossing the Rappahannock. I 
hope we may be able to frustrate his plans in part if not in whole. 
He has General Heintzelman's corps now, on whom the Northern 
papers seem to place great reliance. I pray that our merciful 
Father in Heaven may protect and direct us ! In that case I fear 
no odds and no numbers !" 

General Lee announced to his army the victory at Chancel- 
lorsville as follows : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

May 7, 1863. 
General Orders, 
No. 5. 
With heartfelt gratification the General Commanding expresses 
to the army his sense of the heroic conduct displayed by officers 
and men during the arduous operations in which they have just 
been engaged. 

Under trying vicissitudes of heat and storm you attacked the 
enemy, strongly intrenched in the depths of a tangled wilderness, 
and again on the hills of Fredericksburg, fifteen miles distant, and 
by the valor that has triumphed on so many fields, forced him once 
more to seek safety beyond the Rappahannock. While this glorious 



^ 



244 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

victory entitles you to the praise and gratitude of the nation, we 
are especially called upon to return our grateful thanks to the only 
Giver of victory, for the signal deliverance He has wrought. 

It is, therefore, earnestly recommended that the troops unite on 
Sunday next in ascribing unto the Lord of Hosts the glory due 
unto His name. 

Let us not forget, in our rejoicing, the brave soldiers who have 
fallen in defense of their country ; and while we mourn their loss, 
let us resolve to emulate their noble example. 

The army and the country alike lament the absence for a time of 
one to whose bravery, energy, and skill they are so much indebted 
for success. 

The following letter from the President of the Confederate 
States is communicated to the army as an expression of his appre- 
ciation of their success : 

"I have received your dispatch, and reverently unite with you 
in giving praise to God for the success with which He has crowned 
our arms. In the name of the people, I offer my cordial thanks 
to yourself and the troops under your command for this addition 
to the unprecedented series of great victories which our army has 
achieved. The universal rejoicing produced by this happy result 
will be mingled with a general regret for the good and the brave 
who are numbered among the killed and the wounded." 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

After the battle of Chancellorsville both armies remained 
quiet for a season, recruiting and resting. 

Hooker was not in a hurry to attack Lee again, and as Lee 
could not get at Hooker to advantage in the strong position 
which he held north of the Rappahannock he determined lo 
maneuver him from his position, transfer the seat of war across 
the Potomac, draw his rations from the barns, granaries, and 
smoke-houses of Pennsylvania, and if opportunity offered 
strike a blow that would give him Washington, Baltimore, and 
Philadelphia. 

On the 9th of June, Pleasanton, supported by infantry, at- 
tacked Stuart's cavalry at Fleetwood, below Culpeper, and there 
followed one of the severest cavalry battles of the war, from 
early morning to late afternoon, when Pleasanton was driven 
across the river with heavy loss in killed and wdunded, leaving 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 245 

in Stuart's hands about 500 prisoners, three pieces of artillery, 
and several colors. 

The day of the battle General Lee wrote to his wife from Cul- 
peper : 

I reviewed the cavalry of this section yesterday. It was a 
splendid sight. The men and horses looked well. They had re- 
cuperated since last fall. Stuart was in all his glory. Your sons 
and nephews are well and flourishing. The country here looks 
very green and pretty, notwithstanding the ravages of war. What 
a beautiful world God in His loving kindness to His creatures has 
given us ! What a shame that men endowed with reason and 
knowledge of right should mar His gifts ! 

And again on the 1 ith of the month, from the same place, he 
wrote : 

My supplications continue to ascend for you, my children, and 
my country. When I last wrote I did not suppose that Fitzhugh 
[his son] would so soon be sent to the rear disabled, and I hope 
it will be but a short time. I saw him the night after the battle — 
indeed, met him on the field as they were bringing him from the 
front. He is young and healthy, and I trust will soon be up 
again. He seemed to be more concerned about his brave men and 
officers who had fallen in the battle than himself. 

His son, Gen. W. H. F. Lee, was severely wounded in this 
battle, and General Lee wrote the following letters to him, and 
to his wife: 

My dear Son : 

I send you a dispatch received from Custis last night. I hope 
you are comfortable this morning. I wish I could see you, but I 
cannot. Take care of yourself and make haste and get well and 
return. Though I scarcely ever saw you, it was a great comfort 
to know that you were near and with me. I could think of you and 
hope to see you. May we yet meet in peace and happiness ! Kiss 
Chass for me. Tell her she must not tease you while you are sick, 
and let me know how you are. God bless you both, my children. 

Truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

Culpeper, nth June, 1863. 
I am so grieved, my dear daughter, to send Fitzhugh to you 
wounded. But I am so grateful that his wound is of a character to 
give us full hope of a speedy recovery. With his youth and 



246 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

strength, and your tender care to nurse him, I trust he will soon be 
well again. I know that you will unite with me in thanks to 
Almighty God who has so often shielded him in the hour of 
danger for this recent deliverance, and lift up your whole heart in 
praise to Him for sparing a life so dear to us, while enabling him to 
do his duty in the station in which He had placed him. Ask him to 
join us in supplication that He may always cover him with the 
shadow of His Almighty arm, and teach him that his only refuge is 
in Him, the greatness of whose mercy reacheth unto the heavens, 
and His truth unto the clouds. As some good is always mixed with 
the evil in this world, you will now have him with you for a time, 
and I shall look to you to cure him very soon and send him back 
to me, for though I saw him seldom, I knew he was near and always 
hoped to see him. I went today to thank Mrs. Hill for her attention 
to him and kindness to you. She desired me to give her regards 
to you both. I must now thank you for the letter you wrote to me 
while at Fredericksburg. I kept it by me till preparing for the 
battlefield, when fearing it might reach the eyes of General Hooker 
I destroyed it. We can carry with us only our recollections. I 
must leave F. to tell you about the battle, the army, and the 
country. . . . Tell cousin A. I am rejoiced that Williams is unhurt, 
though pretty Sue might like to see the ambulance driving up 
again. I want all the husbands in the field, and their wives at home 
encouraging them, loving them, and praying for them. We have a 
great work to accomplish, which requires the cordial and united' 
strength of all. . . . Give much love to Cousin A., Mrs. L. and her 
sweet children, Mr. W., and my dear Uncle W. Tell Fitzhugh he 
must make haste and get well — that I am sad without him. You 
and Rob must let me know how he gets on. 

Truly and affectionately yours, 

R. E. Lee. 
He thus wrote to his son Custis : 

I send down Colonel Long to see if possible what this move of 
the enemy up the Peninsula is. I believe it to be a raid to destroy 
our crops and lay waste our country. All the accounts I get agree 
in stating that the enemy has sent off his troops from Suffolk, 
Yorktown, Gloucester, etc., to reinforce General Hooker. 

He can only have a small force in that region, which he has 
wholly collected for this expedition. We must do the same and 
beat him back at all hazards. General Hooker's army has not 
moved in that direction as far as I can be certain of anything 
in war. It is extending now up the Rappahannock. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 247 

I hope Fitzhugh is doing well. Let me know how he gets on. 
Give much love to your mother and sisters and remember me to 
all friends. 

God bless you all. 

Having divided his army into three corps under Longstreet, 
Ewell, and A. P. Hill, Lee left Hill at Fredericksburg to watch 
Hooker, and the day after the cavalry fight at Fleetwood, moved 
Ewell rapidly on Winchester, where on the 14th of June he 
routed Milroy and captured 4,000 prisoners, 28 pieces of artil- 
lery, about 400 wagons, a large number of mules and horses, 
and immense quantities of small arms, ordnance, commissary, 
quartermaster, and medical stores. Ewell promptly crossed 
the Potomac, and Hooker having moved also, Longstreet and 
A. P. Hill followed. 

I introduce here several letters of interest which General Lee 
wrote at this period. 

He wrote as follows to General Hood : 

Camp Fred's, May 21, 1863. 
My dear General : 

Upon my return from Richmond I found your letter of the 13th 
awaiting me. Although separated from me, I have always had you 
in my eye and thoughts. I wished for you much in the last battle, 
and believe had I had the whole army with me, General Hooker 
would have been demolished. But God ordered otherwise. 

I grieve much over the death of General Jackson. For our sakes 
not for his. He is happy and at peace. But his spirit lives with 
us. I hope it will raise up many Jacksons in our ranks. ... I 
rely much upon you. You must so inspire and lead your brave 
division as that it may accomplish the work of a corps. ... I 
agree with you in believing that our army would be invincible if it 
could be properly organized and officered. There never were such 
men in an army before. They will go anywhere and do anything 
if properly led. But there is the difficulty — proper commanders. 
Where can they be obtained? .... Wishing you every health 
and happiness, and commending you to the care of a kind Provi- 
dence, I am, now and always your friend, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. J. B. Hood, 

Commanding Division. 



248 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The following letter to President Davis is of great interest, 
as it gives General Lee's views of the way to treat "the Peace 
party" at the North : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

June 10, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond. 

Mr. President : I beg leave to bring to your attention a subject 
with reference to which I have thought that the course pursued by 
writers and speakers among us has had a tendency to interfere with 
our success. I refer to the manner in which the demonstration of a 
desire for peace at the North has been received in our country. 

I think there can be no doubt that journalists and others at the 
South, to whom the Northern people naturally look for a reflection 
of our opinions, have met these in such wise as to weaken the hands 
of the advocates of a pacific policy on the part of the Federal Gov- 
ernment and give much encouragement to those who urge a 
continuance of the war. 

Recent political movements in the United States and the com- 
ments of influential newspapers upon them have attracted my at- 
tention particularly to this subject, which I deem not unworthy of 
the consideration of your Excellency nor inappropriate to be ad- 
verted to by me, in view of its connection with the situation of 
military affairs. 

Conceding to our enemies the superiority claimed by them in 
numbers, resources, and all the means and appliances for carrying 
on the war, we have no right to look for exemption from the mil- 
itary consequences of the vigorous use of these advantages, except 
by such deliverance as the mercy of Heaven may accord to the 
courage of our soldiers, the justice of our cause, and the constancy 
and prayers of our people. While making the most we can of the 
means of resistance we possess, and gratefully accepting the meas- 
ure of success with which God has blessed our efforts as an earnest 
of His approval and favor, it is nevertheless the part of wisdom to 
carefully measure and husband our strength, and not to expect 
from it more than, in the ordinary course of affairs, it is capable 
of accomplishing. We should not, therefore, conceal from our- 
selves that our resources in men are constantly diminishing, and 
the disproportion in this respect between us and our enemies, if 
they continue united in their efforts to subjugate us, steadily aug- 
menting. The decrease of the aggregate of this army, as dis- 
closed by the returns, affords an illustration of this fact. Its 
effective strength varies from time to time, but the falling off in its 
aggregate shows that its ranks are growing weaker and that its 
losses are not supplied by recruits. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 249 

Under these circumstances we should neglect no honorable 
means of dividing and weakening our enemies, that they may feel 
some of the difficulties experienced by ourselves. It seems to me 
that the most effectual mode of accomplishing this object, now 
within our reach,, is to give all the encouragement we can, con- 
sistently with truth, to the rising peace party of the North. Nor 
do I think we should, in this connection, make nice distinction 
between those who declare for peace unconditionally and those who 
advocate it as a means of restoring the Union, however much we 
may prefer the former. 

We should bear in mind that the friends of peace at the North 
must make concessions to the earnest desire that exists in the 
minds of their countrymen for a restoration of the Union, and that 
to hold out such a result as an inducement is essential to the success 
of their party. Should the belief that peace will bring back the 
Union become general the war would no longer be supported, and 
that, after all, is what we are interested in bringing about. When 
peace is proposed to us it will be time enough to discuss its terms, 
and it is not the part of prudence to spurn the proposition in 
advance merely because those we wish to make it believe, or 
affect to believe, that it will result in bringing us back to the Union. 
We entertain no such apprehensions, nor doubt that the desire of 
our people for a distinct and independent national existence will 
prove as steadfast under the influence of peaceful measures as it 
has shown itself in the midst of war. 

If the views I have indicated meet the approval of your Excel- 
lency you will best know how to give effect to them. Should you 
deem them inexpedient or impracticable I think you will neverthe- 
less agree with me that we should at least carefully abstain from 
measures or expressions that tend to discourage any party whose 
purpose is peace. 

With the statement of my own opinion on the subject, the 
length of which you will excuse, I leave to your better judgment 
to determine the higher course to be pursued. 

I am with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

After crossing the Potomac Ewell's corps pushed forward 
until its advance reached York and Wrightsville, and threat- 
ened Harrisburg, the capital of Pennsylvania. 

Hooker asked to be relieved of his command because General 
Halleck, the commander-in-chief, interfered with the manage- 



250 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

merit of his army, and as the authorities at Washington were 
not loath to get rid of him, they promptly complied with his 
request and assigned to take his place Gen. George Gordon 
Meade, who was the fifth commander of the Army of the Po- 
tomac. 

This brave and accomplished officer hurried forward his army 
to concentrate against Lee, who — his cavalry under Stuart be- 
ing absent on a very successful raid between Meade's army and 
Washington — was ignorant for some days of the movements 
of his enemy. 

On the morning of July i General Heth, of A. P. Hill's 
corps, moved his division toward Gettysburg to procure shoes 
for the many barefooted men of his command, and was met first 
by Buford's cavalry division, and then by Reynolds's corps of 
infantry, and the great battle opened without any purpose on 
the part of either commander to fight on that ground. Heth 
was reinforced by Pender's division of Hill's corps, and later 
by Rodes, and Early's division of Ewell's corps, while Rey- 
nolds was reinforced by the Eleventh Corps under Howard, and 
for six hours the battle raged fiercely, the Confederates having 
26,000 men engaged and the Federals 22,982. The result was 
that the Federals were routed and driven through the streets of 
Gettysburg, and over the heights, losing over 5,000 prisoners, 
including two general officers, exclusive of their wounded, and 
three pieces of artillery. 

Their loss in killed and wounded was very heavy, among the 
former their able and brave commander, General Reynolds, 
whom most of the general officers of that army preferred for 
commander-in-chief. 

General Lee reached the field at 2.30 p. m., and ordered 
General Ewell to press forward and occupy the heights beyond. 
Proceeding to execute the order, Ewell was halted by a report, 
which afterwards proved false, that the enemy was moving on 
his rear. Meade concentrated on Cemetery Ridge that night, 
but his troops did not all reach that point until the next after- 
noon, and if General Lee's order to Longstreet for an early at- 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 251 

tack the next morning had been obeyed, two whole corps of 
Meade's army would not have been in the fight, and there seems 
little doubt that victory would again have perched on the Con- 
federate battleflag. But Longstreet did not attack until 4.30 
p. m.j after Meade's troops were all up and rested, and while 
he made a superb fight and gained some ground, he failed in the 
main object of the attack. Ewell captured a portion of the 
works in his front. 

The object to be attained, the crushing of Meade's army and 
the opening of the roads to Washington and Baltimore was 
so important, and Lee had such confidence in his splendid army 
(the heroes of the seven days' battles around Richmond, second 
Manassas, Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, and Chancellorsville) 
that he determined to attack again on the early morning of the 
3d with his whole army. But there was another fatal delay; 
the Confederate artillery did not open until 1 p. m., the charge 
was not made until 3.30 p. m., and instead of being a concerted 
attack of the whole army it was made by Pickett's division of 
three brigades, Heth's division under Pettigrew, and two bri- 
gades of Pender's division under Trimble, numbering in all 
scarcely 14,000 men in the assaulting forces. 

This charge, for heroic daring, splendid dash, and stern en- 
durance, has few equals and no superior in history. For 1,300 
or 1,400 yards, nearly every foot of the way under a concen- 
trated and converging fire of artillery, these 14,000 heroes in 
gray marched in steady lines to attack an army of nearly 100,- 
000 men, in a strong position, heavily fortified. 

Pickett's Virginians captured the outer works and turned 
the guns on the enemy ; the -other brave troops did their full 
duty, but they were not supported ; the rest of the army looked 
on, admired, and wondered why they were not sent in, and the 
Confederates were driven back by the overwhelming numbers 
concentrated against them. 

Their loss was fearful. Of Pickett's three brigadiers, Gar- 
nett and Armistead were killed and Kemper terribly wounded ; 



252 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

while many of the bravest and best of the division, and of 
Heth's division, and the two brigades of Pender were killed, 
wounded, or taken prisoners. 

Witnessing the failure of the attack from his position in the 
center of the army, Lee galloped to the front and was soon mov- 
ing among his shattered battalions as they recoiled from their 
brave endeavor, and restoring order by the magic influence of 
his presence and kindly words. While he knew, and the calm 
verdict of the historian must be, that the defeat had been due 
to failure to carry out his orders, yet, with a self-abnegation 
which rises to the sublime, he calmly said, ''This is all my fault. 
I have lost this battle, and you must help me out of it the best 
way you can." 

Lee had at Gettysburg of all arms, 60,000 men; Meade, 105,- 
000. Lee's total loss in killed, wounded, and missing was 20,- 
451; Meade's total loss was 23,003. In Meade's army four 
general officers — Reynolds, Vincent, Weed, and Zook — were 
killed, and thirteen — Hancock, Sickles, Gibbon, Warren, But- 
terfield, Barlow, Doubleday, Paul, Brooke, Bonds, Webb, Stan- 
ard, and Graham — were wounded. In Lee's army five general 
officers — Pender, Garnett, Armistead, Barksdale, and Semmes 
— were killed and nine — Hood, Hampton, Heth, J. M. Jones, 
G. T. Anderson, Kemper, Scales, and Jenkins — were wounded. 
These losses tell the story of the terrific fighting of those three 
days in July, when American manhood was shown in all of its 
glory. 

Lee remained in line of battle all day July 4, inviting an 
attack from Meade; but that night he moved back to the Po- 
tomac, where Meade did not follow him until six days after- 
wards. Lee's pontoons had been destroyed, the rains had ren- 
dered the river past fording, and he was there in line of battle 
awaiting the attack, which Halleck and President Lincoln were 
urging, and for which the Northern newspapers were clamor- 
ing. Lee issued a beautiful and stirring battle order to his 
troops, which he concluded by saying : 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 253 

Invoking the assistance of that Heavenly Power which has so 
signally blessed our efforts, let us go forth in confidence to secure 
the peace and safety of our country. Soldiers,_your old enemy is 
before you. Win from him honor worthy of your right cause, 
worthy of your comrades dead on so many illustrious fields. 

I never saw the soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia 
more anxious to fight or more confident of victory than they 
were at Hagerstown, and Meade showed his ability as a soldier 
in firmly resisting the pressure brought to bear upon him, and 
declining to attack the strong position which Lee held. On the 
13th day of July, — nine days after it withdrew from Gettys- 
burg, — the waters having subsided, the Confederate army 
crossed the Potomac without serious molestation or loss. 

As the battle of Gettysburg has been considered the decisive 
battle of the war, as General Lee has been severely criticised 
for his conduct of it, especially by General Longstreet, who, 
since General Lee's death, has endeavored to show that the 
commander-in-chief made eleven mistakes at Gettysburg which 
he (Longstreet) foresaw and remonstrated against at the time, 
it is proper, in addition to the brief outline above, that I should 
give some details to show that neither Lee nor his superb army 
were at fault for his failure to gain there a decisive victory. 

While secretary of the Southern Historical Society the writer 
received from the Count of Paris a letter propounding a num- 
ber of questions concerning Gettysburg which, he said, he 
wished answered by leading Confederate officers who were in 
position to know the facts. In response to this letter I pub- 
lished a series of papers on Gettysburg in the 4th, 5th, and 6th 
Volumes of "Southern Historical Society Papers" from Gen. 
J. A. Early, Gen. A. L. Long, Gen. Fitz Lee, Col. Wm. Allan, 
Col. Walter H. Taylor, Gen. E. P. Alexander, Gen. Cadmus 
Wilcox, Gen. J. B. Hood, Gen. H. Heth, Gen. James H. Lane, 
Rev. Dr. R. H. McKim, Col. Wm. C. Oates, Gen. L. McLaws, 
Gen. B. D. Fry, Col. J. R. Winston, and others, together with 
all of the Confederate official reports that could be had. 

General Longstreet did not furnish us a paper, as requested, 
but about the same time he published two very full papers in 



254 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the Philadelphia Times, giving his own version of the battle, 
and severely criticising General Lee and certain of his own 
critics. While we were, of course, under no obligations to 
reprint General Longstreet's papers, I was so anxious to do him 
full justice and to have a series of papers on Gettysburg which 
should embrace the views of all the leading Confederates who 
participated in the battle, that I copied both of his articles in 
full from the Philadelphia Times. Any student of the battle 
of Gettysburg, therefore, can find in the "Southern Historical 
Papers" a very full and able discussion of the campaign and 
battle, as also all of the Confederate official reports. 

As General Longstreet, however, has persisted in his criti- 
cisms of Lee in the Century, and in his book, "From Manas- 
sas to Appomattox," I give several accounts of the points at 
issue by men who were in position to know the facts, and are 
thoroughly competent to judge of the question. 

Gen. Fitzhugh Lee in his Memoir gives the following 
very able and conclusive account of the second day at Gettys- 
burg: 

The army smallest in number had the longest or outside line, 
while the largest force occupied in its front a superb defensive 
position. Lee's army was practically concentrated on the night 
of the ist, except his cavalry and Pickett's infantry division, Ewell 
and Hill in front of the enemy, and Longstreet in camp only four 
miles in the rear. Meade and his Second Corps were at Taney- 
town, Maryland, when the sun went down on the ist, thirteen miles 
distant, and the Fifth Corps, at Union Mills, twenty-three miles 
distant, and the Sixth Corps, 16,000 men, thought to be the largest 
and finest in the army, was at Manchester, thirty-four miles away. 
Both Meade and Lee would have preferred to postpone the battle 
a few days, but were face to face sooner than contemplated. 

Meade received Hancock's report on the evening of the ist, and 
determined in consequence to fight the battle at Gettysburg, and 
issued orders for the movement of his troops at 7.30 p. m. that 
evening. In two hours he left Taneytown, and arrived on Cemetery 
Ridge at 1 a. m. There is testimony that he did not like his 
position, and his chief of staff says he was directed to prepare 
an order to withdraw the army from it. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 255 

The Union commander was uncertain whether he could bring his 
two fine corps, the Fifth and Sixth, on the field in time, and was 
solicitous about his depot of supplies at Westminster. 

As late as 3 p. m. on the 2d, and before he was attacked, he 
telegraphed in cipher to Halleck that if his enemy did not attack, 
and he "finds it hazardous to do so, or is satisfied the enemy is 
endeavoring to move to my rear and interpose between me and 
Washington, I shall fall back to my supplies at Westminster." 

Lee, impressed with the idea of whipping his opponent in detail, 
on the other hand, was practically ready and eager for the contest 
next day, and so was his confident army. He was under no 
obligation, as has been affirmed, to any one to fight a defensive 
battle; he sought the enemy's soil to gain a victory, whether by 
offensive or defensive tactics, and his objective point was the Army 
of the Potomac. He knew the Union army had not yet con- 
centrated, and was anxious to attack before it could. He had 
already talked with Longstreet, who, following Hill's corps, joined 
him, at 5 p. m., the afternoon of July 1, on Seminary Ridge, where 
both made a careful survey with glasses of the hostile heights op- 
posite, and, it is presumed, attempted to impress him with the 
importance of an early attack next day, and later that night saw 
him again. On the same evening he rode into the town of Gettys- 
burg, and met, in an arbor attached to a small house on the Carlisle 
road north of the town, Ewell, Early, and Rodes. 

The Confederate commander was anxious at first that Ewell and 
Hill should commence the battle, and seemed apprehensive that 
Longstreet might not get into position as soon as the conditions 
demanded, but finally yielded to the opinion expressed, that Long- 
street should commence the battle by a forward movement on Hill's 
right, seize the commanding positions on the enemy's left, and 
envelop and enfilade the flank of the troops on the front of the 
other two corps. Lee left the conference, Early states, with the 
"distinct understanding that Longstreet would be ordered to make 
the attack early next morning." Gen. W. N. Pendleton, his chief 
of artillery and his honored and trusted friend, has put on record 
that General Lee told him that night, after he (Pendleton) returned 
from a reconnaissance on the right flank, that he "had ordered 
General Longstreet to attack on the flank at sunrise next morning." 

Hill, in his official report, says, "General Longstreet was to 
attack the flank of the enemy and sweep down his line." And 
General Long, of Lee's staff, writes that in his opinion orders 
were issued for the movement to begin on the enemy's left as early 
as practicable. 



256 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Lee's plan of battle was simple. His purpose was to turn the 
enemy's left flank with his First Corps, and after the work began 
there, to demonstrate against his lines with the others in order 
to prevent the threatened flank from being reinforced, these dem- 
onstrations to be converted into a real attack as the flanking wave 
of battle rolled over the troops in their front. 

Lee did not like Ewell's bent line — his left was too far around 
the curve of the fishhook — and decided to draw him more to his 
right. But that fine old soldier had seen that Culp's Hill was the 
key to the Federal right, and was told that it was unoccupied at 
dark, by two staff officers who safd they were on its top at that 
time. At his request he was allowed to remain to secure the hill 
at daybreak. Hancock, however, reports' that he ordered Wads- 
worth's division with a battery of artillery to take post there in the 
afternoon. The Federal right was very strong. The woods on 
Culp's Hill enabled its defenders, with a multitude of axes and 
spades, to convert it promptly into a fort. 

When Lee went to sleep that night he was convinced that his dis- 
positions for battle next day were understood by the corps com- 
manders, for he had imparted them to each one in person. On the 
morning of July 2, Lee was up before light, breakfasted, and was 
"ready for the fray," but his chariot of war had hardly started 
before he found his corps teams were not pulling together; the 
wheel horse selected to start it was balky and stubborn, and, after 
stretching his traces, did not draw his share of the load with 
rapidity enough to be effective. 

We hear from General Longstreet that on the evening of the 1st 
he was trying to induce Lee not to attack, but maneuver, and on the 
2d he "went to General Lee's headquarters at daylight and renewed 
my views against making an attack ; he seemed resolved, however, 
and we discussed results." 

In consequence of the reluctance of the officer next in command 
to fire the opening gun, Lee was induced to send Colonel Venable, 
of his staff, to Ewell at sunrise to see whether, after viewing the 
position in his front by daylight, he could not attack from his 
flank, but the work of thousands of men during the night made the 
hills too strong to assault ; indeed, Meade was then massing there 
to attack Ewell. Later, Lee rode there himself, not wishing to 
drive his right corps commander into battle when he did not want 
to go, but saw nothing could be done, so at 11 o'clock gave a pos- 
itive order to Longstreet to move to his right and attack. 

It was clearly the duty of Longstreet to carry out his com- 
mander's views, and not lapse into refractoriness. Lee might 
possibly have moved toward Frederick on the 2d, and thus forced 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 257 

Meade to fall back to Westminster, but he could not hope to reach 
Baltimore or Washington, or a point between these cities, before 
Meade. From Westminster cars could have conveyed the Union 
troops more rapidly than his could have marched, and if Meade had 
followed him toward Washington he would have been caught 
between the powerful works then defended by thirty or forty 
thousand troops and General Meade's army, while the change of 
base would have greatly endangered his lines of communication. 

The closer, the two armies approached Westminster the larger 
the numbers of the Unionists would grow. Lee could not move 
around now and maneuver, or scatter his legions to gather supplies 
as he had done, because his opponent was uncomfortably near. 
He could not march en masse, with a host subsisting by pillage, and 
to concentrate was to starve. There was no alternative — he must 
fight. 

He was obliged to adopt the tactics of William the Conqueror 
when he invaded England, who, similarly situated, assumed the, 
offensive and defeated Harold at Hastings. Napoleon waited at 
Waterloo for the ground to dry and lost hours, during which he 
might have defeated Wellington before the arrival of reinforce- 
ments. Why should Lee lose the advantages of his more rapid 
contraction ? His "superb equipoise" was not threatened by "sub- 
dued excitement." His unerring sagacity told him he would catch 
General Meade partially in position, but he was disturbed because 
one of his principal officers had not the faith and confidence neces- 
sary to win success. 

Longstreet's troops not long after daybreak stacked arms near 
the battlefield. Hood reports he was in front of the heights of 
Gettysburg shortly after daybreak. General Lee was there walk- 
ing up and down under the large trees near him, and seemed full 
of hope, but at times buried in deep thought. He seemed anxious 
that Longstreet should attack, says Hood. "The enemy is here," 
Lee said, "and if we don't whip him he will whip us." Hood 
states that Longstreet afterwards said, seating himself near the 
trunk of a tree by his side : "The general is a little nervous this 
morning. He wishes me to attack. I do not want to do so without 
Pickett. I never like to go into battle with one boot off." 

McLaws says that his orders were to leave his camp at 4 a. m., 
but were afterwards changed to sunrise ; that he reached Gettys- 
burg at a very early hour, and halted the head of his column within 
a hundred yards of where General Lee was sitting on a fallen tree 
with a map beside him ; that he went to Lee, who pointed out to 
him on the map the road to his right as the one he wanted him f> 
place his division across, and that he wished him to get there, 



258 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

if possible, without being seen by the enemy ; that the line pointed 
out was perpendicular to the Emmitsburg road, about the position 
he afterwards occupied, and that "Longstreet was then walking 
back and forth some little distance from General Lee, but came up 
and, pointing to the map, showed him how he wanted his division 
located, to which General Lee replied : 'No, General, I wish it 
placed just opposite,' " and "that Longstreet appeared as if he 
were irritated and annoyed, but the cause I did not ask." 

McLaws, while waiting, reconnoitered in his front, and was 
soon convinced that by crossing the ridge where he was then his 
"command could reach the point indicated by General Lee in half 
an hour without being seen." McLaws then went back to the 
head of his column and sat on his horse, he says, and "saw in the 
distance the enemy coming, hour after hour, on to the battle 7 
ground." Wilcox's brigade of Anderson's division, Hill's corps, 
which had been left on picket on Marsh Creek, east of which 
stream Longstreet's corps bivouacked the night of the 1st, left its 
post after sunrise, passed through Hood's and McLaws's divisions, 
whose arms were stacked, and went into line of battle on Ander- 
son's right at 9 a. m. Wilcox's right rested in a piece of woods, 
and seven hours afterwards at 4 p. m., McLaws formed in these 
same woods. 

Longstreet admits that he was ordered at eleven to move to the 
right to attack with the portion of the command then up, but 
delayed, on his own responsibility, to await General Law's bri- 
gade, which had been detached on picket. His disobedience of 
orders in failing to march at once with his command then present, 
many believe, lost to Lee the battle of Gettysburg. With a corps 
commander who knew the value of time, obeyed orders with 
promptness and without argument, Lee's movement on Meade's 
left could have commenced at 7 or 8 o'clock a. m., with all the 
chances for success, and there would probably have been no combat 
on the 3d. The Third Federal Corps was not all up at the hour the 
attack should have been made, or a division of the Fifth, or the 
reserve artillery, or the Sixth Corps. 

When McLaws and Hood advanced, eight or nine hours after- 
wards, the conditions had changed ; Meade having relinquished his 
design to attack from his right, had been steadily strengthening his 
left, and his whole army was concentrated on a splendid defensive 
line, for Lee had waited, as if he did not purpose to take advantage 
of his being first prepared to fight. The fine Federal position 
would have been useless to Meade had Longstreet attacked only a 
few hours earlier, as he might have done, for in that case he would 
have secured Round Top, six hundred and sixty-four feet high, 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 259 

and one hundred and sixteen feet higher' than little Round Top, 
one hundred yards north of it, and crowned it with artillery. 
"Little Round Top would have been untenable, and Little Round 
Top was the key-point of my whole position," said Meade ; "and 
if they" (his opponents) "had succeeded in occupying that, it 
would have prevented me from holding any of the ground I sub- 
sequently held to the last." 

Lee, to the strong courage of the man, united the loving heart 
of the woman. His "nature was too epicene," said an English 
critic, "to be purely a military man." He had a reluctance to op- 
pose the wishes of others, or to order them to do anything that 
would be disagreeable and to which they would not consent. "Had 
I had Stonewall Jackson at Gettysburg, I would have won a great 
victory," he said to Professor White of the Washington and Lee 
University, after the war; because he knew it would have been 
sufficient for Jackson to have known his general views without 
transmitting positive orders, and that Stonewall, quick and im- 
patient, would have been driving in the enemy's flank ere the rays 
of the morning sun lifted the mists from the Round Tops. If Lee 
had issued by his chief of staff his battle order for the 2d in writing, 
as is customary, Longstreet would have carried it out probably in 
good faith, and not have wasted most valuable time in attempting 
to convince his commander it was faulty. 

The attack on the right, commencing five or six hours after the 
positive order had been given, even then had some elements of 
success. Sickles, with the Third Corps, had become dissatisfied 
with his location, and had moved out about 12 o'clock nearly a 
mile in his front and taken a new alignment, which became a salient 
to the main line. Lee was deceived by it, and gave general orders 
to "attack up the Emmitsburg road, partially enveloping the 
enemy's left," which Longstreet "was to drive in." There was 
much behind Sickles, and Longstreet was attacking the Marye Hill 
of the position only. "Sickles's right was three-fourths of a mile 
in front of Hancock's left," says Meade, "and his left one- 
quarter of a mile in front of the base of the Little Round Top, 
leaving that key-point unoccupied," which should have been seized 
by Longstreet before Meade did so with the Fifth Corps. 

Sickles's right rested on the Emmitsburg road, and then his 
line was refused in the direction of the Round Top, making an 
angle at that point, his corps facing westerly and southerly. Lee 
wanted to get possession of this point to assail and carry the more 
elevated ground beyond, but the Fifth Corps had then been placed 
on the ground referred to, and the Sixth Corps, under sturdy old 
Sedgwick, had arrived, having marched thirty-four miles since 



260 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

9 P. m. the previous night, and was in position before the two 
divisions of Lee's First Corps, which were in bivouac only four 
miles in rear of the field. The tired troops of the Sixth Corps 
were massed on the Taneytown road, in the rear of Little Round 
Top. When that gallant officer, Hood, was informed by his Texas 
scouts, that instead of attacking Sickles's left he could turn Round 
Top, he sent three officers, at different intervals of time, to Long- 
street, asking to do it, but in every case was answered, "General 
Lee's orders are to attack up the Emmitsburg road." As he was 
going into battle Longstreet rode up, and Hood again asked per- 
mission to make the move, but was told, "We must obey General 
Lee's orders." A strange acknowledgment from one who a few 
hours before had disregarded them. 

In twenty minutes Hood was borne from the field badly 
wounded. The immense bowlders of stone so massed as to form 
narrow openings offered great obstruction to the advance of Hood's 
right, and he was exposed to a heavy fire from the crest of the 
high range adjoining Little Round Top. Had Lee known the 
situation Hood would have been thrown more to his right. He 
would not have succeeded in getting around the Union left rear, 
for the Sixth Corps would have blocked his way, but he would have 
secured and held Round Top, and in all probability Little Round 
Top too, for a plunging fire from big Round Top would have 
cleared its crest and sides of Federal troops. 

The Fifteenth Alabama, under the brave Colonel Oates, was on 
the extreme right of Hood's line, and advanced up the southern 
slope of the Round Top in the face of an incessant fire from behind 
rocks and crags that covered the mountainside "thicker than grave- 
stones in a city cemetery." Oates pushed forward until he reached 
the top of Round Top ; the Forty-seventh Alabama, on his left, also 
reached the top, where both regiments rested a short time, and were 
then ordered forward, and went down the north side of the moun- 
tain. Oates saw at a glance the great value of the position, but 
was obliged to obey orders and move on. 

With the whole division there, some higher officer with author- 
ity to act would have quickly placed artillery on its summit, and 
the next day from that point Lee would have been master of the 
situation. 

The Alabamians, after reaching the level ground, came upon a 
second line behind excellent fortifications of irregular rocks, from 
which was poured a murderous fire into their very faces. After a 
prolonged and most courageous contest, these brave men were 
forced back and retreated to the top of the mountain, losing out of 
642 men and 42 officers in the Fifteenth Alabama, 343 men and 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 261 

19 officers, killed and wounded. When nearly dark they fell back 
to the point from which they advanced. This is ample proof that 
big Round Top was not occupied by Northern troops at dark on the 
evening of the 2d. Buford's cavalry from that flank had been 
sent away early in the day to guard supplies at Westminster. 
Over the splendid scene of human courage and human sacrifice at 
Gettysburg there arises in the South an apparition, like Banquo's 
ghost at Macbeth's banquet, which says the battle was lost to the 
Confederates because "some one had blundered." 

Longstreet's two divisions made a superb record, if late when 
they began to fight. The attack on Sickles's corps was bravely 
made and bravely resisted ; Sickles's left was turned, and had it not 
been that Warren sent a brigade of the Fifth Corps and battery 
on Little Round Top, the most important point might have been 
seized, and, if held, decided the battle. For its possession there was 
furious fighting. Sickles first, and then Warren, Meade's chief 
engineer, called Meade's attention to Little Round Top, and Sykes's 
column, then in motion, was hurried forward to save it. Sykes, 
Meade reports, was fortunately able "to throw a strong force on 
Little Round Top, where a most desperate and bloody struggle 
ensued to drive the enemy from it and secure our foothold upon 
that important position." Longstreet did not engage Sickles 
alone, for the Fifth Corps, part of the Second, two regiments of the 
Twelfth, and a brigade of the First Corps reinforced him, while 
he received assistance from Anderson's division of Hill's corps, 
which went into action with the left of McLaws's division. Lee 
intended Ewell to make a diversion in his front when he heard the 
guns of Longstreet, to be converted into a genuine attack if 
opportunity offered; but Ewell's infantry were under fire as soon 
as the bugles blew the advance, so a demonstration could only 
be made by artillery, which was done. 

If an early attack on the Union right had been successful, and 
Ewell, in consequence, had discovered confusion in his front, or 
that his enemy had weakened his line in his front, then his orders 
required him to attack because the "opportunity offered ;" but 
Longstreet had not enveloped the enemy's left, and the Federal 
main line behind Sickles's outlying corps was intact. After the 
partial success there Lee directed Ewell to assault with his whole 
corps. Johnson, on the slopes of Culp's Hill, to start first, then 
Early, up Cemetery Hill, and Rodes to advance on Early's right. 

Johnson had in front a rugged and rocky mountain difficult of 
ascent — "a natural fortification, rendered more formidable by deep 
intrenchments and thick abatis." 



262 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

His left brigade carried a line of breastworks of the Twelfth 
Corps, which (with the exception of Greene's brigade) had gone 
to support Sickles against Longstreet's attack, and captured prison- 
ers and colors. The firing continued until late at night. 

Early had only two of his brigades in the attack, and they made 
a brilliant charge. His Louisianians and North Carolinians con- 
tinued to ascend the hill in the face of a blaze of fire, reached and 
entered the Union works, and while fighting for the battery were 
attacked by Carroll's brigade and three regiments of fresh troops, 
and forced to retire, but not in disorder. Had Rodes, as expected, 
been on his right, with Hill's troops cooperating, permanent pos- 
session of the line might have resulted, for Hancock would have 
been kept busy in his own front, and could not have sent troops to 
help Howard to hold up Culp's Hill. 

Rodes reports : "He had commenced to make the necessary prep- 
arations, but he had to draw his troops out of town by the flank, 
change the direction of the line of battle, and traverse a distance 
of twelve or fourteen hundred yards, while Early had to move only 
half that distance, without change of front, and before he drove 
in the enemy's skirmishers General Early had been compelled to 
withdraw." Gregg, with a division of Federal cavalry and horse 
artillery, was in position east of Slocum, and with dismounted 
cavalry and artillery made Johnson detach Walker's brigade to 
meet him. 

When night stopped Johnson he was but a short distance from 
Meade's headquarters and the Union reserve artillery. A strong 
night attack then in conjunction with Stuart, who had at last 
reached the battlefield, would have secured the Baltimore pike in 
Meade's rear, and perhaps been productive of great results, all of 
which is easy to see now, but was difficult to know then. 

The sentinel stars set their watch over a ghastly field of dead, 
dying, and wounded soldiers, lying in blue and gray heaps every- 
where. Both contestants sought rest, but battlefields are not pleas- 
ant couches when dyed in the blood of numerous brave men, who, 
sleeping their last sleep, lie cold and quiet, while the piteous moans 
of the wounded pierce the ear and reach the heart. The armies 
rested without pleasant anticipations of the morrow, knowing well 
that at the roll call next evening many would not respond. The 
pickets alone were on duty, the surgeons alone at work. 

When Lee summed up his day's work he found on his right 
that he had gained possession of Devil's Den and its woods, the 
ridge on the Emmitsburg road with its fine positions for artillery, 
and made lodgments on the bases of the Round Tops. On his 
left he had occupied a portion of the Federal works, which gave 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 263 

him an outlet on the Baltimore pike, and was partially successful 
against the Federal center by penetrating it with Anderson's divi- 
sion of Hill's corps, though ultimately expelled. His cavalry was 
all up except Jones's and Robertson's brigades ; and J. E. B. Stuart 
was again in the saddle near him. The result of the day's oper- 
ations, Lee reported, "induced the belief that with proper concert 
of action, and with the increased support that the positions gained 
on the right would enable the artillerv to render the assaulting 
columns, we should ultimately succeed, and it was accordingly 
determined to continue the attack.'' 

His opponent was doubtful what he should do next day; his 
efforts to prevent an entrance into his lines had been, on the 
whole, successful, but there had been moments when an unwel- 
come intrusion seemed inevitable. So he called another council of 
war at night, having called one before the fighting began. In a 
little front room not twelve feet square in the Liester House his 
commanders assembled. "Should the army attack or wait the 
attack of the enemy ?'' was the written question they were required 
to answer ; and they voted — as they should have done, being in 
superior position, with interior lines — to wait, as Lee had done at 
Fredericksburg, for another attack, and found him more accom- 
modating than Burnside." - 

Gen. A. L. Long, General Lee's gallant and efficient mili- 
tary secretary, in his Memoir, thus writes of these movements 
from his own personal knowledge : 

At an early hour on the morning of the 26. the writer (Colonel 
Long) was directed to examine and verify the position of the 
Confederate artillery. He accordingly examined the whole line 
from right to left, and gave the necessary instructions for its 
effective service. As the morning advanced surprise began to be 
felt at the delay in commencing the attack on the right, which had 
been ordered to take place at an early hour. The object was to 
dislodge the Federal force, that had retreated after its defeat to 
the position known as Cemetery Ridge, before it could be re- 
inforced to any considerable extent. By so doing Lee hoped to be 
able to defeat the Federal army in detail before it could be con- 
centrated. Ewell was directed to take a position opposite the 
eastern termination of Cemetery Ridge, while Hill occupied the 
ridge parallel to it ; and Longstreet, whose corps had bivouacked 
four miles in the rear, was to move early the next morning and 
assail the Federal left, while Ewell was to favor his attack by an 
assault upon the Federal right. Hill was to hold himself in readi- 
ness to throw his strength where it would have the greatest effect. 



264 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

After completing the duties assigned him, Colonel Long re- 
turned to join General Lee, whom he met at Ewell's headquarters 
about 9 a. m. As it appeared, the General had been waiting there 
for some time, expecting at every moment to hear of the opening 
of the attack on the right, and by no means satisfied with the 
delay. After giving General Ewell instructions as to his part 
in the coming engagement, he proceeded to reconnoiter Cemetery 
Ridge in person. He at once saw the importance of an immediate 
commencement of the assault, as it was evident that the enemy 
was gradually strengthening his position by fresh arrivals of 
troops, and that the advantage in numbers and readiness which 
the Confederate army possessed was rapidly disappearing. 

Lee's impatience increased after this reconnaissance, and he 
proceeded in search of Longstreet, remarking, in a tone of un- 
easiness, "What can detain Longstreet ? He ought to be in position 
now." This was about 10 a. m. 

After going some distance he received a message that Long- 
street was advancing. This appeared to relieve his anxiety, and 
he proceeded to the point where he expected the arrival of the 
corps. Here he waited for some time, during which interval he 
observed that the enemy had occupied the Peach Orchard, which 
formed a portion of the grounds that was to have been occupied 
by Longstreet. This was that advance movement of Sickles's 
command which has given rise to so much controversy among 
Federal historians. 

General Lee, on perceiving this, again expressed his impatience 
in words and renewed his search for Longstreet. It was now 
about i o'clock p. m. After going some distance to the rear, he 
discovered Hood's division at a halt, while McLaws was yet at 
some distance on the Fairfield road, having taken a wrong direc- 
tion. Longstreet was present, and with General Lee exerted him- 
self to correct the error, but before the corps could be brought into 
its designated position it was 4 o'clock. The hope that had been 
entertained of taking the enemy at a disadvantage and defeating 
him in detail no longer existed. The whole of the Federal force, 
except Sedgwick's corps, was strongly posted on Cemetery Ridge. 
Sedgwick, whose corps had made a march of thirty-five miles in 
twenty hours, had reached the field, though his men were too much 
exhausted by the length and rapidity of their march to be of im- 
mediate service. Yet the opportunity which the early morning had 
presented was lost. The entire Army of the Potomac was before 
us ! 

General Longstreet has published an explanation of the causes 
of this unfortunate, if not fatal, delay in the arrival of his troops, 
yet it cannot be said that the reason which he gives is entirely 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 265 

satisfactory. He says that on the ist of July the march of his 
corps had been greatly delayed by the occupation of the road by a 
division of the Second Corps and its wagon-trains. Yet his whole 
force, except Law's brigade, had reached a position within 
four miles of Gettysburg by midnight. On the next day, "Fearing 
that my force was too weak to venture to make an attack, I 
delayed until General Law's brigade joined its division. As 
soon after his arrival as we could make our preparations the move- 
ment began. Engineers sent out by the commanding general and 
myself guided us by a road which would have completely disclosed 
the move. Some delay ensued in seeking a more concealed route. 
McLaws's division got into position opposite the enemy's left about 
4 p. m. Hood's division was moved on farther to our right, and 
got into position, partially enveloping the enemy's left." 

This explanation, as we have said, is not satisfactory. Long- 
street, as he admits, had received instructions from Lee to move 
with that portion of his command which was up, to gain the 
Emmitsburg road. These orders he took the responsibility of 
postponing on account of the absence of one brigade of his com- 
mand, so that, instead of being in readiness to attack in the early 
morning, it was 4 o'clock in the afternoon when his troops reached 
the field. 

General Long gives a very interesting description of the bat- 
tle that followed and its results, and gives Lee's decision to 
attack on the third day with his whole army led by Longstreet's 
corps. He says of this determination of General Lee : 

The decision here indicated was reached at a conference held 
during the morning on the field in front of and within cannon 
range of Round Top, there being present Generals Lee, Longstreet, 
A. P. Hill, and H. Heth, Col. A. L. Long, and Maj. C. S. Venable. 
The plan of attack was discussed, and it was decided that General 
Pickett should lead the assaulting column, to be supported by the 
divisions of McLaws and Hood and such other force as A. P. Hill 
could spare from his command. The only objection offered was 
by General Longstreet, who remarked that the guns on Round 
Top might be brought to bear on his right. This objection was 
answered by Colonel Long, who said that the guns on Round Top 
could be suppressed by our batteries. This point being settled, the 
attack was ordered, and General Longstreet was directed to carry 
it out. 

In reference to the battle on the 3d of July, Col. Walter PI. 
Taylor, General Lee's accomplished and gallant adjutant-gen- 
eral, says : 



266 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

It was thought that a continuance of the attack as made by 
Longstreet offered promise of success. He was ordered to renew 
the fight early on the 3d. Ewell, who was to cooperate, ordered 
Johnson to attack at an early hour, anticipating that Longstreet 
would do the same. Longstreet delayed. He found that a force 
of the enemy occupying high ground on their left would take his 
troops in reverse as they advanced. Longstreet was then visited 
by General Lee, and they conferred as to the mode of attack. It 
was determined to adhere to the plan proposed, and to strengthen 
him for the movement he was to be reinforced by Heth's division 
and two brigades of Pender's of Hill's corps. With his three 
divisions which were to attack Longstreet made his dispositions, 
and General Lee went to the center to observe movements. The 
attack was not made as designed : Pickett's division, Heth's 
division, and two brigades of Pender's division advanced. Hood 
and McLaws were not moved forward. There were nine divisions 
in the army ; seven were quiet, while two assailed the fortified 
line of the enemy. A. P. Hill had orders to be prepared to assist 
Longstreet further if necessary. Anderson, who commanded one 
of Hill's divisions and was in readiness to respond to Longstreet's 
call, made his dispositions to advance, but General Longstreet told 
him it was of no use — the attack had failed. Had Hood and 
McLaws followed or supported Pickett, and Pettigrew and An- 
derson been advanced, the design of the commanding general 
would have been carried out ; the world would not be at a loss 
to understand what was designed by throwing forward, unsup- 
ported, against the enemy's stronghold so small a portion of our 
army. Had General Lee known what was to happen, doubtless he 
would have maneuvered to force General Meade away from his 
strong position by threatening his communications with the east, 
as suggested by the Count of Paris, but he felt strong enough 
to carry the enemy's lines, and I believe success would have 
crowned his plan had it been faithfully carried out. 

General Long says that the order for Longstreet to attack 
with his whole corps — Pickett's, McLaws's, and Hood's Divi- 
sions, supported by Hill's corps — "was given verbally by Gen- 
eral Lee in the presence of Colonel Long, and Major Venable 
of his staff, and other officers of the army." 

Col. Walter H. Taylor is emphatic in saying that he heard 
this order given by General Lee to General Longstreet, and 
Colonel Venable says, "I heard General Lee give the order when 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 267 

arranging for the fight, and called his attention to it long after- 
wards, when there was discussion about it. He said, 'I know 
it, I know it !' " 

There has been some surprise expressed that Gen. Geo. E. 
Pickett made no report of the battle of Gettysburg, in which 
his division bore so gallant and conspicuous a part; but the 
truth is that he did send General Lee a report, in which he 
condemned in such strong terms the failure to support his di- 
vision that General Lee, in the following letter, asked him to 
withdraw and destroy the report : 

Gen. G. E. Pickett, Commanding General : 

You and your men have crowned yourselves with glory, but we 
have the enemy to fight, and must carefully, at this critical moment, 
guard against dissensions which the reflections in your report will 
create. I will, therefore, suggest that you destroy both copy and 
original, substituting one confined to casualties merely. 
I hope all will yet be well. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

The late Lieut. -Col. G. F. R. Henderson of the British Army, 
Professor of Military Art and History in the Staff College, 
and author of a number of able and valuable military criti- 
cisms, and especially of that superb book "Stonewall Jackson 
and the American Civil War," wrote in the Journal of the Royal 
United Service Institution in the October, 1897, number a very 
clear, able, and discriminating review of General Longstreet's 
book, "From Manassas to Appomattox." 

After paying Longstreet a high compliment for his qualities 
as a brave and stubborn fighter, and expressing regret that in 
his book he trusts to his memory, and frequently contradicts 
the official reports, he says : 

General Longstreet has not developed the critical habit since 
Appomattox. Throughout the war, whatever movement was in 
contemplation, he had generally something better to suggest. 
Even when victory was achieved he was seldom satisfied. Had 
his advice, he implies, been taken, success would in almost every 
case have been more decisive; and the most brilliant maneuvers, 



268 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

whatever their results, were never exactly to his mind. It is true 
that the majority of Confederate soldiers have never accepted Gen- 
eral Longstreet at his own valuation. Not only, on the one occa- 
sion when he held an independent command, did he miss success, 
but his own shortcomings when serving under Lee have been 
exposed with unsparing severity. His political conduct during 
the reconstruction of the South alienated his former comrades, 
and no mercy has been shown to the soldier who labors under the 
accusation of having lost Gettysburg, the great battle which turned 
the tide of war in favor of the North. The Memoirs before us are 
practically an attempt on the part of General Longstreet to answer 
the charges with which he has been assailed, and his method of 
defense is decidedly peculiar. In reply to the criticism which has 
been lavished on his own conduct, he retorts by criticising with 
unsparing severity the conduct of Lee, Jackson, and Early, and 
by endeavoring to show that other generals, better known to fame, 
committed far more glaring blunders than the commander of the 
First Army Corps. 

We cannot think that General Longstreet consulted his own 
dignity in adopting this line of defense. He would have been 
better advised had he confined himself to a statement of facts, and 
have left it to others to determine whether his military ability was 
equal to that of Lee or Jackson. Nor are we of opinion that his 
attitude toward his great commander and his former colleagues 
becomes his reputation as a soldier. When he discusses the ques- 
tion whether Lee's strategy was not overbold, whether he was not 
too fond of fighting, although we by no means agree with him, 
we follow him with interest; but when the friend and comrade 
of Lee and Jackson accuses the former of deliberate misrepre- 
sentations, of favoritism, of bloodthirstiness, and of hiding his 
own mistakes by throwing the blame on others, and when he goes 
out of his way to catalogue the tactical shortcomings of the latter, 
we follow him with regret. Space forbids that we should deal 
with General Longstreet's charges against his colleagues. But we 
may say at once that his list of Jackson's blunders is almost ludi- 
crously inaccurate. His statements are refuted, in many instances, 
by the Official Records ; in others, a reference to any one of the 
surviving members of General Jackson's staff would have put him 
right. Moreover, in his endeavor to belittle Jackson he has been 
hoist with his own petard ; and it is exceedingly interesting to 
find, after all these years, that he was the real author of the Con- 
federate defeat at Malvern Hill — a defeat which has hitherto been 
considered, and with justice, the greatest blot on Lee's reputation 
as a tactician. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 269 

After exposing and refuting several of General Long-street's 
ill-natured and unjust criticisms on the conduct of Stonewall 
Jackson in various battles, Colonel Henderson says : 

But we are weary of exposing these misstatements. Stonewall 
Jackson's reputation will suffer nothing from such loose criticism ; 
and we may turn at once to Gettysburg, for it is in the account of 
that momentous battle that the interest of the Memoirs culminates. 

General Longstreet discusses the campaign at great length, and 
his defense of his own conduct fills many pages. This defense, 
however, is by no means satisfactory. In the first place, he tells 
that when the invasion of Pennsylvania was first broached he as- 
sented to General Lee's plan on the condition that the tactics of 
the Confederates should be purely defensive; but he makes no 
attempt to explain on what grounds he considered himself entitled 
to dictate conditions to his superior officer. He had no mandate 
from the Government to act as Lee's adviser. He was merely the 
commander of an army corps — a subordinate, pure and simple ; 
and yet he appears to have entered on the campaign with the idea 
that the commander-in-chief was bound to engage the enemy with 
the tactics that he, General Longstreet, had suggested. In the 
second place, he does not appear to have grasped the drift of the 
charges which have been brought against him. The question is 
not whether the maneuvers suggested by Longstreet would have 
been more successful than those executed by General Lee, but 
whether the general commanding the First Army Corps did every- 
thing which lay within his power to carry out, loyally and 
unhesitatingly, the wishes and instructions of the commander-in- 
chief of the Confederate Army. 

The maneuvers preliminary to the battle were decidedly to the 
advantage of the Confederates. Lee moved with such rapidity 
through Pennsylvania that he was far to the northeast of Wash- 
ington before his columns were threatened by the enemy's ad- 
vance. On ist July he found a Federal force on his right flank. 
His advanced troops forced an encounter, and two Federal army 
corps were driven back to a strong position at Gettysburg, cover- 
ing the direct road to Washing-ton. During the evening Lee and 
Longstreet reconnoitered the ridge occupied by the enemy. They 
were aware that no more than 20,000 Federals were on the ground, 
while 40,000 of their own men, flushed with victory, were already 
present. Longstreet writes : 

"After our survey I said : 'We could not call the enemy to 
position better suited to our plans. All that we have to do is to 
file round his left, and secure good ground between him and 



270 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

his capital.' This, when said, was thought to be the opinion of my 
commander as much as my own. I was not a little surprised, there- 
fore, at his impatience, as, striking the air with his closed hand, 
he said, 'If he is there tomorrow, I will attack him.' His desperate 
mood was painfully evident, and gave rise to serious appre- 
hensions." 

From the outset, therefore, there was a decided difference of 
opinion between the commander-in-chief and his subordinate. 
The former, finding his advanced guard had already won an im- 
portant success, and that the enemy was not yet concentrated, 
determined to attack. The latter thought it sounder tactics to turn 
the Federal left, and to occupy a defensive position, which, in his 
opinion, the enemy would be compelled to assault. Undoubtedly, 
although such a maneuver would have given the enemy time to 
concentrate, and they were stronger by 25,000 men than the Con- 
federates, there is something to be said in favor of General Long- 
street's idea. Further discussion, however, on this point would 
be beside the mark. The fact remains that on the morning of 
July 2 the Confederates had a fine opportunity of dealing with 
their enemy in detail. The attack, however, was deferred until 
3 o'clock in the afternoon, by which time nearly the whole of the 
Federal army had come up. Why was the opportunity lost? 

General Longstreet admits that on the evening of July 1 he was 
aware of Lee's intention to attack the next morning. Without 
waiting further instructions, he had ordered his own army corps 
to hasten the march, and two of his divisions and part of his 
reserve artillery had arrived by sunrise. But he adds that he 
received no orders to attack until an hour before noon. 

We have not the slightest doubt that this account is literally 
correct. Nevertheless, General Longstreet's explanation of the 
delay is altogether inadequate. If words mean anything, he 
implies that General Lee, and General Lee alone, was responsible 
for the delay. But there is a mass of evidence which goes to show 
that General Lee considered Longstreet responsible ; and this evi- 
dence the latter has certainly not refuted. In the first place, there 
can be no question whatever that he was well aware that Lee 
expected him to attack as early as practicable on the morning of 
July 2. In the second place it is certain that Lee explained his 
wishes, although he gave no definite orders, soon after sunrise, 
that he even pointed out the ground to be taken up by Longstreet's 
divisions ; and that, riding off afterwards to the left, he expressed 
much uneasiness, shortly after 9 o'clock, when he found that 
Longstreet made no move. In the third place, General Longstreet 
himself, in a letter which he wrote some years ago to the Phila- 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 271 

dclphia Weekly Times, has cited evidence which shows that he 
took upon himself to resist the expressed wishes of the com- 
mander-in-chief. 

Not one of these points is touched upon in the Memoirs. Gen- 
eral Longstreet is content with the assertion that until n o'clock 
he had received no definite order to attack. But it was never 
Lee's practice to issue definite orders to his corps commanders. 
He was accustomed to explain his general intentions, and to leave 
the execution in their hands ; and if on this occasion he departed 
from his usual custom it was because Longstreet declined to move 
without explicit orders to that effect. Moreover, Longstreet had 
not waited for orders to call up his troops the night before, nor, 
as he tells us in the Memoirs, had he waited for orders to make the 
great counter-stroke which was decisive of the second battle of 
Manassas. On both these occasions he acted in accordance with 
the wishes of the commander-in-chief, and even anticipated them. 
Why did he not do the same on the morning of July 2 ? 

On that morning there can be no question but that Lee's wishes 
were very clearly expressed. General McLaws, commanding a 
division of the First Army Corps, says that he reached the field at 
a very early hour; that he went to Lee, who pointed out to him 
on the map the road across which he was to place his division, and 
said that he wished him to deploy without being seen by the 
enemy ; that the line pointed out was that which he occupied when 
the attack began between 3 and 4 p. m. and that "Longstreet was 
then walking back and forth some distance from General Lee, but 
came up, and pointing to the map, showed me how he wanted the 
division located, to which General Lee replied, 'No, General, I 
wish it placed just the opposite,' " and that "Longstreet appeared 
as if he were irritated and annoyed." It is a most significant cir- 
cumstance that General Longstreet makes no allusion in his 
Memoirs to a letter which he quoted in the Philadelphia Weekly 
Times. This letter, written by General Hood, one of his division 
commanders, runs as follows : 

"I arrived in front of the heights of Gettysburg shortly after 
daybreak on the morning of July 2. During the early part of the 

same morning we were both in company with General Lee 

General Lee was seemingly anxious you [Longstreet] should 
attack that morning. You thought it better to await the arrival of 
Pickett's division — at that time still in rear — in order to make the 
attack, and you said to me subsequently, 'The General is a little 
nervous this morning; he wishes me to make the attack; I do not 
wish to do so without Pickett. I never like to go into battle with 
one boot off.' Thus passed the forenoon of that eventful day." 



272 LIFE AND LETfERS OF LEE 

In our opinion General Longstreet has failed altogether to shift 
the burden of the responsibility for delay from his own shoulders. 
He was aware that Lee was anxious to attack as early as practic- 
able. He was aware that an early attack was essential to success. 
He was aware how the commander-in-chief desired his divisions 
should be placed ; and yet until he received a definite order to ad- 
vance did absolutely nothing. He made rio attempt to reconnoiter 
his line of march, to bring his troops into position, or to initiate the 
attack in accordance with the expressed intentions of his superior. 

His conduct on the third day opens up a still graver issue. 
The First Army Corps, when at length, on the afternoon of July 2, 
it was permitted to attack, had achieved a distinct success. The 
enemy was driven back to his main position with enormous loss. 
On the morning of July 3, Lee determined to assault this position 
in front and flank simultaneously; and according to his chief of 
the staff, Longstreet's corps, supported by a division of the Third 
Corps, was to make the main attack on the center, while the Second 
Corps attacked the right. But again there was delay, and this time 
it was fatal. General Longstreet attempts to make some capital 
out of the fact that General Lee, in his official report, wrote as 
follows : "Longstreet, reinforced by Pickett's three brigades, 
which arrived on the battlefield during the afternoon of the 2d, 
was ordered to attack the next morning." "This," says Long- 
street, "is disingenuous. He did not give or send the orders for 
the morning of the third day, nor did he reinforce me with 
Pickett's brigades for morning attack." And yet, a few lines 
farther on, he writes : "He (Lee) rode over after sunrise and gave 
his orders. His plan was to assault the enemy's left center by a 
column to be composed of McLaws's and Hood's divisions (Long- 
street's corps) reinforced by Pickett's brigades. I thought it 
would not do." Passing by the fact that it was never Lee's plan 
to assault the center only, but both center and flank simultaneously, 
we may note that, according to Longstreet's own testimony, the 
order was given soon after sunrise ; and yet although the Second 
Corps, attacking the Federal right, became engaged at daylight, it 
was not till 1 p. m., eight hours later, that the artillery of the First 
Corps opened fire, and not till 2 p. m. that the infantry advanced, 
Their assault was absolutely isolated. The Second Corps had 
already been beaten back. The Third Corps, although a division 
was ready to move to any point which Longstreet might indicate, 
was not called upon by him for assistance. Two divisions of his 
own corps, posted on the right flank, did absolutely nothing ; and 
after a supremely gallant effort, the 15,000 men who were hurled 
against the front of the Federal army, and some of whom actually 
penetrated the position, were repulsed with fearful slaughter. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 273 

General Longstreet is of opinion that, even if his assaulting 
column had been composed of 40,000 men, success was impossible. 
Taking into consideration the conditions under which the attack 
was made, he is possibly correct. But he altogether ignores the 
fact that Lee intended his assault to be made in combination with 
the attack of the Second Corps. Why did the combination fail? 
Shortly after sunrise on July 3 Lee committed the management of 
the attack on the Federal center to the officer commanding the 
First Army Corps. Did that officer do all within his power to 
insure combination and to deal a vigorous and decisive blow? 
These are the questions which General Longstreet has failed to 
answer. That his tactics were indifferent seems abundantly clear. 
Why did the divisions on his right make no energetic demonstra- 
tion ? It is true that they were confronted by superior numbers ; 
but a semblance of attack would in all likelihood have sufficed to 
distract the enemy's attention from the assaulting column. Why 
did he not call upon the division of the Third Corps which had 
been placed at his disposal? He had been reluctant to attack on 
the second day "with one boot off ;" why did he display less 
caution on the third day? If, however, it was only his tactical 
judgment that was at fault, he hardly deserves reprobation. 
Greater generals than he have committed more glaring blunders 
in less difficult circumstances. But the crucial question is this : 
Why did he delay his attack for eight hours, during which time 
the Second Corps, with which he was to cooperate, was heavily 
engaged? If he moved only under compulsion, if he deliberately 
forbore to use his best efforts to carry out Lee's design, and to 
compel him to adopt his own, the case is very different. That he 
did so seems perfectly clear, and it is impossible for any sane 
soldier to justify such conduct. 

General Longstreet defends himself by reflecting on the con- 
duct of the commander-in-chief. Not only, according to his ac- 
count, was General Lee "excited and off his balance, and laboring 
under that oppression (sic) until blood enough was shed to ap- 
pease him," but he did not "give the benefit of his presence in 
getting the troops up, posting them, and arranging the batteries." 
Lee, however, had the whole field to supervise, and it was not his 
custom, when once he had indicated the object to be attained, to 
interfere with his subordinates. No man, indeed, could post 
troops or arrange batteries with more skill than Longstreet, and 
Lee no more thought of interfering with his dispositions at Gettys- 
burg than he had with his dispositions at the second battle of 
Manassas. Nor will such arguments, however they may be taken, 
mitigate the following : "General Lee said that the attack of his 



274 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

right was not made so early as expected, which he should not have 
said. He knew that I did not believe that success was possible ; 
that care and time should be taken to give the troops the benefit 
of positions and the ground ; and he should have put an officer in 
charge who had more confidence in his plan." 

Here we have the whole gospel of subordination according to 
General Longstreet : If an officer does not believe success pos- 
sible, he is not to be expected either to come up to time or to 
use his best endeavors to carry out his orders, and his want of con- 
fidence shall be held as sufficient excuse for inactivity, and bad 
tactics. We need hardly say that such a dogma is absolutely in- 
compatible with the demands of discipline. Discipline exacts 
something more than a literal obedience to orders. It exacts un- 
grudging support, untiring effort, and complete self-sacrifice. "I 
would follow General Lee blindfold," were the words of Stone- 
wall Jackson, and it was for this reason, if for no other, that Lee 
declared that had Jackson been with him, Gettysburg would have 
been a Confederate victory. "Such an executive officer," he said 
of Jackson, "the sun never shone on. I have but to show him my 
design, and I know that if it can be done it will be done. No need 
for me to send and watch him." In General Longstreet he had 
a subordinate of very different character to deal with. It is little 
wonder that the Confederate commander-in-chief displayed im- 
patience at Gettysburg, or that his mood was such as to create the 
impression that his judgment was in some degree disturbed. 
We need look no farther for the cause than the stubborn oppo- 
sition and slow movements of the officer commanding the First 
Army Corps ; and if Lee was to blame at all in the Gettysburg 
campaign, it was in taking as his second in command a general 
who was so completely indifferent to the claims of discipline. 

We do not for a moment believe that General Longstreet can 
fairly be charged with deliberate disloyalty to his superior. He set 
out on the campaign with a false idea of their relative positions, 
and when the enemy was encountered his irritation at the rejection 
of his advice was such that he forgot his duty. His error was 
amply atoned at a later period ; and had he frankly confessed that 
his temper got the better of him on July 2d and 3d, we might easily 
overlook the one blot on the career of a gallant soldier. But his 
endeavors to clear his reputation by assailing those of others, 
together with the bitterness of his recriminations, serve only to 
alienate sympathy and destroy respect. General Longstreet did 
splendid service for the South. He has been subject to the merci- 
less attacks of many enemies. He has been assailed with accusa- 
tions which are utterly without foundation ; and it may seem harsh 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 275 

in the extreme to criticise the veteran's defense of his military 
conduct. But where historic truth and great reputations are at 
stake it is impossible to be silent. 

That gallant gentleman and accomplished soldier, Gen. John 
B. Gordon, in his "Reminiscences of the War," sums up his 
account of Gettysburg as follows : 

It now seems certain that impartial military critics, after 
thorough investigation, will consider the following established: 

i. That General Lee distinctly ordered Longstreet to attack 
early in the morning of the second day, and if he had done so, two 
of the largest corps of Meade's army would not have been in the 
fight; but Longstreet delayed the attack until four o'clock in the 
afternoon, and thus lost his opportunity of occupying Little 
Round Top, the key to the position, which he might have done in 
the morning without firing a shot or losing a man. 

2. That General Lee ordered Longstreet to attack at daybreak 
on the morning of the third day, and that he did not attack until 
two or three o'clock in the afternoon, the artillery opening at one. 

3. That General Lee, according to the testimony of Col. Walter 
Taylor, Col. C. S. Venable, and Gen. A. L. Long, who were 
present when the order was given, ordered Longstreet to make the 
attack on the last day, with the three divisions of his corps, and 
two divisions of A. P. Hill's corps, and that instead of doing so 
he sent fourteen thousand men to assail Meade's army in his strong 
position, and heavily intrenched. 

4. That the great mistake of the halt on the first day would have 
been repaired on the second, and even on the third day, if Lee's 
orders had been vigorously executed, and that General Lee died 
believing (the testimony on the point is overwhelming) that he 
lost Gettysburg at last by Longstreet's disobedience of orders. 

It is susceptible of the most overwhelming proof that while 
General Lee, with a magnanimity that rises to the sublime, 
when moving among his shattered battalions at Gettysburg 
said, "This is all my fault. I have lost this battle, and you 
must get me out of it the best you can," and that while he re- 
frained as long as he lived from any public censure of his lieu- 
tenant, he did not hesitate to say in the intimacy of private 
friendship that he lost the battle of Gettysburg mainly because 
of Longstreet's disobedience of orders. 



276 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

As Lee dealt so kindly then with his delinquent subordinate, 
it has excited a feeling of deep indignation that Longstreet 
should have waited until after Lee's death, and have then at- 
tempted to build up his own reputation at the sacrifice of that 
of his too indulgent chief. No wonder, therefore, that there 
has been very wide approval of the following sharp comments 
of Lieut-Gen. Richard Taylor in his most readable book, "De- 
struction and Reconstruction." In reference to Gettysburg he 
says : 

Some facts concerning this battle are established beyond dis- 
pute. In the first day's fighting a part of Lee's army defeated a 
part of Meade's. Intending to continue the contest on that field, 
a commander not smitten by idiocy would desire to concentrate 
and push the advantage gained by previous success, and its re- 
sultant morale. But instead of attacking at dawn, Lee's attack was 
postponed until the afternoon of the following day in consequence 
of the absence of Longstreet's corps. Federal reports show that 
some of Meade's corps reached him on the second day, several 
hours after sunrise, and one or two late in the afternoon. It is 
positively asserted by many officers present, and of high rank and 
character, that Longstreet was nearer to Lee on the first day than 
Meade's reinforcing corps to their chief, and even nearer than a 
division of Ewell's corps, which reached the field in time to share 
the first day's success. Now, it nowhere appears in Lee's report of 
Gettysburg that he ordered Longstreet to him or blamed him for 
tardiness ; but his report admits errors, and quietly takes the 
responsibility for them on his own broad shoulders. A recent 
article in the public press signed by General Longstreet ascribes 
the failure at Gettysburg to Lee's mistakes which he (Longstreet) 
in vain pointed out, and remonstrated against. That any subject 
involving the possession and exercise of intellect should be clear 
to Longstreet, and concealed from Lee, is a startling proposition 
to those having knowledge of the two men. We have Biblical 
authority for the story that the angel in the path was visible to 
the ass, though unseen by the seer his master ; but suppose, instead 
of smiting the honest, stupid animal, Balaam had caressed him, 
and then been kicked by him, how would the story read? And 
thus much concerning Gettysburg. 

In view of the adverse criticisms made upon General Lee's 
management of this campaign it has been thought proper to 
give thus fully the opinions of men competent to judge, and in 
position to know about this whole matter. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 277 

After some rather skilful maneuvering - , the early part of Au- 
gust found Lee holding the line of the Rapidan in Orange 
County, Virginia, and Meade in Culpeper ; and the two armies 
occupied these positions until the next spring. In October 
Lee advanced and forced Meade back to the fortifications in 
front of Washington. The latter part of November Meade 
crossed the Rapidan to attack Lee, but finding him strongly 
posted at Mine Run, fell back in the night, and thus avoided 
the attack which Lee had decided to make on him early the next 
morning. 

In July, while slowly recovering from his wound, Gen. W. 
H. F. Lee, who was staying at Hickory Hill in Hanover County, 
was captured by a Federal raiding party, who carried him a 
prisoner to Fortress Monroe. 

Soon after this event, General Lee wrote the following letter 
to the wife of his son, who was so deeply grieved at the cap- 
ture of her husband : 

Camp Culpeper, 26th July, 1863. 
I received last night, my darling daughter, your letter of the 
1 8th from Hickory Hill. I was also glad to hear from M. S. that 
you accompanied your mother from Ashland on the 226., I presume 
on your way to the Alum Springs. I hope the water and mountain 
air will invigorate you and make you well. You must not be 
sick while F. is away or he will be more restless under his separ- 
ation. Get strong and healthy by his return that he may the 
more rejoice at the sight of you. Yon give such an account of 
yourself that I scarcely recognize you. What sort of a closet is that 
to which you compare yourself? I see no resemblance, and will 
have none. I can appreciate your distress at F.'s situation. I 
deeply sympathize with it, and in the lone hours of the night I 
groan in sorrow at his captivity and separation from you. But 
we must all bear it, exercise all our patience, and do nothing to 
aggravate the evil. This, besides injuring ourselves, would rejoice 
our enemies, and be sinful in the eyes of God. In His own good 
time He will relieve us, and make all things work together for our 
good, if we give Him our love and place in Him our trust. I 
can see no harm that will result from Fitzhugh's capture except 
his detention. I feel assured that he will be well attended to. He 
will be in the hands of old army officers, and surgeons, most of 
whom are men of principle and humanity. His wound I under- 



278 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

stand had not been injured by his removal, but is doing well. 
Nothing would do him more harm than for him to learn that you 
were sick and sad. How could he get well? So cheer up and 
prove your fortitude and patriotism. What, too, should I do? I 
cannot bear to think of you except as I have always known you — 
bright, joyous, and happy. You may think of Fitzhugh and love 
him as much as you please, but do not grieve over him or grow 
sad. That will not be right, you precious child. I hope I shall be 
able to see you on your return from the Springs, and be able to 
welcome Fitzhugh too. I miss him very much, and want his assist- 
ance too. Perhaps I should have been able to have done better 
in Pennsylvania if he had been with me. . . . General Stuart is as 
dashing as ever. Colonel Chambliss commands F.'s brigade now. 
The cavalry has had hard service and is somewhat pulled down. 
But we shall build it up now. It has lost some gallant officers 
which causes me deep grief. Indeed the loss of our gallant officers 
and men throughout the army causes me to weep tears of blood 
and to wish jthat I never could hear the sound of a gun again. 
My only consolation is that they are the happier and we that are 
left are to be pitied. 

I am sorry for the disappointment I caused you by returning to 
Virginia, but under the circumstances it was the best to be done. 
Had not the Shenandoah been so high, I should have gone into 
Loudoun, but being unable to cross it, I determined to come here. 
You must think of me, and pray for me always, and know that I 
am always thinking of you. I am so sorry that the enemy treated 
my dear Uncle Williams so badly. I also grieve at not seeing M. 
Good-by, my dear child. May God in His great mercy guard and 
protect you and your dear husband ! I saw Mrs. Hill today and 
she inquired very kindly after you and Fitzhugh. 

Your affectionate papa, 

R. E. Lee. 

Gen. W. H. F. Lee was held at Fortress Monroe as a hostage 
for two Federal captains whom the Confederate Government 
was threatening to have shot for some alleged offense. 

General Lee wrote as follows to his son Custis about it, and 
also expressed himself on the subject of "retaliation" : 

Camp Orange, 7th August, 1863. 

I have not been able to thank you for your letter of the 25th 

ulto. I am glad to hear that my dear Fitzhugh is improving in 

health and that he will soon be restored, and hope that he will 

enjoy that comfort at least. I had seen in the papers the intention 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 279 

announced by the Federal Government of holding him as a hostage 
for the two captains selected to be shot. If it is right to shoot 
those men this should make no difference in their execution, but 
I have not thought it right to shoot them, and differ in my ideas 
from most of our people on the subject of retaliation. Sometimes 
I know it to be necessary, but it should not be resorted to, at all 
times, and in our case policy dictates that it should be avoided 
whenever possible. The opportunities as well as the desire of our 
enemies are so much greater than ours, that they have the ad- 
vantage, and I believe it would be better in the end for us to 
suffer, keep right in our own eyes, the eyes of the world, and the 
eyes of God, and that justice would thereby be sooner done us, 
and our people would thus suffer less, than if we took the opposite 
course. My grief at the intention of the enemy, as regards Fitz- 
hugh of course, was intensified. 

At this period there occurred a correspondence between Gen- 
eral Lee and President Davis creditable alike to the head and 
heart of both men. 

Lee grew sensitive under the censure of his Gettysburg cam- 
paign by certain of the "newspaper generals," and began to 
think that perhaps the Government and Army and people might 
share their views, and that some one else might better serve 
the cause in command of his army. Accordingly he wrote 
President Davis the following letter : 

Camp Orange, August 5, 1863. 
Mr. President : 

Your letters of the 28th of July and 2d of August have been 
received, and I have waited for a leisure hour to reply, but I fear 
that will never come. I am extremely obliged to you for the atten- 
tion given to the wants of this army, and the efforts made to supply 
them. Our absentees are returning, and I hope the earnest and 
beautiful appeal made to the country in your proclamation may 
stir up the whole people, and that they may see their duty and 
perform it. Nothing is wanted but that their fortitude should 
equal their bravery to insure the success of our cause. We must 
expect reverses, even defeats. They are sent to teach us wisdom 
and prudence, to call forth greater energies, and to prevent our 
falling into greater disasters. Our people have only to be true 
and united, to bear manfully the misfortunes incident to war, and 
all will come right in the end. I know how prone we are to 
censure, and how ready to blame, others for the non-fulfilment of 



280 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

our expectations. This is unbecoming in a generous people, and I 
grieve to see its expression. The general remedy for the want 
of success in a military commander is his removal. This is 
natural, and in many instances proper; for no matter what may 
be the ability of the officer, if he loses the confidence of his troops 
disaster must sooner or later ensue. 

I have been prompted by these reflections more than once 
since my return from Pennsylvania to propose to your Excellency 
the propriety of selecting another commander for this army. I 
have seen and heard of expressions of discontent in the public 
journals at the result of the expedition. I do not know how far 
this feeling extends to the Army. My brother officers have been 
too kind to report it, and so far the troops have been too generous 
to exhibit it. It is fair, however, to suppose that it does exist, and 
success is so necessary to us that nothing should be left undone 
to secure it. I, therefore, in all sincerity, request your Excellency 
to take measures to supply my place. I do this with the more 
earnestness, because no one is more aware than myself of my in- 
ability to discharge the duties of my position. I cannot even 
accomplish what I myself desire. How can I fulfil the expecta- 
tions of others? In addition, I sensibly feel the growing failure 
of my bodily strength. I have not yet recovered from the attack 
I experienced the past spring. I am becoming more and more 
incapable of exertion, and am thus prevented from making the 
personal examination, and giving the personal supervision to the 
operations in the field which I feel to be necessary. I am so dull, 
that in undertaking to use the eyes of others I am frequently 
misled. 

Everything, therefore, points to the advantage to be derived 
from a new commander, and I the more anxiously urge the matter 
upon your Excellency from my belief that a younger and abler man 
than myself can readily be obtained. I know that he will have as 
gallant and brave an army as ever existed to second his efforts, 
and it would be the happiest day of my life to see at its head a 
worthy leader — one that would accomplish more than I can per- 
form and all that I have wished. I hope your Excellency will 
attribute my request to the true reason — the desire to serve my 
country and to do all in my power to insure the success of her 
righteous cause. 

I have no complaints to make of any one but myself. I have 
received nothing but kindness from those above me, and the 
most considerate attention from my comrades and companions 
in arms. To your Excellency I am specially indebted for uniform 
kindness and consideration. You have done everything in your 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 281 

power to aid me in the work committed to my charge without 
omitting anything to promote the general welfare. I pray that 
your efforts may at length be crowned with success, and that 
you may long live to enjoy the thanks of a grateful people. 
With sentiments of great esteem, I am, 

Very respectfully and truly, yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States. 

To his letter President Davis sent the following reply : 

Richmond, Va., August n, 1863. 
Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Army of Northern Virginia : 

Yours of the 8th instant has just been received. I am glad 
that you concur so entirely with me as to the wants of our country 
in this trying hour, and am happy to add that after the first 
depression consequent upon our disasters in the West indications 
have appeared that our people will exhibit that fortitude which we 
agree in believing is alone needed to secure ultimate success. 

It well became Sydney Johnston when overwhelmed by a sense- 
less clamor to admit the rule that success is the test of merit ; and 
yet there has been nothing which I have found to require a greater 
effort of patience than to bear the criticisms of the ignorant who 
pronounce everything a failure which does not equal their ex- 
pectations or desire, and can see no good result which is not in 
the line of their own imaginings. 

I admit the propriety of your conclusions that an officer who 
loses the confidence of his troops should have his position changed, 
whatever may be his ability; but when I read the sentence I was 
not at all prepared for the application you were about to make. 
Expressions of discontent in the public journals furnish but little 
evidence of the sentiment of the Army. I wish it were otherwise, 
even though all the abuse of myself should be accepted as the 
results of honest observation. Were you capable of stooping to it, 
you could easily surround yourself with those who would fill the 
press with your laudations, and seek to exalt you for what you had 
not done, rather than detract from the achievements which will 
make you and your army the subject of history and the object 
of the world's admiration for generations to come. 

I am truly sorry to know, that you still feel the effects of the 
illness you suffered last spring, and can readily understand the 
embarrassments you experience in using the eyes of others, having 
been so much accustomed to make your own reconnaissances. 



282 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Practice will, however, do much to relieve that embarrassment, 
and the minute knowledge of the country which you have acquired 
will render you less dependent for topographical information. 

But suppose, my dear friend, that I were to admit, with all 
their implications, the points which you present, where am I to find 
the new commander who is to possess the greater ability which 
you believe to be required? I do not doubt the readiness with 
which you would give way to one who could accomplish all that 
you have wished, and you will do me the justice to believe that if 
Providence should kindly offer such a person for our use I would 
not hesitate to avail myself of his services. 

My sight is not sufficiently penetrating to discover such hidden 
merit, if it exists, and I have but used to you the language of sober 
earnestness when I have impressed upon you the propriety of 
avoiding all unnecessary exposure to danger, because I felt our 
country could not bear to lose you. To ask me to substitute for 
you some one, in my judgment, more fit to command or who would 
possess more of the confidence of the Army or of the reflecting 
men of the country, is to demand an impossibility. It only remains 
for me to hope that you will take all possible care of yourself, that 
your health and strength will be entirely restored, and that the 
Lord will preserve you for the important duties devolved upon 
you in the struggle of our suffering country for the independence 
which we have engaged in war to maintain. 
As ever, 

Very respectfully and truly, 

Jefferson Davis. 

But it is needless to add that Mr. Davis was never able to 
find the "younger and abler man," and that "Marse Robert" 
was still the idol of his soldiers and of his people. 

It was about this time that a group of private soldiers were 
discussing around their camp-fire the "Evolution theory," when 
one of them said, "Well, boys, it may be true that the rest of 
us were evolved from apes, but I tell you that nothing less 
than a God could have made 'Marse Robert' !" 

The following charming letters to two of his lady cousins 
have never been in print, but they show so well his spirit and 
playful humor that I give them in full : 

Camp Culpeper, 26th July, 1863. 
I am so much obliged to you, my dear Cousin Margaret, for 
your kind note of the 22d. It adds to my gratitude for your 
former note, your welcome messages, and acceptable present of 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 283 

the gloves. Having- had no opportunity to acknowledge them, I 
now thank you for all with my whole heart. I cannot tell you how 
often and much I have thought of you the past winter, how I 
have grieved over your restraint and ill usage by our enemies, and 
how I have regretted my inability to relieve you. Your father, 
mother, Ada, and Carrie have been constantly in my thoughts. I 
have longed to see you all. I knew that crossing the Potomac 
would draw them off, and if we could only have been strong 
enough, we should have detained them. But God willed otherwise. 
I fear we shall soon have them all back. The army did all it 
could. I fear I required of it impossibilities. But it responded to 
the call nobly and cheerfully, and though it did not win a victory it 
conquered a success. We must now prepare for harder blows and 
harder work. But my trust is in Him who favors the weak and 
relieves the oppressed, and my hourly prayer is that He will "fight 
for us once again." I know we shall have your earnest prayers, 
and I am cheered by the belief that your dear father and mother 
will not forget us, but that their pious supplications will be 
offered up in our behalf night and morning. Give much love to 
them. Tell Ada if she will join the Army, I will give my consent, 
but Carrie need not think of that other one. I shall let no one 
have you, Maggie, till the war is over. I have one in reserve for 
you. 1 must now bid you good-by. May God guard and protect 
you all, is the earnest prayer of, 

Your affectionate cousin, 

R. E. Lee. 
Miss Margaret Stuart. 

Camp, ioth September, 1863. 
My beautiful daughters : 

I have not seen you all day. I hope this has not made you as 
sad as it has me. I would have gone to you this afternoon, but 
heard you went to ride on horseback with some of the young men. 

Tomorrow I shall be engaged all the morning. There will be a 
review of Hill's corps at 3 p. m., should weather permit. If you 
wish to be present, I will send the wagon and can then see you on 
the ground at intervals at least. Let me know your wishes. I 
have kept a basket of grapes for you all day. I send a letter for 
Carrie, which came tonight. It looks as if it came from the signal 
officer. Rob does not like its appearance, and is taking refuge in 
sleep, in hopes to smother his sorrow. Good-night. May good 
angels guard you and bright visions cheer you. 

Very truly and affectionately your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Margaret and Carrie. 



284 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Camp, nth September, 1863. 
Your note, my sweet daughters, has just been received. I fear 
the wagon will not reach you in time to make your extended ride, 
as the horses have gone out to graze. I have sent for them, how- 
ever. Your numerous beaux, the "Stonewall band," I fear kept 
you up too late last night. Ask Mr. Hiden to close his doors at 
10 o'clock. That is the proper time for you to retire your bright 
eyes from the soldiers' gaze. I hope you will have a pleasant visit 
this morning, and an agreeable ride this evening with the Maj. 
and Maj.-Gen'l. Poor Custis and Rob! 

Truly your father, 



R. E. Lee. 



Margaret and Carrie. 

He thus wrote his son Custis 



Camp, 27th September, 1863. 

I rejoice over Bragg's victory. It is a great success and will 
be of great service to us every way ; though from the reports 
in yesterday's paper it looks as if Rosecrans had made a stand at 
Chattanooga. I hope Bragg will be able to cross the Tennessee 
below him and force him out. 

His cavalry ought now to break up his communications and 
force him out. I see Rob, Fitz, John, and Henry occasionally; 
the cavalry is near me now. They are all well. 

No advance has yet been seriously made, though all the prepar- 
ations of General Meade indicate that purpose. Generals King, 
Heintzelman, etc., have been brought up to Culpeper, and the 
pontoon trains have again been brought forward from Center- 
ville. I am glad to hear that there is some prospect of a general 
exchange of prisoners. If Bragg has captured any of importance, 
it will facilitate matters. Good-by, my dear son. Remember me 
in your prayers and always keep in your heart, 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

From his camp near Orange Court House, August 23, 1863, 
General Lee wrote Mrs. Lee that he hears his son is "doing 
well, is walking about, and has everything he wants except his 
liberty." He continues: 

You may see that a distinguished arrival at Washington is 
chronicled in the papers of that city, Miss Catherine Burke. She 
is reported to have given interesting accounts of the Lee family. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 285 

[This was one of the colored servants from Arlington.] My 
camp is near Mr. Erasmus Taylor's house, who has been very kind 
in contributing to our comfort. His wife sends us every day 
buttermilk, loaf bread, ice, and such vegetables as she has. I 
cannot get her to desist, though I have made two special visits to 
that effect. All the brides have come on a visit to the army — Mrs. 
Ewell, Mrs. Walker, Mrs. Heth, etc. General Meade's army is 
north of the Rappahannock, along the Orange and Alexandria 
Railroad. He is very quiet. 

And again, on September 4, 1863 : 

You see I am still here. When I last wrote, the indications were 
that the enemy would move against us any day; but this past week 
he has been very quiet, and seems at present to continue so. I 
was looking at him yesterday from Clark's Mountain. He has 
spread himself over a large surface, and looks immense, but I 
hope will not prove as formidable as he looks. He has, I believe, 
been sending off some of his troops to reinforce Rosecrans, and 
has been getting up others ; among them several negro regiments 
are reported. I can discover no diminution. 

And on September 18, 1863, from the same camp he tells her : 

The enemy state that they have heard of a great reduction in 
our forces here, and are now going to drive us back to Richmond. 
I trust they will not succeed. But our hope and refuge is in our 
merciful Father in heaven. 

I add some letters to his son Gen. Ctistis Lee, which, while 
treating of private matters mainly, are of deep interest as illus- 
trating his attention to minute details : 

Camp, nth January, 1863. 
I am delighted, my dear son, at your safe return to Richmond 
and to learn of your good health. Your letter which I have just 
received also strengthens my hope of our ability to hold the 
Mississippi. God grant that the integrity of the Confederacy may 
be thus preserved. I hope we will be able to do something for 
the servants. I executed a deed of manumission, embracing all 
the names sent me by your mother, and some that I recollected, 
but as I had nothing to refer to, but my memory, I fear many are 
omitted. It was my desire to manumit all the people of your 
grandfather, whether present on the several estates or not. I 
believe your mother only sent me the names of those present at 
the W. H. and Romancoke. Those that have left with the 



286 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

enemy may not require their manumission. Still, some may be 
found hereafter in the State, and at any rate I wished to give a 
complete list, and to liberate all, to show that your grandfather's 
wishes, so far as I was concerned, had been fulfilled. Do you not 
think that is the best course? If you can get the complete list, you 
can either have a deed drawn up embracing the whole, or a supple- 
mentary deed embracing those who have been omitted, stating 
they had been carried from the plantations by the enemy. Mr. 
Caskie says six men have been sent to Mr. Eacho by Mr. Chas. 
Scott, viz. : Obediah, George, Wesley, Henry, Edward, and Oscar. 

The latter may be intended for Parks, or Austin, but one of 
them is missing. Can you ascertain which, and where he is? 
Harrison was hired to the contractor of the Orange & Alex. R. R. 
Can you find out where he is? I shall pay wages to Perry and 
retain him until he or I can do better. You can do the same with 
Billy. The rest that are hired out had better be furnished with 
their papers, and be let go. But what can be done with those at 
the W. H. and Romancoke? Those at and about Arlington can 
take care of themselves I hope, and I have no doubt but all are 
gone who desire to do so. At any rate I can do nothing for them 
now. 

I am glad to receive the accts. of sales of the coupons. Those 
due on the ist inst. you can retain as long as you think proper. 

Camp, 3d March, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

Will you send the enclosed note to Mr. Taylor? Our mails 
are very uncertain now. It contains a draft. If my pants are 
done, will you give them to Mr. Thomas, the bearer, who will bring 
them up tomorrow. If they are not, keep them. I am in my last 
pair, and very sensitive, fearful of an accident. Our Federal 
neighbors are quiet. Their balloons are up during the day watch- 
ing our movements, and remain up half the night observing our 
camp-fires. They seem to be expecting us to move, and are quite 
vigilant. They appear in great numbers in our front, and no 
manifestations yet of their intentions. Give much love to your 
mother and Agnes, and present me to all friends. 

Very truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

March 31, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

I send you a note which I have lately received from Mr. 
Crockford. I have written to him to request that Harrison be 
sent to Mr. Eacho. Will you have his free papers given him ? 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 287 

I see that the Va. Central R. R. is offering $40 a month and 
board. I would recommend he engage with them, or on some 
other work at once. Can you get the proper evidence of Reuben's 
death and from what cause? 

He was of such a turbulent disposition that I have feared he 
may have caused it. I hope you may have been able to recover 
Parks. As regards Leanthe and Jim, I presume they had better 
remain with Mrs. D. this year, and at the end of it devote their 
earnings to their own benefit. But what can be done with poor 
little Jim? It would be cruel to turn him out on the world. He 
could not take care of himself. 

He had better be bound out to some one, until he can be got 
to his grandfather's. His father is unknown, and his mother 
dead or in unknown parts. I heard from poor little Rob the other 
day. He was well. Our bad weather continues. The ground this 
morning was covered with an inch or two of snow. An easterly 
rain is now prevailing, which will doubtless carry it all off, leaving 
us in a delightful slush of mud. I have no news. We have only 
to suffer. Cannot move, and the enemy will not. 

Give much love to your mother and Agnes. I hope you are all 
well. I am in very indifferent health. But hope I shall improve. 
I am weak, feverish, and altogether good for nothing, at the very 
time I require all my strength. 

Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp, nth May, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

These hot days remind me I must prepare to lighten my cloth- 
ing. Will you send me, by Thomas, the messenger of the A. and 
I. Gen'l., my gray sack, cotton drawers, and some cotton socks that 
I sent down last fall. Upon their arrival, I will send my flannels 
and will get you to put them in my trunk. You must excuse all 
the trouble I give you. I have no one else to aid me, and cannot 
leave here. 

If the President cannot visit the army, I must go to him for a 
day at least. In that event, I could make these exchanges myself. 
I found Ham in this army, and requested his employer to send him 
down to Mr. Eacho to get his free papers. 

I have not heard whether he obtained them. I heard from 
your mother yesterday. She was at Shirly, but did not seem 
satisfied. I fear she is no better. I wish I could do something for 
her relief. You will have heard of the death of General Jackson. 



288 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

It is a terrible loss. I do not know how to replace him. Any 
victory would be dear at such a cost. But God's will be done. 
His body goes to R. today. Give love to all. 

Truly and aff. your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Col. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp Orange, ioth August, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

I send a draft, No. 107, of the 7th inst. of Capt. H. C. Fairfax, 
a q. m. on Treasurer C. S. for $1500, in my favor, made payable to 
your order, which I wish you would deposit to my credit in 
Farmers Bank of Virginia at Richmond. 

Rob's trunk arrived safely yesterday, but the lieutenant had 
gone. It will be as difficult to get it to him now as before. We are 
all well. Our horses improve slowly this hot weather on short 
forage. We get grass and hay but little grain. 

However, this latter is increasing. I send a letter to your 
mother. It is addressed as she directed ; but I fear, as I hear 
nothing from her, there is no mail communication. 

If there is, please mail it. The enemy seems quiet now. The 
heat is excessive. We never move but we lose some horses, and 
men fall from exhaustion. Remember me to all friends, and 
believe me always, Your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp Orange, August 18, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

I have received your letter of the 15th, and thank you for the 
information of your mother, and Fitzhugh, etc. 

I have been much exercised as to how I can pay my taxes. I 
have looked out for assessors and gatherers in vain. I have sent to 
find collectors in the counties where I have been, without success. 
I wish to pay the amount as a matter of right and conscience, and 
for the benefit of the State, but cannot accomplish it. I see too 
by the papers that unless a man pays by the 9th of September, he 
is charged double. That will come hard on those who have always 
been anxious to meet the requirements of law. Can you pay for 
me in Richmond ? I do not know what I am chargeable for or how 
much I am to pay. I have nothing now not in the hands of the 
enemy, except $5,000 in C. S. bonds, which are not taxable I be- 
lieve, and $5,000 or $8,000 in N. C. bonds, I forget which, that you 
may recollect have not been issued to me for want of a receipt that 
cannot be found. Perhaps there is a memorandum in my private 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 289 

box. Mr. Macfarland knows. I do not know how those coupon 
bonds, I hold, of the States, etc., within the U. S. that are beyond 
my reach, and some you know not available, and which do not pay, 
are considered. 

In addition, I own three horses, a watch, my apparel and camp 
equipage. You know the condition of the estates of your grand- 
father. They are either in the hands of the enemy, or beyond my 
reach. The negroes have been liberated, everything swept off of 
them, houses, fences, etc., all gone. The land alone remains a 
waste. See if you can find some one that can enlighten you as to 
what I am to pay, both for myself and as executor of your grand- 
father's estates, and pay for me. I will send a check for the 
amount, if you will inform me. Give much love to all friends, and 
accept my warm love and prayers for your health and happiness. 

Very truly and aff'y, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp, ist October, 1863. 
My dear Custis : 

I have received a letter from the provost marshal at Staunton, 
stating that Mary and Sally Morris had been arrested in the 
Valley endeavoring to pass our lines. They showed a pass signed 
by you to go beyond the lines of the Confederate States. Having 
emancipated them, under the law, I consider now that I cannot 
treat them differently from other citizens of the C. States, though 
it would give me pleasure to aid them in any way in my power. 
Your pass is not sufficient to pass them through lines, and I do not 
give passes to white citizens, unless they show me authority from 
the Sec'y of War, or some other Cabinet officer, to leave the 
country. I do not think it right to do otherwise. I see by the 
papers that "Miss Francis Burke" has arrived in Washington, and 
given some pleasing revelations. I consider her a happy riddance, 
and that M. and S. would do us no more harm than others. What 
can be done for them? Truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

General Lee wrote to his wife under date October 19, 1863 : 

I have returned to the Rappahannock. I did not pursue with the 
main army beyond Bristoe or Broad Run. Our advance went as 
far as Bull Run, where the enemy was intrenched, extending his 
right as far as Chantilly, in the yard of which he was building a 
redoubt. I could have thrown him farther back, but I saw no 
chance of bringing him to battle, and it would have only served to 



290 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

fatigue our troops by advancing farther. If they had been pro- 
perly provided with clothes I would certainly have endeavored to 
have thrown them north of the Potomac ; but thousands were bare- 
footed, thousands with fragments of shoes, and all without over- 
coats, blankets, or warm clothing. I could not bear to expose 
them to certain suffering on an uncertain issue. 

From Camp Rappahannock, October 28, 1863, the General 
said to Mrs. Lee : 

I moved yesterday into a nice pine thicket, and Perry is today 
engaged in constructing a chimney in front of my tent, which will 
make it warm and comfortable. I have no idea when F. [his son, 
W. H. F. Lee] will be exchanged. The Federal authorities still 
resist all exchanges, because they think it is to our interest to 
make them. Any desire expressed on our part for the exchange of 
any individual magnifies the difficulty, as they at once think some 
great benefit is to result to us from it. His detention is very 
grievous to me, and, besides, I want his services. I am glad you 
have some socks for the army. Send them to me. They will come 
safely. Tell the girls to send all they can. I wish they could make 
some shoes too. We have thousands of barefooted men. There 
is no news. General Meade, I believe, is repairing the railroad, 
and I presume will come on again. If I could only get some shoes 
and clothes for the men, I would save him the trouble. 

About this time the City Council of Richmond, knowing that 
Arlington was in the hands of the Federal authorities, that the 
White House had been destroyed, and that General Lee's fam- 
ily w r as living in rented rooms in Richmond, unanimously voted 
that the city should present him with a house, and appointed a 
committee to purchase a suitable one; but as soon as the Gen- 
eral heard of it he wrote the president of the Council a letter 
in which he said : 

I assure you, sir, that no want of appreciation of the honor 
conferred upon me by this resolution, or insensibility to the kind 
feeling that prompted it, induces me to ask, as I most respectfully 
do, that no further proceedings be taken with reference to the 
subject. The house is not necessary for the use of my family, and 
my own 1 duties will prevent my residence in Richmond. I shall 
therefore be compelled to decline the generous offer, and trust that 
whatever means the City Council may have to spare for this 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 291 

purpose may be devoted to the relief of the families of our soldiers 
in the field, who are more in need of assistance and more deserv- 
ing of it than myself. 

The following correspondence explains itself, and is of deep 
interest. 

In a letter to President Davis, dated September 6, 1863, Gen- 
eral Lee said : 

As regards myself, should you think that the service will be 
benefited by my repairing to the Army of Tennessee, I will of 
course submit to your judgment. From your knowledge of all 
the circumstances of both armies you can come to a more correct 
conclusion than I can from my point of view. In my conversation 
with you on this subject when the question was proposed I did not 
intend to decline the service if it was desired that I should under- 
take it, but merely to express the opinion that the duty could be 
better performed by the officers already in that department. 

Mr. Davis replied : 

Richmond, September 8, 1863. 
Gen. R. E. Lee : 

Have considered your letter, believe your presence in the West- 
ern Army would be worth more than the addition of a corps, but 
fear the effect of your absence from Virginia. Did not doubt 
your willingness to do whatever was best for the country, and 
suggest your aid to determine that question. Have sent you all 
additional information to aid your further consideration of prob- 
lems discussed with you here. 

Jefferson Davis. 

As bearing on the same general question the following letters 
of later date may be given here : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

December 3, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States, Richmond. 

Mr. President : I have considered with some anxiety the con- 
dition of affairs in Georgia and Tennessee. My knowledge of 
events has been principally derived from the public papers, and 
the impressions I have received may be erroneous, but there ap- 
pears to me to be grounds to apprehend that the enemy may pene- 
trate Georgia, and get possession of our depots of provisions and 
important manufactories. I see it stated that General Bragg has 



292 LIFE AND LEfTERS OF LEE 

been relieved from command, and that General Hardee is only act- 
ing until another commander shall be assigned to that army. I 
know the difficulties that surround this subject, but if General 
Beauregard is considered suitable for the position, I think he can 
be replaced at Charleston by General Gilmer. More force, in my 
opinion, is required in Georgia, and it can only be had, so far as 
I know, from Mississippi, Mobile, and the department of South 
Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. The occupation of Cleveland by 
the enemy cuts off General Longstreet from his base, and unless 
he succeeds quickly in defeating General Burnside he will have to 
retire either into Virginia or North Carolina. I see no reason why 
Gen. Sam Jones should not be ordered to advance to his support, 
or at least to divert the attention of the column that is said to be 
moving on Charleston, Tennessee. 

I have ventured to trouble your Excellency with these sug- 
gestions, as I know how much your attention is occupied with the 
general affairs of the country, especially as the session of Congress 
approaches. I think that every effort should be made to con- 
centrate as large a force as possible under the best commander 
to insure the discomfiture of Grant's army. To do this and gain 
the great advantage that would accrue from it the safety of points 
practically less important than those endangered by his army must 
be hazarded. Upon the defense of the country threatened by Gen- 
eral Grant depends the safety of the points now held by us on the 
Atlantic, and they are in as great danger from his successful 
advance as by the attacks to which they are at present directly 
subjected, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Richmond, December 5, 1863. 
Gen. R. E. Lee, Orange Court House : 

Could you consistently go to Dalton, as heretofore explained? 

Jefferson Davis. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

Rapidan, December 7, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States, Richmond. 

Mr. President : I have had the honor to receive your dispatch 
inquiring whether I could go to Dalton. I can, if desired, but of 
the expediency of the measure you can judge better than I can. 
Unless it is intended that I should take permanent command, 
I can see no good that will result, even if in that event any could 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 293 

be accomplished. I also fear that I would not receive cordial co- 
operation, and I think it necessary if I am withdrawn from here 
that a commander for this army be sent to it. General Ewell's 
condition, I fear, is too feeble to undergo the fatigue and labor 
incident to the position. I hope your Excellency will not suppose 
that I am offering any obstacles to any measure you may think 
necessary. I only seek to give the opportunity to form your 
opinion after a full consideration of the subject. I have not that 
confidence either in my strength or ability that would lead me of 
my own opinion to undertake the command in question. 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

1 R. E. Lee, 
General. 

It is useless to discuss what might have been, but it is a mat- 
ter of curious interest that the President very seriously thought 
of sending Lee to command the Army of Tennessee, and that 
while he preferred to remain with the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, he was willing to go wherever ordered. What the result 
would have been cannot, of course, be determined now, but 
this much is at least certain : If Lee had taken the command 
of that noble army he would have soon won their confidence 
and their love, and those superb soldiers would have responded 
enthusiastically to every call of their chief. But there was 
only one Lee, and the President finally decided that he could 
not be spared from the Army of Northern Virginia. 

The following letter pays a just tribute to the gallant troops 
of "the old North State" : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

September 9, 1863. 
Hon. James A. Seddon, 

Secretary of War, Richmond, Va. 

Sir: The letter of Governor Vance of North Carolina of 
August 20, with regard to the causes of dissatisfaction among 
the North Carolina troops in this army, with your indorsement, 
has been received. I regret exceedingly the jealousies, heart- 
burnings, and other evil consequences resulting from the crude 
misstatements of newspaper correspondents, who have necessarily 
a very limited acquaintance with the facts about which they write, 
and who magnify the deeds of troops from their own States at 
the expense of others. But I can see no remedy for' this. Men 



294 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

seem to prefer sowing discord to inculcating harmony. In the 
reports of the officers justice is done to the brave soldiers of North 
Carolina, whose heroism and devotion have rendered illustrious 
the name of the State on every battlefield on which the Army 
of Northern Virginia has been engaged 

I believe it would be better to have no correspondents of the 
press with the army 

I need not say that I will with pleasure aid Governor Vance in 
removing every reasonable cause of complaint on the part of men 
who have fought so gallantly and done so much for the cause of 
our country; and I hope that he will also do all in his power to 
cultivate a spirit of harmony, and to bring to punishment the dis- 
affected who use these causes of discontent to further their treason- 
able designs. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

The following was his letter of congratulation to General 
Longstreet on the battle of Chickamauga : 

Headquarters, Orange, September 25, 1863. 
Lieut.-Gen. J. Longstreet. 

General: If it gives you as much pleasure to receive my 
warmest congratulations as it does me to convey them, this letter 
will not have been written in vain. My whole heart and soul 
have been with you and your brave corps in your late battle. It 
was natural to hear of Longstreet and Hill charging side by side, 
and pleasing to find the armies of the East and West vying with 
each other in valor and devotion to their country. A complete 
and glorious victory must ensue under such circumstances. I 
hope the result will equal the beginning, and that General Bragg 
will be able to reoccupy Tennessee. I grieve for the gallant dead 
and mourn for our brave Hood. The names of others have reached 
me, but I hope the report of their fall may not prove true. Finish 
the work before you, my dear general, and return to me. I want 
you badly, and you cannot get back too soon. Your departure was 
known to the enemy as soon as it occurred. General Meade has 
been actively engaged collecting his forces, and is now up to the 
Rapidan. All his troops that were sent North have returned, and 
reinforcements are daily arriving. His cavalry and engineers are 
constantly reconnoitering, and a vigorous effort was made Mon- 
day and Tuesday to turn our left. We are endeavoring to main- 
tain a bold front, and shall endeavor to delay them all we can till 
you return. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 295 

Present my sincere compliments and admiration to the officers 
around yon, and accept for yourself and command my ardent 
wishes for the welfare and happiness of all. 

Very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

The following in letters to Mrs. Lee is very much like the 
man: 

Camp, November 21, 1863. 

I see by the papers that our son has been sent to Fort Lafayette. 
Any place would be better than Fort Monroe with Butler in com- 
mand. His long confinement is very grievous to me, yet it may all 
turn out for the best. 

November 25, 1863. 

The kindness exhibited toward you as well as myself by our 
people, in addition to exciting my gratitude, causes me to reflect 
how little I have done to merit it, and humbles me in my own eyes 
to a painful degree. I am very sorry the weather was so bad that 
I could not give the President a review. I wanted him to see the 
troops, and wanted them to see him. 

He writes the following concerning Meade's expedition to 
Mine Run : 

Camp Rapidan, December 4, 1863. 

You will probably have seen that General Meade has retired to 
his old positions on the Rappahannock without giving us battle. I 
had expected, from his movements and all that I had heard, that it 
was his intention to do so, and after the first day, when I thought 
it necessary to skirmish pretty sharply with him on both flanks to 
ascertain his views, I waited patiently his attack. On Tuesday, 
however, I thought he had changed his mind, and that night made 
preparations to move around his left next morning and attack him. 
But when day dawned he was nowhere to be seen. He had com- 
menced to withdraw at dark Tuesday evening. We pursued to the 
Rapidan, but he was over. Owing to the nature of the ground, it 
was to our advantage to receive rather than to make the attack, and 
as he about doubled us in numbers, I wished to have that advantage. 
I am greatly disappointed at his getting off with so little damage, 
but we do not know what is best for us. I believe a kind God has 
ordered all things for our good. 



296 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I give other letters to his young lady cousins : 

Orange, 25th December, 1863. 
My dear Cousin Margaret : 

I take advantage of a few quiet moments this holy morning to 
write to you, for the thought of you always brings me pleasure 
and adds to my causes for gratitude to our merciful God for all 
the blessings bestowed upon me. I have recently returned from 
Richmond, where I thought much of you and wished for your pres- 
ence that afforded so much pleasure to my former visit. I caught 
glimpses of sweet Carrie, but she was so surrounded by her little 
beaux that little could be got from her. But there was one tall 
one with her, a signal man of that voracious family of Randolphs, 
whom I threatened with Castle Thunder. I did not see her look 
at Rob once. But you know he is to take her home on certain con- 
ditions. I hope your mother has given her consent and that the 
cakes are baking. I also saw happy Mrs. Ada. Her face was 
luminous with content and she looked as if she thought there was 
but one person in the world. Mrs. Randolph was as handsome as 
ever, and she was as kind and sweet as she is beautiful. Nothing 
more can be said for her. Mr. R. is much better, looks indeed quite 
well. But I was grieved at the condition in which I found your 
poor Cousin Mary. She is now a great sufferer. Cannot walk at 
all, can scarcely move, but Mildred has returned and I hope now 
she will be more comfortable. She is going to move to my old 
quarters next to Mrs. Randolph. Go down and help disperse the 
club. The members are all aghast. Custis says he cannot be mar- 
ried now till six months after the ratification of peace — the day on 
which all the public dues are payable. So you will have to visit 
Maggie. I left Richmond with a sad heart. Charlotte, who was so 
well on my arrival, looking like herself again, so cheerful, affec- 
tionate and sweet, was taken sick two or three days before my 
departure and completely prostrated. She seemed exceedingly 
weak, though somewhat relieved the night before I left. The 
change between my arrival and departure was so sudden and un- 
expected to me, that I am filled with sadness, yet can do nothing. 
I pray she may be relieved. You must give a great deal of love to 
your father and mother for me. May every happiness attend you 
also and may a kind God in His infinite mercy before the return 
of the anniversary of this blessed day, give us our independence 
and restore us to peace and happiness. 

Truly and aff'y, your cousin, 

R. E. Lee. 
Miss Margaret Stuart. 



THE THIRD YEAS OF THE WAR 297 

Camp, Orange Co., 29th December, 1863. 
My dear Cousin Margaret : 

I received today your note of the nth with a present to Butts, 
for which he returns his warmest thanks. He is not, however, 
a soldier and you must not consider yourself obliged to work for 
him. Captain Randolph's corps is fortunate in having your mother 
and her daughters to provide for them. I think many will join 
it. I fear from what Mrs. Randolph said when she was in Rich- 
mond that you never heard that the bucket of pickle you were so 
kind as to send us reached me safely. I requested little Carrie at 
the time to thank you when she wrote. We have enjoyed it very 
much and yet have a supply. You will probably hear by the time 
this reaches you of the death of our dear Charlotte. I know you 
will sympathize with us. I loved her with a father's love and 
grieve for her as only a father can grieve for a daughter. She was 
inexpressibly dear to me and held in my heart an equal place with 
dear Fitzhugh. How keen will be his anguish and how bitter to 
him his captivity. May God give him strength to bear this 
affliction and sanctify to him the blow thus unexpectedly dealt ! 
The ties to earth are taken, one by one, by our Merciful God to 
turn our hearts to Him and to show us that the object of this life 
is to prepare for a better and brighter world. May we all be 
there united to praise and worship Him forever and ever! 

With affectionate regards to your father and mother, 

I am most sincerely yours, 

R. E. Lee. 
Miss Margaret Stuart. 

" Gen. W. H. F. Lee, while still in prison, had to befall him a 
great affliction in the death of his two children, and then his 
wife. His father wrote as follows concerning it : 

Sunday Morning, December 27, 1863. 
Custis's dispatch which I received last night demolished all the 
hopes in which I had been indulging during the day of dear 
Charlotte's recovery. It has pleased God to take from us one 
exceedingly dear to us, and we must be resigned to His holy will. 
She, I trust, will enjoy peace and happiness forever, while we must 
patiently struggle on under all the ills that may be in store for us. 
What a glorious thought it is that she has joined her little cherubs 
and our Angel Annie [his daughter] in heaven ! Thus is link by 
link of the strong chain broken that binds us to earth, and smoothes 
our passage to another world. Oh, that we may be at last united 
in that haven of rest, where trouble and sorrow never enter, to join 



298 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

in an everlasting chorus of praise and glory to our Lord and 
Saviour ! I grieve for our lost darling as a father only can grieve 
for a daughter, and my sorrow is heightened by the thought of the 
anguish her death will cause our dear son, and the poignancy it will 
give to the bars of his prison. May God in His mercy enable him 
to bear the blow He has so suddenly dealt and sanctify it to his 
everlasting happiness. 

I can barely allude to the religious interest in the Army, 
which, as I know from personal interviews with him, was a 
source of such great gratification to General Lee. There had 
been from the first a great deal of religious feeling among the 
troops, and a large number of the higher officers were active 
Christians. There had been revivals at previous periods. But 
while we were resting along the Rapidan there began a great 
and general revival which made well-nigh every camp vocal 
with God's praises, and which went graciously on until, as one 
result, over 15,000 men in Lee's army professed faith in Christ 
and enlisted under the banner of the cross. The revival really 
did not cease until the surrender at Appomattox, and it is be- 
lieved that no army in the world's history ever had in it so 
much of genuine, devout piety, so much of active work for 
Christ, as the Army of Northern Virginia under the command 
of our noble Christian leader. The letters which follow more 
properly belong, as far as their dates would indicate, to the 
next chapter, but I insert them here that the current of the story 
of the great campaign of 1864 may not be interrupted. After 
his son had been released from prison, General Lee wrote him 
the following touching letter : 

Camp, Orange County, April 24, 1864. 
I received last night, my dear son, your letter of the 226.. It 
has given me great comfort. God knows how I loved your dear, 
dear wife, how sweet her memory is to me, and how I mourn her 
loss. My grief could not be greater if you had been taken from 
me. You were both equally dear to me. My heart is too full to 
speak on this subject, nor can I write. But my grief is for our- 
selves, not for her. She is brighter and happier than ever — safe 
from all evil, and awaiting us in her heavenly abode. May God 
in His mercy enable us to join her in eternal praise to our Lord 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 299 

and Saviour. Let us humbly bow ourselves before Him, and offer 
perpetual prayer for pardon and forgiveness. But we cannot 
indulge in grief, however mournfully pleasing. Our country de- 
mands all our strength, all our energies. To resist the powerful 
combination now forming against us will require every man at his 
place. If victorious, we have everything to hope for in the future. 
If defeated, nothing will be left us to live for. I have not heard 
what action has been taken by the Department in reference to my 
recommendations concerning the organization of the cavalry. But 
we have no time to wait, and you had better join your brigade. 
This week will in all probability bring us active work, and we must 
strike fast and strong. My whole trust is in God, and I am ready 
for whatever He may ordain. May He guide, guard and strengthen 
us, is my constant prayer ! 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. William F. Lee. 

During the whole of that winter Mrs. Lee and her daughters 
were busy knitting socks for the soldiers, and during a brief visit 
to Richmond the commander-in-chief brought up himself a bag 
of socks, and on March 18 he wrote as follows : 

I arrived safely yesterday. There were sixty-seven pairs of 
socks in the bag I brought up instead of sixty-four, as you sup- 
posed, and I found here three dozen pairs of beautiful white-yarn 
socks, sent over by our kind cousin Julia and sweet little Carrie, 
making one hundred and three pairs, all of which I sent to the 
Stonewall brigade. One dozen of the Stuart socks had double 
heels. Can you not teach Mildred [his daughter] that stitch? 
They sent me also some hams, which I had rather they had eaten. 
I pray that you may be preserved and relieved from all your 
troubles, and that we may all be again united here on earth and 
forever in heaven. 

Under date of January 17, 1864, he thus writes to his young- 
est son Robert, who was stationed with the cavalry near Char- 
lottesville : 

Tell Fitz I grieve over the hardships and sufferings of his men 
in their late expedition. I would have preferred his waiting for 
more favorable weather. He accomplished much under the cir- 
cumstances, but would have done more in better weather. I am 
afraid he was anxious to get back to the ball. This is a bad time 
for such things. We have too grave subjects on hand to engage in 



300 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

such trivial amusements. I would rather his officers should enter- 
tain themselves in fattening their horses, healing their men, and 
recruiting their regiments. There are too many Lees on the com- 
mittee. I like them all to be present at battles, but can excuse them 
at balls. But the saying is, "Children will be children." I think 
he had better move his camp farther from Charlottesville, and 
perhaps he will get more work and less play. He and I are too 
old for such assemblies. I want him to write me how his men are, 
his horses, and what I can do to fill up his ranks. 

From camp, April 2, 1864, he wrote Mrs. Lee : 

Your note with the socks arrived last evening. I have sent 
them to the Stonewall brigade ; they number all right — thirty 
pairs. Including this last parcel of thirty pairs, I have sent to 
that brigade two hundred and sixty-three pairs. Still, there are 
about one hundred and forty whose homes are within the enemy's 
lines and who are without socks. I shall continue to furnish them 
till all are supplied. Tell the young women to work hard for the 
brave Stonewallers. 

And once more, from Orange County, April 21, 1864: 

Your note with bag of socks reached me last evening. The 
number was correct — thirty-one pairs. I sent them to the Stone- 
wall brigade, which is not yet supplied. Sixty-one pairs from the 
ladies in Fauquier have reached Charlottesville, and I hope will be 
distributed soon. Now that Miss Bettie Brander has come to the 
aid of my daughters, the supply will soon be increased. 

Camp, Orange Co., 19th March, 1864. 
My beautiful Carrie : 

The pleasure I derived from your note of the 10th was disturbed 
by the knowledge of the labors you have bestowed upon my coat. 
How did you get it? I thought Custis had hid it away. It is 
too soon yet for you to undertake such work. You will have 
plenty of opportunity to show your skill upon Rob's garments I 
hope. He is now, however, nearly hopeless. He says although 
your kind mother made him 500 cakes, it produced not the least 
effect upon you. What more he can offer he is at a loss to conceive. 
I sincerely thank you for your remembrance of me and your kind 
consideration for my comfort. I shall enjoy my coat very much 
and value it more highly than ever. I was very glad to see your 
sweet sister Margaret in Richmond. She was, of course, attended 
by the signal corps. As soon as Gen. Edward Johnson drives back 
Meade's army, I am going to let him go to Cleydall — not before. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 301 

You can all afford to call others "hard headed." "First cast out 
the beam of thine own eye." Give much love to your father, 
mother, Miss Ada, and little Julian, and believe me always truly, 

Yours, 

R. E. Lee. 
Miss Carrie Stuart. 

Camp, Orange Co., 29th March, 1864. 
I take advantage, dear Cousin Margaret, of the opportunity 
offered by the accompanying letter to acknowledge the receipt 
tonight of yours of the 28th. The superscription of this missent 
epistle reminds me strongly of the chirography of Gen. Edward 
Johnson. The suspicions of the postmasters at least have been 
excited from its being turned out of its way to me. Its arrival with 
your note is somewhat of a suggestive coincidence. I think I 
ought to send it to your mother. But I feel I can trust you, and 
that you will not forget your promise. I hope you are not begin- 
ning to think of leaving Richmond yet. Remain until warm 
weather. I shall have no hope of seeing you after you cross the 
Rappahannock. I know what a comfort you will be to your poor 
Cousin Mary. You will relieve her of her pains and I trust hasten 
her relief from her great affliction. Then you ought to come and 
see me. The indications at present are that we shall have a hard 
struggle. General Grant is with the Army of Potomac. All the 
officers' wives are sick and have been sent to Washington. No 
ingress or egress from the lines are now permitted, nor are papers 
allowed to come out. They claim to be assembling a large force. 
You must give us your sweet prayers, for you always have the 
love of, Yours affectionately, 

R. E. Lee. 

Camp, Orange Co., 20th March, 1864. 
I enclose to your care, dear Cousin Margaret, notes to your 
mother and little sister which I hope you can send to them without 
trouble. I wish also to say to you that you must write me that 
letter over again. In the pile that I found on my table there was 
not one line from you. Are you sure you wrote it? Perhaps it 
was to some other old general in this army. This makes two of 
your letters that the public have deprived me of. I can tell you for 
your satisfaction that General Johnson is well, that General Early 
has just returned from a visit home, and is handsomer than ever. 
He looks high in his new garments, and the black plume in his 
beaver gives him the air of a gay cavalier. You will have to pay 
us another visit, Maggie, but no one wants to see you as much as 
your cousin. Present my kind regards to Mrs. Randolph. Tell 



302 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

her I thought of her before 12 o'clock the day I left, for I missed 
my breakfast. She knows the pleasure the recollection of her 
always gives me, but that morning it brought material comfort. 
Tell Miss Jeannie I hope the dear Dr. is happy. 

Truly and affectionately, yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

Camp, Orange Co., 7th April, 1864. 
My dear Cousin Margaret : 

I send you a pincushion made on the banks of the Ohio. The 
sentiment on its face I trust inspires the action of every man in the 
Confederacy, whilst their hearts overflow with the passion on its 
reverse. A soldier's heart you know is divided between love and 
glory. One goes to Richmond today who has his share of both. 
You will probably see him. Elevate his desire for the latter, but do 
not hearken to his words on the former. Soliciting your prayers 
for the safety of the army, the success of our cause, and the restor- 
ation of peace to our country. 

I am, with great affection, 

Very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 
Miss Margaret Stuart. 

Camp, Orange Co., 29th March, 1864. 

I received tonight, my dear son, your letter of the 25th, return- 
ing Colonel Stevens's. The recommendation of you to succeed 
General Elzey is highly complimentary. No one can predict with 
certainty with what success you would operate, but I think you 
will do as well as those at least who have preceded you. 

I see no reason why you should not be successful. You have 
intelligence, energy, strength, and the independence of the country 
at heart. The time is coming, indeed has come, when every one 
must put out their strength. They cannot consult their feelings or 
individual opinions where to serve, but must take those positions 
where it is reasonably evident they will be of most value. If you 
can be of more service in commanding the troops around Rich- 
mond, than in your present position, I think you ought to accept. 

The prospect is now stronger than a week since that the struggle 
in Virginia for Richmond will be continued. Grant is now with 
the Army of the Potomac. The impression in that army is that he 
will operate it. Burnside is collecting an army at Annapolis. 

It will probably be thrown on one of our flanks. There are indi- 
cations that more troops will be sent to the Valley of the Shen- 
andoah. It is said they have commenced to rebuild the R. R. from 
Harper's Ferry to Winchester. Everything at this time is sug- 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 303 

gestive of another attempt on Richmond. It may be intended to 
mislead us, but it must not be neglected. The troops around 
Richmond may have an important part to play. 

They should be well prepared and well commanded. I would 
rather have you there than any one I could now select. I hope 
therefore you will decide wisely. But if you do not accept the 
position, I think from the fact that it was tendered to you, con- 
nected with the former proposition for you to command in the 
Valley, it is evident that the President thinks your services in the 
field are desirable. You can, therefore, signify your desire for it, 
in some other capacity than that suggested. It is necessary that 
the corps of engineers attached to this army should be reor- 
ganized and strengthened. I also want a proper chief. 

If you do not take the service now offered, and will accept that 
of Chief of Engineers of this army, I will apply for you. If you do 
not take it, I must get some one else. I never had any conversation 
with the President as to the rank the chief would hold, and, 
therefore, cannot speak on that point. I would prefer to have a 
general officer on many accounts, as he could take command of the 
troops operating under him. There will be an engineer regiment 
under Colonel Talcott, several companies of pioneers, under charge 
of engineer officers, engineer officers with the staff of the army, 
etc., etc., and I think it would form a proper command for a 
brigadier-general. You would be of great comfort and assist- 
ance to me as chief of staff, but I think it probable the position 
of chief of engineers would be more agreeable to you. You refuse 
command because you have no experience in the field. I appreciate 
the motives. But until you come in the field you never will gain 
experience. I think now is the time for you to take the field in 
some capacity. I assure you every one that has capacity will be 
much needed. 

If Grant operates the army in Virginia, he will concentrate a 
large force on one or more lines. Unless we can take the 
initiative in the West to disturb their plans, we shall have to 
concentrate to meet him. I shall require all the aid I can get. 
Fitzhugh has reached Stuart's camp this evening. I have not 
seen him. There is a terrible rain-storm raging, and we are pretty- 
much deluged. I have written for him to come over in the morn- 
ing. I am glad to hear that all are well. Give much love to your 
mother and the girls. God bless, guide, and protect you, my dear 
son, Your father, 

R. E. Lee. 



304 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Camp, 9th April, 1864. 
My dear Custis : 

I have delayed replying to your letter of the 5th to see what 
action would be had upon my application for a chief engineer of 
this army. By the order received last evening directing General 
Smith to report to me for engineer duty, I conclude the President 
has decided against my application for you. 

I thought that position presented less objections to your serving 
with me than any other. Though a member of the general staff 
of the army, your operations, presence, etc., would have been with 
the Corps of Engineers and as independent as any other com- 
mander, while your work would have been obvious to all and 
spoken for itself. As chief of staff, your connection with me would 
be more intimate, your work more a part of my own, your action 
less distinct and separate, and assumed at least to be by my 
direction. 

This would be very agreeable to me, but more open to all the 
objections that could be brought against your holding the place 
of Chief of Engineers. I presume, therefore, it would not be 
favorably considered. It is a delicate matter to apply for any' one 
on the staff of another. I am not certain that it is proper to ask 
for one, serving with the President. In addition it is more im- 
portant that he should have the aid he desires than I should. 
Although, therefore, anxious to have you, I am at a loss how to 
proceed. I know the kind feelings of the President toward you, 
and to me, and to my wants he has always shown the kindest 
consideration. 

I want all the aid I can get now. I feel a marked change in my 
strength since my attack last spring at Fredericksburg, and am less 
competent for my duty than ever. I admire the sentiments that 
induced you to decline the command around Richmond. But the 
reasons that operated in that case will prevail in all similar, and 
are not likely to be changed by time, should you continue where 
you are. 

•However, it is done, and I believe will turn out for the best. I 
have a high opinion of Generals Kemper and Mahone in the posi- 
tions in which they have been tested. How they would do in others, 
it is difficult to say. A single road I believe General M. would 
manage admirably. He could attend to it personally and would 
see to everything himself. Over a more extended field, the chain 
through all the Confederacy, it is also problematic. 

Give much love to everybody, and believe me always, 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 305 

Camp, 30th April, 1864. 
My dear Custis : 

Nothing of much interest has occurred during the past week. 
The reports of scouts all indicate large preparations on the part 
of the enemy, and a state of readiness for action. The Ninth 
Corps is reported to be encamped (or rather was on the 27th) on 
the O. & A. R. R., between Fairfax Ct. H. and Alexandria. 

This is corroboration of information sent the President yester- 
day, but there may be some mistakes as to the fact or number of 
corps. All their troops north of the Rappahannock have been 
moved south, their guards called in, etc. The garrisons, provost 
guards, etc., in Northern cities have been brought forward and 
replaced by State troops. A battalion of heavy artillery is said to 
have recently arrived in Culpeper, numbering 3,000. 

I presume these are the men stated in their papers to have been 
drawn from the forts in N. Y. Harbor. I wish we could make 
corresponding preparations. If I could get back Pickett, Hoke, 
and B. R. Johnson, I would feel strong enough to operate. 

I have been endeavoring for the last eight or ten days to move 
Imboden against the B. & O. R. R. in its unprotected state, but 
have not been able. I presume he has his difficulties, as well as 
myself. I am afraid it is too late now. I cannot yet get the troops 
together for want of forage, and am looking for grass. 

Endeavor to get accurate information from the Peninsula, James 
River, etc. My scouts have not returned from Annapolis, and may 
get back too late. Your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp, Petersburg, 27th August, 1864. 
My dear Custis : 

I have received your letter of the 26th. I issued the order for 
the reorganization of Dearing's and Young's brigades, etc., as 
soon as received from the A. and I. General's office. As far as I 
could judge from the reports made to me it produced dissatisfac- 
tion. I replied I knew none of the reasons for the change ordered, 
but that they must be made unless countermanded by the A. and I. 
General, from whom the order emanated. Hampton requested 
permission to present a counterproject to effect the same purpose, 
which he thought better, which was assented to, and which was 
forwarded to the A. and I. General. 

The troops have been in such constant motion and action that 
the order for the changes could not without detriment have been 
carried out, and I understand from H. that it would probably 



306 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

be modified. I will get the papers and see if the difficulties stated 
can be harmonized. I think the brigades can be made homo- 
geneous without separating commands who are anxious to serve 
together. 

I think it important to satisfy the men as well as officers. All 
have a hard time, and I am anxious to promote pleasant feelings, 
and take away any excuse for bad conduct, desertion, etc. I am 
very much occupied now, and am much in the field. It may be 
some days before I can attend to this matter. 

There are several things about which I wish to see the President 
and shall take the first day when there is an indication of quiet 
to go to Richmond. Grant is moving his troops backward and 
forward, right and left, constantly, and it is difficult to discover his 
intention. The worst of it is, he is so situated that he can disclose 
and conceal such movements as he desires. You must thank 
Major F. for the packages. I have received a letter from his 
brother which I have not been able to reply to. I do not want the 
articles sent here. I will attend to them if I go to Richmond. 

I have only one earthly want, that God in His infinite mercy will 
send our enemies back to their homes. I am glad that F. R. and 
Bev. are doing well. Tell the former his division did splendidly 
on the 25th, charging the enemy's breastworks on foot, as if they 
were armed with bayonets. He should not have gotten poisoned. 
What did B. let them strike him for? I am much concerned about 
Bev. I trust he will do well. I have just received three stand of 
colors taken by Chambliss's brigade. Where are daughter and 
sweet Annie gone to? They had better come to see their papa. 
The sight of them would assuage the flies by day, and mosquitoes 
by night. 

Between the two I have no peace. If there was an unsmoked 
mouth in the house, I would send them a kiss, but the thing is out 
of the question. Ask Miss Mary Triplett to officiate for me. I 
can assure them they will be the gainers. Love to all, and kind 
regards to the gentlemen. Truly your father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Camp, 24th July, 1864. 
My dear Son : 

I have received your letter of the 20th. Colonel Carter's report 
of his operations was very satisfactory, as far as they went, but 
they are not sufficient to arrest the navigation of the river. Noth- 
ing less, in my opinion, will produce the result desired. 

I have written to General Ewell on the subject, and I wish if in 
your power you would help him to a conclusion. I sent yester- 



THE THIRD YEAR OF THE WAR 307 

day General Kershaw's division to Chaffin's, which I can ill spare, 
and which I fear I shall be obliged soon to recall. General Early 
telegraphs that the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps, he learned on the 
23d, were moving back through Leesburg toward Alexandria. 

I presume it is for the purpose of returning to Grant, when I 
shall require all the troops I can get. If anything can therefore 
be done, it must be done quickly. I directed General Kershaw to 
take command of the brigades under Conner, examine the enemy's 
position at Dutch bottom, and see what could be done. 

I have not heard from him yet. The Sixtieth Alabama has been 
returned to Grade's brigade, and B. R. Johnson's old brigade has 
been sent in its place. The latter seemed much worn down, and 
I was in hopes a little relief would bring it up. General Gary does 
not seem yet to have his cavalry well in hand, and perhaps on its 
present duties it is impossible to give it that instruction and dis- 
cipline it requires. 

But until he does get it in that condition, it will never possess 
steadiness or reliability. Where are we to get sufficient troops to 
oppose Grant ? He is bringing to him now the Nineteenth Corps, 
and will bring every man he can get. His talent and strategy 
consists in accumulating overwhelming numbers. I see it stated in 
the papers that the enemy has abandoned the Trans-Miss, country. 
Is it so? They must be very weak, and unless Kirby Smith can 
operate to advantage in Missouri he had better cross to this side. 
There must be few troops in Canby's department, now that the 
Nineteenth Corps has been withdrawn. I received the package 
of clothes. They are very nice, and suit admirably. They are so 
much admired that I fear I shall have many applicants for their 
loan from the beaux. I saw F. and Rob yesterday. Both well. 
Please send the accompanying letter to your mother if you can. 
I am glad to learn she is improving. 

Your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 

Near Petersburg, 13th December, 1864. 
My dear Son : 

I have been expecting to see you for some weeks, but each day 
that I have appointed to return to the north side of the James River, 
some movement of the enemy has occurred, or some rumor of a 
projected movement has reached me, to prevent. Yesterday week 
I had directed our caravan to be prepared to move the next day, 
but during the night, or rather before day the next morning, I 
heard of their last move down the plank road, and had to put our 
troops in motion. 



308 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

We succeeded in arresting them at the Meherrin and turning 
them back. Their route of retreat was due east in direction of 
Sussex Ct. H., and thus their infantry got out of our way, and 
we could only strike their rear-guard of cavalry. 

The weather was wretched, and I fear our men and animals 
suffered much. The enemy reached their camps last night and our 
men are coming in this morning. Their prisoners stated they 
were going to Weldon, and I suppose were bound on a distant 
mission as they carried beef cattle and a long train of wagons. 
Their trains, etc., were all east of their route march. We did them 
little harm I fear. They destroyed about six miles of R. R., so 
the Supt. reports, and burned some small bridges. During this 
operation they attempted to turn our right flank, and to reach 
Dinwiddie Ct. H. In this they also failed. I do not know what 
they will do next. I have a nice pair of woolen gloves, gauntlet 
shaped, which may keep you warm this cold weather. If you 
want them will send them up. If you do not, let me know. 

I am afraid you will ruin my character with the young ladies, 
and may cause that of the family for fidelity to be suspected. 
Several of them wishing, I suppose, to see how they would like 
me as a father-in-law, have requested my photograph, which I 
have promised, and have relied on those you were to have sent me. 
Not one has ever reached me, and I am taxed with breach of 
promise. See what a strait you have placed me in. Rob got 
here on Tuesday and I had to forward him next day on Ajax. He 
had, I fear, a disagreeable ride as it rained all day. 

I hope you and your men are comfortable and that everything is 
well with you. Have you been able to pole the road through that 
slushy wood? God bless and keep you, my dear son, is the daily 
prayer of your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. G. W. Custis Lee. 



CHAPTER VIII 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 

The last year of the war — Relative numbers and resources — Battle of the 
Wilderness — Spottsylvania Court House — Sheridan's raid and the 
death of Stuart — Hanover Junction — Cold Harbor — Fearful slaughter 
of 13,500 Federals to only 750 Confederates — Failure to carry Peters- 
burg by assault — Failure of Hunter to capture Lynchburg — Defeat 
of Sheridan at Trevilhan's Depot by Llampton and Fitz Lee — Hunter 
driven from Lynchburg and Early advancing on Washington — Grant 
besieging Richmond and Petersburg — Summary of the campaign — 
The siege of Petersburg and many brilliant affairs — Early's Valley 
campaign — In winter quarters — Lee's bold plan to unite with Johns- 
ton, and strike Sherman defeated by the weather, the roads, and the 
weakness of his starved horses — Capture of Fort Steadman — Letters 
showing Lee's feelings, hopes, and fears — Opening of the campaign — 
The immense odds of numbers and resources which Grant opposed to 
Lee — Confederate disaster at Five Forks — Lee's lines broken in 
several places at Petersburg — Evacuation of Richmond and Peters- 
burg — Retreat — Great disaster at Sailor's Creek — The true story of 
Appomattox as told by General Lee himself — The story of Grant and 
Lee meeting under an apple tree and Grant returning Lee's sword 
refuted — General Lee's farewell address to his army — The magnan- 
imous treatment of Lee and his army by Grant and his troops — Lee's 
agony of mind but calm deportment — Capt. Robert E. Lee's recol- 
lections. 

The supreme conflict was yet to come in the last struggle of 
the South for its independence. 

General Grant, who had won so wide a reputation by his 
capture of Vicksburg, and his victory over Bragg at Chatta- 
nooga, was now made lieutenant-general, and commander-in- 
chief of the Federal forces. He chose to send Sherman against 
J. E. Johnston, who now commanded the Confederate army in 
northern Georgia, and to take personal command of the army 
opposed to Lee in Virginia. 

He had the entire confidence of his Government, and unlim- 
ited resources at his back. Grant determined to capture Rich- 
mond by a combined movement which seemed irresistible. A 



310 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

column moving through the mountain passes of southwest Vir- 
ginia, one up the Valley of the Shenandoah, one from the At- 
lantic seaboard by way of James River, and his own from the 
Rapidan, were to converge on, overwhelm, and capture Rich- 
mond by the early summer. 

These columns, including reinforcements sent during the 
campaign, numbered over 275,000 men, equipped in the most 
superb manner, and supplied abundantly with provisions and 
with stores of every description. To meet this mighty host 
Lee had, including every man he could draw as reinforcements 
during the campaign, not more than 75,000 men, badly armed, 
wretchedly equipped, and very poorly supplied with rations, 
clothing, ordnance stores, transportation — in fact, needing 
everything necessary to the efficiency of an army save able 
leadership, stout hearts, and indomitable patriotism. The 
army immediately opposed to Lee's numbered when it crossed 
the Rapidan on May 4, 1864, 149,166 men, while Lee had 
within call 62,000 men; but with only half that number he 
moved on and attacked Grant's army in the Wilderness. 

As soon as Grant crossed the Rapidan, Lee, instead of re- 
treating before the mighty host and throwing himself between 
it and Richmond, moved down from Orange and attacked him 
in the Wilderness, where, from the 5th to the 7th of May, the 
terrible battle raged, and with fearful slaughter, Grant losing 
17,600 men and Lee half that number. But the result fully 
convinced the Federal commander that he could not destroy 
Lee's army or drive it from its position on that ground, and 
the advantage being so decidedly with the Confederates, Grant 
determined to move off by Lee's right flank at night, and seize 
the strong strategic position at Spottsylvania Court House; 
but Lee divined his purpose, as if by intuition, and when the 
head of Grant's column came near the coveted point the ad- 
vance of the Army of Northern Virginia barred the way. 

Both sides intrenched their lines as best they could, though 
rhe Federals were well provided with intrenching tools of every 
•description. The Confederates, on the contrary, had to use 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 311 

bayonets, tin cups, and sharpened sticks as their intrenching 
tools, and the work had to be done entirely by the soldiers them- 
selves as they had no pioneer corps. The result was that 
Grant's lines here, as everywhere else on the campaign, were 
much stronger than those of Lee. For five days Grant made 
repeated assaults on Lee's position, at different points, and was 
badly defeated. But on the early morning of the 12th of May 
"Hancock the superb" carried a salient by assault, captured be- 
tween 3,000 and 4,000 prisoners, among them Ma j -Gen. Ed- 
ward Johnson and Brig.-Gen. Geo. H. Steuart, and twenty 
pieces of artillery, and seemed about to cut Lee's army in two. 
But the Confederates rallied and, under the immediate eye of 
Lee himself, drove back the blue wave to "the bloody angle," 
where the fight raged until after dark so fiercely that large 
trees were cut down by Minie balls, and the slaughter was 
fearful. Lee recovered all his line except "the toe of the horse- 
shoe," a new line was formed just in the rear of this, and the 
Confederates continued to hold their lines so stoutly that Grant, 
although he had received large reinforcements, deemed it un- 
wise to make another assault, and on the 20th moved by Lee's 
right to Hanover Junction, only to find Lee again in his path. 
Grant lost at Spottsylvania Court House 18,399, making a total 
loss of 40,000 in his two weeks' campaign, or about two-thirds 
as many men as Lee had. 

On the 9th of May Grant sent Sheridan with 10,000 cavalry 
to break Lee's communications, and, if opportunity offered, to 
dash into Richmond. Stuart could muster only 3,000 troops, 
but he boldly threw himself across Sheridan's path, and in a 
heroic fight at Yellow Tavern near Richmond he saved the city, 
but received a mortal wound himself, from which he died the 
next day in Richmond. Stuart was an ideal cavalryman, and 
at the same time a man of unsullied character and temperate 
habits. He never used tobacco, or drank even a glass of wine, 
and above all was an humble, earnest Christian. He said to 
President Davis on his dying bed, "/ am zuilling to die if God 
and my country think that I have fulfilled my destiny and done 
my duty." 



312 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Lee not only checkmated Grant at Hanover Junction, situ- 
ated on the North Anna River at the junction of the railway 
from Richmond to Fredericksburg and the Central (now the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Railway) from Richmond to the Shen- 
andoah Valley, but thrust himself in between the two wings of 
the Federal army and was about to give it a crushing blow when 
Grant hastily withdrew from his perilous position. He moved 
by his left flank on Cold Harbor only to find that Lee had again 
detected his plans and was across his road to Richmond. There 
was considerable preliminary fighting along the Cold Harbor 
lines, but on the 3d of June Grant, having received large rein- 
forcements, made a determined assault on the Confederate po- 
sition, and received one of the bloodiest repulses of the war, or 
of history. Swinton, the Northern historian of the Army of 
the Potomac, says of this battle that after the bloody repulse 
sustained another assault was ordered, "but no man stirred, 
and the immobile lines pronounced a verdict silent yet emphatic 
against further slaughter." The loss of the Federals in this 
battle was 13,500; that of the Confederates only 750. I never 
saw our troops more elated than just after this battle, and the 
morale of the army was never better. It is an interesting fact 
that in this second battle of Cold Harbor Lee occupied the posi- 
tion from which he had driven McClellan two years before. 
The quiet Sunday which we had during an interval in the fight- 
ing along the Cold Harbor lines enabled the chaplains to have 
services in many of the commands, and I remember that I 
preached four times that day to large and deeply affected con- 
gregations. The service at sunset was especially impressive. 
The stacked muskets, the blackened cannon, the tattered battle- 
flags, the upturned eager faces of some 3,000 bronzed veterans 
assembled on the very ground over which two years before 
they had charged the enemy's works, made an inspiring scene. 
And as I tried to tell "the old, old story of Jesus and His love," 
something on the soldier's cheek washed off the stain of pow- 
der. 

Grant had now to abandon his expressed purpose of "fight- 
ing it out on this line if it took all summer," and by crossing 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 313 

the James make an attempt to capture Petersburg before Lee 
could come up. But the old men and boys of the gallant "Cock- 
ade City," and some of Beauregard's troops, held the defenses 
until Lee's veterans could get up, and Grant's several assaults 
on the Petersburg lines resulted in disastrous failure and heavy 
loss. 

The other columns which were converging on Richmond met 
with like disaster. Sigel moved up the Valley but was routed 
at New Market by Breckinridge. 

Butler, with an army of 30,000 men, was to have captured 
Petersburg, "the back door of Richmond," before Grant 
reached the front, but he was defeated by Beauregard on the 
1 6th of May, and driven back to Bermuda Hundreds, where, 
as Grant expressed it, he was "effectually bottled up" — send- 
ing a good part of his troops later to share in Grant's defeat at 
Cold Harbor. Gen. David Hunter succeeded Sigel in com- 
mand, moved up the Valley again, was joined by Crook and 
Averill from southwest Virginia, defeated Gen. W. E. Jones 
at Piedmont, and advanced via Staunton and Lexington on 
Lynchburg, laying waste the country through which he passed, 
and burning the Virginia Military Institute, and Governor 
Letcher's private residence at Lexington. Grant sent Sheridan, 
with 10,000 cavalry, to meet and escort Hunter to Richmond, 
but Hampton and Fitz Lee met him at Trevillians in Louisa 
County, with half his numbers, defeated him and compelled him 
to fall back to Grant's lines, leaving his dead and wounded and 
many spoils of victory in the hands of the Confederates. Hun- 
ter's move on Lynchburg compelled Lee, though he could not 
spare them, to detach Breckinridge, and then Ewell's corps 
under Early, to meet him. 

Early drove Hunter from Lynchburg on a disastrous retreat 
through the mountains of Virginia, and then rapidly moved 
down the Shenandoah Valley to cross the Potomac and threaten 
Washington. The results of this campaign were that Lee had 
foiled Grant at every point, and his campaign had dwindled 
to a siege of Petersburg (nine miles from deep water) by the 



314 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

main column under Grant, which had lost 80,000 men — more 
than Lee had — in order to get a position which it might have 
reached at first without firing a shot or losing a man. His 
army, according to Swinton, "shaken in its structure, its valor 
quenched in blood, and thousands of its ablest officers killed 
or wounded, was the Army of the Potomac no more." 

Butler's column was mingled with Grant's in the lines before 
Petersburg, the other Federal columns, which had begun the 
campaign in the Valley and southwest Virginia, were in dis- 
orderly retreat through the mountains to the Kanawha Valley, 
out of the area of active operations, and Lee had made his lines 
at Richmond and Petersburg impregnable to direct assault, and 
had a movable column within two days' march of the Federal 
Capital. Well might Col. Charles S. Venable, of Lee's staff 
(from whose able account of this campaign I have condensed 
my summary), say, in view of these facts, that "Lee had made 
a campaign unexampled in the history of defensive warfare/' 

I cannot give in detail the events of the siege of Petersburg, 
which lasted ten months, during which time Grant added to 
his "attrition" tactics of wearing Lee's army out by constant 
attacks the starvation policy of cutting off his supplies, by de- 
stroying the railways. There were a number of brilliant af- 
fairs, such as the recapture of the Confederate lines after the 
explosion of the Federal mine which made the famous "Crater" 
on July 30, many gallant sorties on the Federals near the 
Weldon Railway, A. P. Hill's handsome victory over Hancock 
at Reams Station on August 25, various affairs on the north side 
of James River, and some brilliant successes of the Confederate 
cavalry under Hampton and Fitz Lee. 

Suffice it to say that for all of these weary months Lee had 
to guard some thirty-five miles of breastworks with a greatly 
inferior and constantly decreasing force, while Grant could hold 
his heavily fortified lines with twice as many men as Lee had, 
and then have an army larger than Lee's whole force to operate 
on the flanks. And yet by his constant watchfulness and al- 
most intuitive ability to discover his enemy's purpose, Lee 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 315 

never failed to foil the plans of his adversary. Nor can I give 
the details of Early's Valley campaign further than to say that 
this sturdy soldier was all the time leading "a forlorn hope;" 
that he never had over 12,000 troops under his command op- 
posed to Sheridan's 60,000, and that while he sustained heavy 
defeats and great losses, he yet inflicted upon the enemy a 
loss nearly double his own, fed his own army on the country, 
and sent supplies to General Lee, and so maneuvered that he 
retained in the Valley the 60,000 men of Sheridan, and 40,000 
at Washington who might otherwise have been sent against Lee 
at Richmond. 

The winter was fearful on Lee's barefooted, ragged, half- 
starved men, and their numbers steadily diminished, until there 
were only 33,000 to guard thirty-five miles of breastworks and 
meet any move that Grant might make. But these ragged men 
in gray, as well as their great commander, kept stout hearts. 
They had built at great sacrifice (frequently carrying material 
on their shoulders) sixty chapels located at convenient points 
on the lines, and they had prayer meetings in their bomb-proofs. 
The chaplains and missionaries always found eager listeners, 
thousands of soldiers professed conversion, and songs of praises 
often drowned the whistling of the Minie or the bursting of 
the shell. 

The men trusted in God, had full confidence in "Marse Rob- 
ert," believed in their cause, and still expected to win. I have 
given in mere outline an account of this marvelous campaign 
of 1864, and now I shall quote freely from General Lee's letters, 
private and official, and give anecdotes of him illustrating his 
views and feelings while there were upon him duties and re- 
sponsibilities which would have crushed any ordinary man. 

Col. Thomas H. Carter of the artillery — one of the most 
gallant and skilful artillerists whom the war produced — gave 
General Long for his Memoirs the following characteristic 
incidents : 

In 1864, either during July or August, when General Lee's head- 
quarters were near Petersburg, I had charge of the light artillery 
north of James River. The line lay near Deep Bottom, and ran 



316 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

eastwardly by New Market toward the Chickahominy River, and 
I was partially but imperfectly intrenched, with skirmishers well 
advanced, and in pits. One day General Lee rode over from 
Petersburg and reached us quite early in the morning, considering 
the distance he had ridden. My tent was a mile and a half in the 
rear of the line, in charge of the servants, while I myself slept on 
the line for fear of an attack by the enemy, then close in front. 
My cooking utensils were brought up to the line and rations cooked 
twice daily, and the servant then returned with blankets in the 
morning to be aired during the day, and with the cooking and 
eating wares. 

Martin, my servant, a good-tempered, smiling, and most defer- 
ential black boy, was quietly walking the gray horse back to 
camp through the woods, after breakfast, pretty well enveloped 
with blankets, a tray, skillets, tin plates and cans, knives and forks, 
etc., when General Lee met him. Nothing escaped General Lee's 
observant eye. Grave, quiet, and taciturn, he saw everything. He 
pulled up his horse and put Martin through a course of questions, 
in which he learned his name, to whom he belonged, where he was 
going, where he had been, and, in short, left not much behind of 
Martin's limited stock of knowledge. 

All ignorant of this little incident,. I advanced to meet the 
General as he rode up to the line. "Good-morning, Colonel 
Carter." "Good-morning, General." "I expected, Colonel, to 
find the troops in motion." "In motion, General? No, sir; there 
is no movement on foot here — all is quiet," I said in reply, looking 
at him with surprise. A merry look in his eye showed me he was. 
joking as he added, "Well, I met Martin on the gray, going to the 
rear with baggage and camp equipage, and when they go to the 
rear the troops are usually going to the front." I explained what 
he had already heard from Martin, that I slept on the line. "You 
are right," he said, "to be at your post with your command." 

Not long after this, while we were stationed at the same place, he 
rode over from Petersburg, and reached us quite late in the 
afternoon — too late to return to his headquarters that night. 
After some conversation about the line and troops he mentioned 
the necessity of finding quarters for himself and those with him 
for the night. Apologizing for my inability to make him comfort- 
able and to have him stay with me, for reasons above given, I 
suggested that he should go to Chaffin's Bluff, where he would find 
houses occupied, I thought, by Maj. Dick Taylor (Walter's 
brother) and Col. Jack Maury and others connected with the heavy 
and stationary artillery. He replied in his quiet, punctuating way 
of talking, as if weighing each word, "Well, Colonel Carter, if I 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 317 

turn those gentlemen out of their rooms, where will they sleep?" 
"On the ground," I replied at once, "like the rest of the army," 
and added, what I knew to be literally true, "They will be delighted 
to give up their rooms to you." "None of your blarney, Colonel 
Carter — none of your blarney, sir," he replied with a smile. 
Though not sure of it, I think he went there, but I am sure if he 
went the rooms were given up with delight. 

When the infantry was hurrying to the support of Fitz Lee's 
cavalry at Spottsylvania Court House, as each division arrived it 
would form into line on the right of its predecessor. I happened 
to be near General Lee when a few bullets cut the limbs and 
struck the ground near him. Some general — I forget who — said, 
"General, this is no place for you ; do go away at once to a safe 
place." He replied, with a half-complaining smile and manner, 
"I wish I knew where my place is on the battlefield ; wherever I go 
some one tells me it is not the place for me to be." But he was 
always deeply touched by these indications of the devotion of his 
army and people to him. 

The following was to his youngest daughter, Miss Mildred : 

Camp, Petersburg, July 5, 1864. 
My Precious Life : 

I received this morning, by your brother, your note, and am very 
glad to hear your mother is better. I sent out immediately to try 
and find some lemons, but could only procure two — sent to me 
by a kind lady, Mrs. Kirkland, in Petersburg. These were gath- 
ered from her own trees ; there are none to be purchased. I found 
one in my valise, dried up, which I also send, as it may be of some 
value. I also put up some early apples, which you can roast for 
your mother, and one pear. This is all the fruit I can get.. 

You must go to the market every morning and see if you can- 
not find some fresh fruit for her. There are no lemons to be had 
here. Tell her lemonade is not as palatable or digestible as butter- 
milk. Try and get some for her — with ice it is delicious, and very 
nutritious. I hope she will continue to improve, and be soon well 
and leave that heated city. It must be roasting now. Tell her I 
can only think of her and pray for her recovery. I wish I could 
be with her to nurse her and care for her. I want to see you all 
very much, but cannot now see the day when we shall be together 
once more. I think of you, long for you, pray for you ; it is all I 
can do. Think sometimes of your devoted father, 

R. E. Lee. 



318 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

To Mrs. Lee he writes : 

Camp, Petersburg, July 24, 1864. 
The ladies of Petersburg have sent me a nice set of shirts. They 
were given to me by Mrs. James R. Branch and her mother, 
Mrs. Thomas Branch. In fact, they have given me everything — 
which I fear they cannot spare — vegetables, bread, milk, ice cream. 
Today one of them sent me a nice peach — the first one I think I 
have seen for two years. I sent it to Mrs. Shippen. Mr. Piatt 
held services again today under the trees near my camp. We had 
quite a large congregation of citizens, ladies, and gentlemen, and 
our usual number of soldiers. During the services I constantly 
heard the shells crashing among the houses of Petersburg. Tell 
Life [his youngest daughter] I send her a song composed by a 
French soldier. As she is so learned in that language I want her 
to send me a reply in verse. 

And from Camp, Petersburg, June 26, 1864 : 

I hope it is not as hot in Richmond as here. The men suffer a 
great deal in the trenches ; and this condition of things, with the 
heat of the sun, nearly puts an end to military operations. 

Camp, Petersburg, June 30, 1864. 

I was very glad to receive your letter yesterday, and to hear 
that you are better. I trust you will continue to improve and soon 
be as well as usual. God grant that you may be entirely restored 
in his own good time ! Do you recollect what a happy day thirty- 
three years ago this was ? How many hopes and pleasures it gave 
birth to! God has been very merciful and kind to us, and how 
thankless and sinful I have been ! I pray that He may continue 
His mercies and blessings to us and give us a little peace and rest 
together in this world, and finally gather us and all He has given 
us around His throne in the world to come. The President has 
just arrived, and I must bring my letter to a close. God bless you 
all. 

July 10, 1864. 

I was pleased, on the arrival of my little courier this morning, 
to hear that you were better, and that Custis Morgan [a pet 
squirrel] was still among the missing. I think the farther he 
gets from you the better you will be. The shells have scattered 
the poor inhabitants in Petersburg, so that many of the churches 
are closed. Indeed, they have been visited by the enemy's shells. 
Mr. Piatt, pastor of the principal Episcopal church, had services 
at my headquarters today. The services were under the trees, and 
the discourse on the subject of salvation. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 319 

It is very fortunate for the truth of history, and as illustrating 
General Lee's views of various army movements, that some of 
his letter-books were saved, are in the War Records Office at 
Washington, and have been made accessible by being published 
in those invaluable volumes which contain the official reports 
and letters from both sides. I quote freely from them General 
Lee's letters at this period. 

Headquarters, January 2, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States, Richmond. 

Mr. President : The time is at hand when, if an attempt can 
be made to capture the enemy's forces at New Berne, it should be 
done. I can now spare troops for the purpose which will not be 
the case as spring approaches. If I have been correctly informed, 
a brigade from this army with Barton's brigade, Pickett's division, 
now near Kinston, will be sufficient if the attack can be secretly 
and suddenly made. New Berne is defended on the land side by a 
line of intrenchments from the Neuse to the Trent. A redoubt 
near the Trent protects that flank while three or four gunboats 
are relied upon to defend the flanks on the Neuse. The garrison 
has been so long unmolested and experiences such a feeling of 
security that it is represented as careless. The gunboats are small 
and indifferent, and do not keep up a head of steam. A bold 
party could descend the Neuse in boats at night, capture the gun- 
boats, and drive the enemy by their aid from the works on that 
side of the river, while a force should attack them in front. A 
large amount of provisions and other supplies are said to be at 
New Berne, which are much wanted for this army, besides much 
that is reported in the country that will thus be made accessible 
to us. The gunboats, aided by the ironclads building on the Neuse 
and Roanoke, would clear the waters of the enemy and capture 
their transports, which could be used for transportation. I have 
not heard what progress is making in the completion of the 
ironclads or when they will be ready for service. A bold naval 
officer will be required for the boat expedition, with suitable men 
and officers to man the boats and serve the gunboats when cap- 
tured. Can they be had ? 

I have sent General Early with two brigades of infantry and two 
of cavalry under Fitz Lee to Hardy and Hampshire counties, to 
endeavor to get out some cattle that are reported within the 
enemy's lines. But the weather has been so unfavorable that I 
fear he will not meet with much success. The heavy rain-storms 



320 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

will swell all the streams beyond fording and the cold weather and 
snow in the mountains will present other obstacles. Many of the 
infantry are without shoes and the cavalry worn down by their 
pursuit of Averell. We are now issuing to the troops a fourth of 
a pound of salt meat, and have only three days' supply at that rate. 
Two droves of cattle from the West that were reported to be for 
this army have, I am told, been directed to Richmond. I can learn 
of no supply of meat on the road to the army, and fear I shall be 
unable to retain it in the field. I am, with great respect, your 
obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

5th January, 1864. 
Col. L. B. Northrop, 

Commissary-General, Richmond, Va. 

General : Your letter of the 7th ult. reached here during my 
absence in Richmond. 

I regret very much to learn that the supply of beef for the army 

is so nearly exhausted No beef has been issued to the 

cavalry corps by the chief commissary, that I am aware of, for 
eighteen months. During that time it has supplied itself, and has 
now, I understand, sufficient to last until the middle of February. 

I cannot adopt your suggestion to employ the organization of 
your bureau to impress provisions. Neither the law nor regula- 
tions of the War Department, in my opinion, give me that power. 
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

(Confidential.) 
Camp, Orange Court House, January 16, 1864. 

LlEUT.-GEN. J. LONGSTREET. 

General: Your letters of the 10th and nth instant were 
handed to me by Captain Goree last night. I am glad that you are 
casting about for some way to reach the enemy. If he could be 
defeated at some point before he is prepared to open the campaign, 
it would be attended by the greatest advantages. Either of the 
points mentioned by you would answer. I believe, however, that if 
Grant could be driven back and Mississippi and Tennessee re- 
covered, it would do more to relieve the country and inspirit our 
people than the mere capture of Washington. You know how 
exhausted the country is between here and the Potomac ; there is 
nothing for man or horse. Everything must be carried. How 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 321 

is that to be done with weak transportation on roads in the con- 
dition we may expect in March ? You know better than I how you 
will be off in that respect in the West. After you get into Ken- 
tucky, I suppose provisions can be obtained. But if saddles, etc., 
could be procured in time, where can the horses be? They cannot 
be obtained in this section of country, and as far as my informa- 
tion extends, not in the Confederacy. But let us both quietly and 
ardently set to work; some good may result, and I will institute 
inquiries. 

There is a part of your letter that gives me uneasiness. That is 
in relation to your position. Your cavalry, I hope, will keep you 
informed of any movement against you. After the completion of 
the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad you will be able to retire with 
ease, and you had better be prepared in case of necessity. If the 
enemv follow, with the assistance of General S. Jones, you may 
be able to hit him a hard blow. I would suggest that you have the 
country examined, routes explored, and strong positions ascer- 
tained and improved. There is some report of a projected move- 
ment of the enemy next spring by the route from Knoxville, and 
the abandonment of this to Richmond. It is believed that such a 
movement will be as successful as that by Grant on Vicksburg. 
As they have not been able yet to overcome the eighty miles 
between Washington and Richmond by the shortest road, I hope 
they will not be able to accomplish the more circuitous route. Not 
knowing what they intend to do, and what General Johnston can 
do, has prevented my recommending your return to this army. 
After hearing that you were in comfortable quarters and had 
plenty of provisions and forage, I thought it was best you should 
remain where you are until spring or until it was determined what 
could be done. I hope you will be able to recruit your corps. In 
reference to that, how would General Buckner answer for the com- 
mand of Hood's division, at least until it is seen whether he ever 
can return to it ? 

With kind regards to yourself and all with you, 

I am, very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army, 18th January, 1864. 
Brig.-Gen. A. R. Lawton, 

Quartermaster-General, Richmond. 

General : The want of shoes and blankets in this army con- 
tinues to cause much suffering and to impair its efficiency. In one 
regiment I am informed that there are only fifty men with service- 



322 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

able shoes, and a brigade that recently went on picket was com- 
pelled to leave several hundred men in camp who were unable 
to bear the exposure of duty, being destitute of shoes and 
blankets 

The supply by running the blockade has become so precarious 
that I think we should turn our attention chiefly to our own re- 
sources, and I should like to be informed how far the latter can be 
counted upon 

I trust that no efforts will be spared to develop our own re- 
sources of supply, as a further dependence upon those from abroad 
can result in nothing but increased suffering and want. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
(Confidential.) 

Headquarters, January 20, 1864. 
Maj.-Gen. Geo. Pickett, 

Commanding, etc., Petersburg, Va. 

General: From all the information I have received, I think 
the garrison at New Berne can be captured, and I wish it tried, 
unless upon close examination you find it impracticable. You 
can use for that purpose Barton's, Kemper's, Corse's, and as much 
of Ranson's brigades as you can draw to that point. I shall send 
in addition Hoke's brigade from this army. General Hoke is 
familiar with the vicinity of New Berne, has recently returned 
from a visit to that country, and it is mainly upon his information 
that my opinion has been formed. He will hand you this letter and 
explain to you the general plan which at this distance appears 
to me the best. You can modify it according to circumstances 
developed by investigation and your good judgment. It is pro- 
posed that General Barton shall pass south of Trent River and 
attack the forces said to be stationed behind Brice's Creek, get 
possession of the railroad to Beaufort, cut off reinforcements from 
that quarter, and take the town in reverse. General Hoke will 
move down between the Trent and the Neuse, endeavor to surprise 
the troops on Bachelor's Creek, silence the guns in the star fort 
and batteries near the Neuse, and penetrate the town in that direc- 
tion ; Whitford's battalion, or such other force as may be desig- 
nated, to move down north of the Neuse, occupy if they cannot 
capture Fort Anderson at Barrington Ferry, and endeavor to take 
in flank with the batteries the line south of the Neuse, so as to 
lighten Hoke's work. The night previous to the land attack 
Colonel Wood of the Navy with 200 men in boats will descend 
the Neuse and endeavor to surprise and capture the gunboats in 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 323 

that river, and by their aid drive the enemy from their guns. 
General Whiting will be requested on the day appointed for the 
attack to threaten Swansborough with the troops he has north of 
the Cape Fear, so as to fix the attention of the enemy at Morehead 
City, etc., and to cooperate otherwise in the general plan. Every- 
thing will depend upon the secrecy, expedition, and boldness of 
your movements. General Barton should move first, and be strong 
enough to resist any combination of the forces from New Berne 
and Beaufort. The cavalry had better accompany him to cut the 
telegraph and railroad, gain information, etc. General Hoke with 
his own brigade should move next, the force north of the Neuse 
to keep pace with him. Colonel Wood will attend to his part. 

If successful, everything in New Berne should be sent back to a 
place of security. In that event, too, it is hoped that by the aid of 
the gunboats water transportation can be secured, the enemy 
driven from Washington, Plymouth, etc., and much subsistence 
for the army obtained. I wish you therefore to follow up your 
success. It will also have the happiest effect in North Carolina 
and inspirit the people. I propose Major Dearing for the com- 
mand of the artillery of the expedition. With the two battalions 
of Longstreet's corps near Petersburg there should be twelve 10- 
pounder Parrotts and two 20-pounder Parrotts ; two 20-pounder 
Parrotts will be sent from Richmond. At Kinston I understand 
there are four Napoleons and one 3-inch rifle. From Branch's 
battalion I hope you will get more rifle guns, of which, if possible, 
you should have about twenty and as many Napoleons as you 
desire. The guns and ammunition must be sent by railroad and 
the horses by common route. See that you have a sufficiency of 
ammunition and subsistence. I wish you also not to interrupt the 
general travel of the railroad, but to use the empty trains going 
south for the transportation of troops, etc. When the day of 
attack is fixed notify General Whiting. If you have to use the 

telegraph, merely say, "The day is ;" name the day of the 

month — he will comprehend. Commit nothing to the telegraph 
that will disclose your purpose. You must deceive the enemy as 
to your purpose, and conceal it from the citizens. As regards the 
concentration of troops, you may put it on the ground of appre- 
hension of an attack from New Berne. General Hoke will give 
out that he is going to arrest deserters and recruit his diminished 
regiments. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



324 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

(Confidential.) 
Headquarters, 20th January, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr. President : I have delayed replying to your letter of thi 
4th until the time arrived for the execution of the attempt on 
New Berne. I regret very much that the boats on the Neuse and 
Roanoke are not completed. With their aid, I think, success would 
be certain. Without them, though the place may be captured, the 
fruits of the expedition will be lessened and our maintenance of 
the command of the waters in North Carolina uncertain. I think 
every effort should be made now to get them into service as soon 
as possible. You will see by the enclosed letters to Generals 
Pickett and Whiting the arrangements made for the land oper- 
ations. The water expedition I am willing to trust to Colonel 
Wood. If he can succeed in capturing the gunboats, I think 
success will be certain, as it was by aid from the water that I 
expected Hoke to be mainly assisted. 

In view of the opinion expressed in your letter, I would go to 
North Carolina myself; but I consider my presence here always 
necessary, especially now when there is such a struggle to keep the 
army fed and clothed. General Early is still in the Valley. The 
enemy there has been reinforced by troops from Meade's army 
and [by] calling down General Averell with his cavalry. I do not 
know what their intentions are. Report from General Early 
yesterday stated that Averell with his cavalry had started from 
Morehead. I will, however, go to North Carolina if you think 
it necessary. General Fitz Lee brought out of Hardy no prison- 
ers, 250 horses and mules, 27 wagons, and 460 head of cattle. He 
captured 40 wagons, but 13 turned over on the mountains and had 
to be abandoned. He had also to leave behind between 100 and 
200 head of cattle. The difficulties he encountered were very 
great, owing to the extreme cold, ice, storms, etc. Nearly all his 
men were frost-bitten, some badly; many injured by the falling of 
their horses. He got within six miles of Paddytown, but could 
not cross the mountains, owing to the icy roads and the smooth- 
ness of his horses. He could take with him neither artillery nor 
wagons. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 325 

(Confidential.) 
Headquarters, Orange County, February 3, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr. President : The approach of spring causes me to con- 
sider with anxiety the probable action of the enemy and the pos- 
sible operations of ours in the ensuing campaign. If we could 
take the initiative and fall upon them unexpectedly, we might 
derange their plans and embarrass them the whole summer. 
There are only two points east of the Mississippi where it now 
appears this could be done. If Longstreet could be strengthened 
or given greater mobility than he now possesses, he might penetrate 
into Kentucky, where he could support himself, cut Grant's com- 
munications so as to compel him at least to detach from Johnston's 
front, and enable him to take the offensive and regain the ground 
we have lost. I need not dwell upon the advantages of success 
in that quarter. The whole is apparent to you. Longstreet can 
be given greater mobility by supplying him with horses and mules 
to mount his infantry. He can only be strengthened by detach- 
ing from Beauregard's, Johnston's, or this army. If I could draw 
Longstreet secretly and rapidly to me, I might succeed in forcing 
General Meade back to Washington, and exciting sufficient appre- 
hension at least for their position to weaken any movement against 
ours. All the cavalry would have to be left in Longstreet's present 
front, and Jones would have to be strengthened. If the first plan 
is adopted, supplies will have at once to be accumulated at Bristol 
or along the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, ostensibly for 
Longstreet's present use. If the latter, provision must be made 
at Gordonsville and Richmond for this army. We are not in a 
condition, and never have been, in my opinion, to invade the 
enemy's country with a prospect of permanent benefit. But we can 
alarm and embarrass him to some extent, and thus prevent his 
undertaking anything of magnitude against us. I have ventured 
to suggest these ideas to your Excellency for consideration, that, 
viewing the whole subject with your knowledge of the state of 
things east and west, you may know whether either is feasible 
or what else can better be done. Time is an important element to 
our success. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



326 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Headquarters, February 18, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States, Richmond. 

Mr. President: I have received the dispatch forwarded to 
me today from General Longstreet requesting 10,000 men to 
insure the capture of Knoxville. I have no information of the 
practicability of the plan. I think it may be assumed that its 
defenses are stronger now than when it was last attacked, and 
an attempt to capture it by assault would not only be hazardous, 
but attended with great loss of life. To reduce it by approaches 
would require time, and, it seems to me at this distance, render 
necessary an army sufficient to defeat a relieving force that, now 
the railroad to Chattanooga has been opened, could be quickly 
sent from Grant's troops. If a movement could be made to cut off 
supplies from Knoxville, it would draw out the garrison ; and this 
appears to me the wiser course. Could supplies be sent if troops 
were? For without the former the latter would be unavailing. T 
wrote today to the Secretary of War suggesting that Pickett's 
division be sent to him in the spring, and that a brigade of 

Buckner's now at Dalton be returned to its division at once 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

The following gives General Lee's views on "retaliation :" 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

March 6, 1864. 
Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, 

Secretary of War, Richmond. 

Sir: I have just received your letter of the 5th instant enclos- 
ing a slip from one of the Richmond journals giving an account 
of the recent attack upon that city, and a copy of some papers 
found on the dead body of Colonel Dahlgren disclosing the plan 
and purpose of the enterprise. I concur with you in thinking 
that a formal publication of these papers should be made under 
official authority, that our people and the world may know the 
character of the war our enemies wage against us, and the un- 
christian and atrocious acts they plot and perpetrate. But I can- 
not recommend the execution of the prisoners who have fallen 
into our hands. Assuming that the address and secret orders of 
Colonel Dahlgren correctly state his designs and intentions, they 
were not executed, and I believe in a legal point of view acts in 
addition to intentions are necessary to constitute crime. These 
papers can only be considered as evidence of his intentions. It 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 327 

does not appear how far his men were cognizant of them, or that 
his course was sanctioned by his Government. It is only known 
that his plans were frustrated by a merciful Providence, his forces 
scattered, and himself killed. I do not think it is right, therefore, 
to visit upon the captives the guilt of his intentions. I do not 
pretend to speak the sentiments of the Army, which you seem to 
desire. I presume that the blood boils with indignation in the 
veins of every officer and man as he reads the account of the 
barbarous and inhuman plot, and under the impulse of the mo- 
ment many would counsel extreme measures. But I do not think 
that reason and reflection would justify such a course. I think it 
better to do right, even if we suffer in so doing, than to incur the 
reproach of our consciences and posterity. Nor do I think that 
under present circumstances policy dictates the execution of these 
men. It would produce retaliation. How many and better men 
have we in the enemy's hands than they have in ours ! But this 
consideration should have no weight, provided the course was in 
itself right. Yet history records instances where such consider- 
ations have prevented the execution of maurauders and devasta- 
tors of provinces. It may be pertinent to this object to refer to 
the conduct of some of our men in the Valley. I have heard that a 
party of Gilmer's battalion, after arresting the progress of a train 
of cars on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, took from the pas-, 
sengers their purses and watches. As far as I know, no military 
object was accomplished after gaining possession of the cars, and 
the act appears to have been one of plunder. Such conduct is 
unauthorized and discreditable. Should any of that battalion be 
captured, the enemy might claim to treat them as highway robbers ; 
what would be our course ? I have ordered an investigation of the 
matter, and hope the report may be untrue. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

(Confidential.) 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

March 8, 1864. 
Lieut.-Gen. James Longstreet, 

Commanding, etc., Greeneville, Tenn. 

General : I was in Richmond when your letter arrived, and 
have been so much occupied by the recent movements of the enemy 
that it is only today that I can reply. I think the enemy's great 
effort will be in the West, and we must concentrate our strength 
there to meet them. I see no possibility of mounting your com- 
mand without stripping all others of animals and rendering them 
immovable. If horses could be obtained for you, where are the 



328 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

forage and equipments to be procured ? The former is not to be 
had nearer than Georgia. It could not be furnished by the rail- 
road, and I do not think equipments could be impressed through 
the country. If you and Johnston could unite and move into 
Middle Tennessee, where I am told provisions and forage can be 
had, it would cut the armies at Chattanooga and Knoxville in 
two, and draw them from those points, where either portion could 
be struck at in succession as opportunity offered. This appears to 
me at this distance the most feasible plan ; can it be accomplished ? 
By covering your front well with your cavalry, Johnston could 
move quietly and rapidly through Benton, across the Hiwassee, 
and then push forward in the direction of Kingston, while you, 
taking such a route as to be safe from a flank attack, would join 
him at or after his crossing the Tennessee River. The two com- 
mands upon reaching Sparta would be in position to select their 
future course, would necessitate the evacuation of Chattanooga 
and Knoxville, and by rapidity and skill unite on either army. I 
am not sufficiently acquainted with the country to do more than 
indicate the general plan. The particular routes, passage of rivers, 
etc., you and Johnston must ascertain and choose. The condition 
of roads, etc., may oblige you to pass through the western portion 
of North Carolina, but this you can ascertain, if you do not already 
know, as well as the distances each column would have to traverse 
before uniting, their point of junction, time of marching, etc. The 
agents of the commissary department tell me there is an abundance 
of provisions and forage in Middle Tennessee, which is corrob- 
orated by individuals professing to know that country. But this 
should be investigated too. It is also believed by those acquainted 
with the people that upon the entrance of the army into that 
country its ranks will be recruited by the men from Tennessee 
and Kentucky who have left it. A victory gained there will open 
the country to you to the Ohio. 

Study the subject, communicate with Johnston, and endeavor 
to accomplish it or something better. We cannot now pause. I 
will endeavor to do something here to occupy them if I cannot do 
more. I hope Alexander has joined you with his new commission. 
The promotion of the other officers of artillery was ordered as 
proposed during my last visit to Richmond. Walton retains his 
former position in the Washington battalion. 

Wishing you all success and happiness, I am, very truly, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



the last year of the war 329 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

March 30, 1864. 
His Excellency J. Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr. President: Since my former letter on the subject the 
indications that operations in Virginia will be vigorously prose- 
cuted by the enemy are stronger than they then were. General 
Grant has returned from the army in the West. He is at present 
with the Army of the Potomac, which is being organized and re- 
cruited. From the reports of our scouts the impression prevails 
in that army that he will operate it in the coming campaign. 
Every train brings it recruits, and it is stated that every available 
regiment at the North is added to it. It is also reported that Gen- 
eral Burnside is organizing a large army at Annapolis, and it 
seems probable that additional troops are being sent to the Valley. 
It is stated that preparations are making to rebuild the railroad 
from Harper's Ferry to Winchester, which would indicate a re- 
occupation of the latter place. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
is very closely guarded along its whole extent; no ingress or 
egress from their lines is permitted to citizens as heretofore ; and 
everything shows secrecy and preparation. Their plans are not 
sufficiently developed to discover them, but I think we can assume 
that if General Grant is to direct operations on this frontier, he 
will concentrate a large force on one or more lines, and prudence 
dictates that we should make such preparations as are in our 
power. If an aggressive movement can be made in the West, it 
will disconcert their plans and oblige them to conform to ours. 
But if it cannot, Longstreet should be held in readiness to be 
thrown rapidly into the Valley if necessary, to counteract any 
movement in that quarter, in accomplishing which I could unite 
with him or he unite with me, should circumstances require it, on 
the Rapidan. The time is also near at hand when I shall require 
all the troops belonging to this army. I have delayed calling for 
General Hoke, who besides his own brigade has two regiments of 
another of this army, under the expectation that the object of his 
visit to North Carolina may yet be accomplished. I have heard 
nothing on the subject recently, and if our papers be correct in 
their information the enemy has thrown reinforcements into that 
State and the Neuse is barricaded just above New Berne. There 
is another brigade of this army, Gen. R. Johnston's, at Hanover 
Junction. I should like as soon as possible to get them back. 

I am, with great respect, your most obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



330 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Headquarters, April 5, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr. President: All the information I receive tends to show 
that the great effort of the enemy in this campaign will be made 
in Virginia. Nothing as yet has been discovered to develop his 
plan. Reinforcements are certainly daily arriving to the Army 
of the Potomac. I cannot ascertain whence they come. Informa- 
tion was received on the 3d from two scouts, derived from citizens 
along the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, that the troops on the 
cars said they belonged to Grant's Army of Tennessee. A resident 
of Culpeper stated that the Eleventh and Twelfth Army Corps 
had returned there. I telegraphed to Generals Johnston and Long- 
street to know if they were still in the West. I enclose their 
answers. Both seem to think they are in their front, but prepar- 
ing to leave. The tone of the Northern papers, as well as the im- 
pression prevailing in their armies, goes to show that Grant with a 
large force is to move against Richmond. One of their corre- 
spondents at Harrisburg states upon the occasion of the visit of 
Generals Burnside and Hancock that it was certain that the former 
would go to North Carolina. They cannot collect the large force 
they mention for their operations against Richmond without re- 
ducing their other armies. This ought to be discovered and taken 
advantage of by our respective commanders. I infer from the in- 
formation I receive that Longstreet's corps is in the vicinity of 
Abingdon and Bristol. It is therefore in position to be thrown 
West or East. 

Unless it is certain that it can be advantageously employed West 
for a speedy blow, I would recommend that it be returned to this 
army. The movements and reports of the enemy may be intended 
to mislead us, and should therefore be carefully observed. But all 
the information that reaches me goes to strengthen the belief that 
General Grant is preparing to move against Richmond. 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, April 12, 1864. 
Mr. President: 

My anxiety on the subject of provisions for the army is so great 
that I cannot refrain from expressing it to your Excellency. I 
cannot see how we can operate with our supplies. Any derange- 
ment in their arrival or disaster to the railroad would render it 
impossible for me to keep the army together, and might force a 
retreat into North Carolina. There is nothing to be had in this 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 331 

section for men or animals. We have rations for the troops today 
and tomorrow. I hope a new supply arrived last night, but I have 
not yet had a report. Every action should be made to supply the 
depots at Richmond and at other points. All pleasure travel 
should cease and everything be devoted to necessary wants. 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, April 15, 1864. 
Mr. President: 

The reports of the scouts are still conflicting as to the character 
of the reinforcements to the Army of the Potomac and the compo- 
sition of that at Annapolis under General Burnside. I think it 
probable that the Eighth Corps, which embraces the troops who 
have heretofore guarded the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road, the intrenchments around Washington, Alexandria, etc., 
has been moved up to the Rappahannock, and that an equivalent 
has been sent to Annapolis from General Meade. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Mosby states that the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, con- 
solidated, have also been sent to General Burnside. But, what- 
ever doubt there may be on these points, I think it certain that the 
enemy is organizing a large army on the Rappahannock and 
another at Annapolis, and that the former is intended to move 
directly on Richmond, while the latter is intended to take it in 
flank or rear. I think we may also reasonably suppose that the 
Federal troops that have so long besieged Charleston will, with a 
portion of their ironclad steamers, be transferred to the James 
River. I consider that the suspension of the attack on that city 
was virtually declared when General Gillmore transferred his 
operations to the St. John's River. It can only be continued during 
the summer months by the fleet. The expedition of the enemy up 
Red River has so diminished his forces about New Orleans and 
Mobile that I think no attack upon the latter city need be appre- 
hended soon, especially as we have reason to hope that he will re- 
turn from his expedition in a shattered condition. I have thought, 
therefore, that General Johnston might draw something from 
Mobile during the summer to strengthen his hands, and that Gen- 
eral Beauregard with a portion of his troops might move into 
North Carolina to oppose General Burnside should he resume his 
old position in that State, or be ready to advance to the James 
River should that route be taken. I do not know what benefit 
General Buckner can accomplish in his present position. If he is 
able to advance into Tennessee, reoccupy Knoxville, or unite with 
General Johnston, great good may be accomplished, but if he can 



332 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

only hold Bristol, I think he had better be called for a season to 
Richmond. We shall have to clean troops from every quarter 
to oppose the apparent combination of the enemy. If Richmond 
could be held secure against the attack from the east, I would 
propose that I draw Longstreet to me and move right against the 
enemy on the Rappahannock. Should God give us a crowning 
victory there, all their plans would be dissipated, and their troops 
now collecting on the waters of the Chesapeake would be recalled 
to the defense of Washington. But to make this move I must have 
provisions and forage. I am not yet able to call to me the cavalry 
or artillery. If I am obliged to retire from this line, either by a 
flank movement of the enemy or the want of supplies, great injury 
will befall us. I have ventured to throw out these suggestions to 
your Excellency in order that in surveying the whole field of oper- 
ations you may consider all the circumstances bearing on the 
question. Should you determine it is better to divide this army 
and fall back toward Richmond, I am ready to do so. I, however, 
see no better plan for the defense of Richmond than that I have 
proposed. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, April 16, 1864. 
Gen. Braxton Bragg, 

Commanding Armies C. States. 

General: I received last evening your letter of the 14th in- 
stant by the hands of Major Parker. I trust that the expedition 
in North Carolina will be attended with success, and that the 
troops in the department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida 
may be made available to oppose the combined operations of the 
enemy in Virginia. No attack of moment can be made upon 
Charleston or the southern coast during the summer months, and 
I think General Johnston can draw with impunity some troops 
from Mobile to him. Buckner's force, too, might be made avail- 
able in some way; I fear, as he stands now, it will be lost to us. 
At present my hands are tied. If I were able to move with the 
aid of Longstreet and Pickett, the enemy might be driven from the 
Rappahannock and be obliged to look to the safety of his own 
capital instead of the assault upon ours. I cannot even draw to 
me the cavalry or artillery of the army, and the season has arrived 
when I may be attacked any day. The scarcity of our supplies 
gives me the greatest uneasiness. All travel should be suspended 
on the railroad until a sufficiency is secured. I can have a portion 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 333 

of the corn ground into meal for the army if it is sent to me. I do 
not know whether all can be furnished. The mills are mostly on 
the Rapidan, and consequently exposed if any movement takes 
place. It will also increase the hauling, which at this time I should 
like to avoid if possible. If the meal can be prepared in Richmond, 
it will be more convenient at this time. If it cannot, we can at least 
grind part of the corn if sent to us. If we are forced back from 
our present line, the Central Railroad, Charlottesville, and all the 
upper country will be exposed, and I fear great injury inflicted on 
us. Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

June 26, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr. President : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
of your letter of the 25th instant. General Hunter has escaped 
Early, and will make good his retreat, as far as I can understand, 
to Lewisburg. Although his expedition has been partially inter- 
rupted, I fear he has not been much punished except by the 
demoralization of his troops and the loss of some artillery. From 
his present position he can easily be reorganized and re-equipped, 
and unless we have sufficient force to resist him, will repeat his 
expedition. This would necessitate the return of Early to Staun- 
ton. I think it better that he should move down the Valley if he 
can obtain provisions, which would draw Hunter after him, and 
may enable him to strike Lew Wallace before he can effect a junc- 
tion with Hunter. If circumstances favor, I should also recommend 
his crossing the Potomac. I think I can maintain our lines here 
against General Grant. He does not seem disposed to attack, and 
has thrown himself strictly on the defensive. I am less uneasy 
about holding our position than about our ability to procure sup- 
plies for the army. I fear the latter difficulty will oblige me to 
attack General Grant in his intrenchments, which I should not 
hesitate to do, but for the loss it will inevitably entail. A want of 
success would, in my opinion, be almost fatal, and this causes me 
to hesitate, in the hope that some relief may be procured without 
running such great hazard. 

I should like much to have the benefit of your Excellency's good 
judgment and views upon this subject. 

Great benefit might be drawn from the release of our prisoners 
at Point Lookout if it can be accomplished. The number of men 
employed for this purpose would necessarily be small, as the whole 



334 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

would have to be transported secretly across the Potomac where 
it is very broad, the means of doing which must first be procured. 
I can devote to this purpose the whole of the Marylanders of this 
army, which would afford a sufficient number of men of excellent 
material and much experience, but I am at a loss where to find a 
proper leader. As he would command Maryland troops and oper- 
ate upon the Maryland soil, it would be well that he should be a 
Marylander. Of those connected with this army, I consider Col. 
Bradley Johnson the most suitable. He is bold and intelligent, 
ardent and true, and yet I am unable to say whether he possesses 
all the requisite qualities. Everything in an expedition of this 
kind would depend upon the leader. I have understood that most 
of the garrison at Point Lookout is composed of negroes. I should 
suppose that the commander of such troops would be poor and 
feeble. A stubborn resistance, therefore, may not reasonably be 
expected. By taking a company of the Maryland artillery armed 
as infantry, the dismounted cavalry, and their infantry organ- 
ization, as many men would be supplied as transportation could 
be procured for. By throwing them suddenly on the beach with 
some concert of action among the prisoners, I think the guard 
might be overpowered, the prisoners liberated and organized, and 
marched immediately on the route to Washington. 

The artillery company could operate the guns captured at the 
Point. The dismounted cavalry with the released prisoners of 
that arm could mount themselves on the march, and the infantry 
would form a respectable force. Such a body of men, under an 
able leader, though they might not be able without assistance to 
capture Washington, could march around it and cross the upper 
Potomac where fordable. I do not think they could cross the river 
in a body at any point below Washington, unless possibly at Alex- 
andria. Provisions, etc., would have to be collected in the country 
through which they pass. The operations on the river must be 
confined to an able naval officer, who I know will be found in 
Colonel Wood. The subject is one worthy of consideration, and 
can only be matured by reflection. 

The sooner it is put in execution the better if it is deemed 
practicable. At this time, as far as I can learn, all the troops in the 
control of the United States are being sent to Grant, and little or 
no opposition could be made by those at Washington. 

With relation to the project of Marshal Kane, if the matter can 
be kept secret, which I fear is impossible, should General Early 
cross the Potomac he might be sent to join him. 

Very respectfully, your Excellency's obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



the last year of the war 335 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

July n, 1864. 
Lieut.-Gen. J. A. Early, Commanding, etc. 

General : Your letter of the 7th was received this morning. 
Your movements and arrangements appear to me to have been 
judicious, and I am glad you did not delay to storm the works at 
Maryland Heights. It was better to turn them and endeavor to 
draw from them. I hope you get the Northern papers, as they will 
keep you advised of their preparations to oppose you. They rely 
greatly upon General Hunter's force coming in your rear. About 
the 4th instant, as far as I can judge, he was in the vicinity of 
Charleston on the Kanawha, with his own, Averell's and Crook's 
commands. To encounter you in your present position he must 
either ascend the Ohio to Parkersburg and take the railroad to 
Grafton, thence by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, if that is left 
practicable, or go up to Pittsburg, and thence by the Central 
Pennsylvania. You will be able to judge of the time that either of 
these routes will require to bring him in position, and I think that 
even his whole force, aided by such troops as might join him, 
would be unable to oppose you successfully. 

I ascertained some days ago that on the 6th instant General 
Grant sent off a portion of his troops, and, as far as I am able to 
judge, they consisted of Rickett's division of the Sixth Corps, and 
their destination was Washington City. I think it probable that 
about a brigade of cavalry without their horses were sent on the 
night of the 6th to the same point. I learn this morning from our 
scouts on the James River that about the same number of troops, 
judging from the transports, descended the river yesterday, and I 
presume they are bound for Washington City. Whether these 
belong to the Sixth Corps or have been taken from other corps of 
his army, which I think more probable, I have not yet ascertained. 
We may, however, assume that a corps or its equivalent has been 
sent by General Grant to Washington, and I send a special 
messenger to apprise you of this fact, that you may be on your 
guard and take this force into consideration with others that may 
be brought to oppose you. In your further operations you must 
of course be guided by the circumstances by which you are sur- 
rounded and the information you may be able to collect, and must 
not consider yourself committed to any particular line of conduct, 
but be governed by your good judgment. Should you find 
yourself obliged, in consequence of the forces opposed to you, to 
return to the south side of the Potomac, you can take advantage of 
the fords east of the Blue Ridge, keeping your cavalry well to your 
front and causing them to retire by fords between you and Wash- 



336 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

ington. In the event of your recrossing the Potomac, your route 
through Loudoun will facilitate the procurement of provisions, 
forage, etc., for your command, and will be otherwise most ad- 
vantageous, giving you a strong country through which to pass, 
and enabling you, if pressed, to retire into the Valley and threaten 
and hang upon the enemy's flank should he push on toward 
Richmond. 

I recommend that you have the fords of the Potomac examined 
by a competent officer, and held by a small force of cavalry or 
infantry as you may deem most advisable. 

I can tell nothing further of the expedition mentioned to you in 
my letter of the 3d instant than was stated in that letter, having 
heard nothing from it since, except that the subject was a matter 
of general conversation in Richmond, which may tend to frustrate 
it. 

You can retain the special messenger until you may wish to send 
him back for any purpose. I need not state to you the advantage 
of striking at the bodies of troops that may be collected to oppose 
you in detail before they are enabled to unite. None of the forces 
that I have mentioned, nor any reported in the Northern papers as 
being likely to oppose you, will be able, in my opinion, to resist 
you, provided you can strike them before they are strengthened by 
others. Should you hear of the near approach of General Hunter, 
and can strike at him before he is reinforced by troops from the 
East, you can easily remove that obstacle from your path, in my 
opinion. 

Trusting you and our cause to the care of a merciful Providence, 
I remain, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

Petersburg, Va., August 4, 1864. 
Mr. President: 

A scout reported that on Sunday, the 31st ultimo, a 

body of cavalry estimated at two brigades moved toward the 
James River in the direction of City Point, and this may be the 
force of cavalry which has been shipped North. I fear that this 
force is intended to operate against General Early, and when 
added to that already opposed to him may be more than he can 
manage. Their object may be to drive him out of the Valley and 
complete the devastation they commenced when they were ejected 
from it. General Grant's plan of operations here appears to be to 
mine and bombard our lines with a view of driving us from them, 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 337 

and as he is very strongly fortified he can operate with fewer 
troops and enable him to detach a sufficient force for the purpose 
indicated. The largest force which I can detach would be Ker- 
shaw's and Field's divisions and that would leave not a man out of 
the trenches for any emergency which might arise. If it is their 
intention to endeavor to overwhelm Early, I think it better to 
detach troops than to hazard his destruction and that of our rail- 
roads, etc., north of Richmond, and therefore submit the question 

to the better judgment of your Excellency 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

August 26, 1864. 
General Early. 

General : Your letter of the 23d has been received, and I am 
much pleased at your having forced the enemy back to Harper's 
Ferry. This will give protection to the Valley and arrest the travel 
on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. It will, however, have little 
or no effect upon Grant's operations or prevent reinforcements 
being sent to him. If Sheridan's force is as large as you suppose, 
I do not know that you could operate to advantage north of the 
Potomac. Either Anderson's troops or a portion of yours might, 
however, be detached to destroy the railroad west of Charlestown, 
and Fitz Lee might send a portion of his cavalry to cross the Poto- 
mac east of the Blue Ridge, as you propose, I cannot detach at 
present more cavalry from this army ; the enemy is too strong in 
that arm. I am aware that Anderson is the ranking officer, but I 
apprehend no difficulty on that score. I first intended him to 
threaten the enemy east of the Blue Ridge, so as to retain near 
Washington a portion of the enemy's forces. He crossed the 
mountains at your suggestion, and I think properly. If his troops 
are not wanted there, he could cross into Loudoun or Fauquier and 
return to Culpeper. It would add force to the movement of 
cavalry east of the Blue Ridge. I am in great need of his troops, 
and if they can be spared from the Valley or cannot operate to 
advantage there, I will order them back to Richmond. Let me 
know. Very respectfully, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



338 life and letters of lee 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

September 2, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

President Confederate States. 

Mr President : I beg leave to call your attention to the im- 
portance of immediate and vigorous measures to increase the 
strength of our armies, and to some suggestions as to the mode of 
doing it. The necessity is now great, and will soon be augmented 
by the results of the coming draft in the United States. As 
matters now stand, we have no troops disposable to meet move- 
ments of the enemy or strike when opportunity presents, without 
taking them from the trenches and exposing some important point. 
The enemy's position enables him to move his troops to the right 
or left without our knowledge until he has reached the point at 
which he aims, and we are then compelled to hurry our men to meet 
him, incurring the risk of being too late to check his progress, 
and the additional risk of the advantage he may derive from their 
absence. This was fully illustrated in the late demonstration 
north of the James River, which called troops from their lines 
here who, if present, might have prevented the occupation of the 
Weldon Railroad. These rapid and distant movements also fa- 
tigue and exhaust our men, greatly impairing their efficiency in 
battle. It is not necessary, however, to enumerate all the reasons 
for recruiting our ranks. The necessity is as well known to your 
Excellency as to myself, and as much the object of your solicitude. 

The means of obtaining men for field duty, as far as I can see, 
are only three : A considerable number could be placed in the 
ranks by relieving all able-bodied white men employed as teams- 
ters, cooks, mechanics, and laborers, and supplying their places 
with negroes. I think measures should be taken at once to substi- 
tute negroes for whites in every place in the army or connected 
with it where the former can be used. It seems to me that we must 
choose between employing negroes ourselves and having them em- 
ployed against us. A thorough and vigorous inspection of the 
rolls of exempted and detailed men is in my opinion of immediate 
importance. I think you will agree with me that no man should 
be excused from service for any reason not deemed sufficient to 
entitle one already in service to his discharge. I do not think that 
the decision of such questions can be made so well by any as bv 
those whose experience with troops has made them acquainted 
with the urgent claims to relief which are constantly brought to 
the attention of commanding officers, but which they are forced to 
deny. For this reason I would recommend that the rolls of 
exempts and details in each State be inspected by officers of char- 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 339 

acter and influence who have had experience in the field and have 
nothing to do with the exemptions and details. If all that I have 
heard be true, I think it will be found that very different rules of 
action have been pursued toward men in service and those liable 
to it in the matter of exemptions and details, and I respectfully 
recommend that your Excellency cause reports to be made by the 
enrolling bureau of the number of men enrolled in each State, the 
number sent to the field, and the number exempted or detailed. I 
regard this matter as of the utmost moment. Our ranks are con- 
stantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are 
received. The consequences are inevitable, and I feel confident 
that the time has come when no man capable of bearing arms 
should be excused unless it be for some controlling reason of 
public necessity. The safety of the country requires this, in my 
judgment, and hardship to individuals must be disregarded in 
view of the calamity that would follow to the whole people if our 
armies meet with disaster. No detail of an arms-bearing man 
should be continued or granted except for the performance of 
duty that is indispensable to the army, and that cannot be per- 
formed by one not liable to or fit for service. Agricultural de- 
tails take numbers from the army without any corresponding ad- 
vantage. I think that the interest of land-owners and cultivators 
may be relied upon to induce them to provide means for saving 
their crops if they be sent to the field. If they remain at home, 
their produce will only benefit the enemy, as our armies will be 
insufficient to defend them. If the officers and men detailed in the 
conscript bureau have performed their duties faithfully, they must 
have already brought out the chief part of those liable to duty, and 
have nothing to do now except to get such as from time to time 
reach military age. If this be true, many of these officers and men 
can be spared to the army. If not, they have been derelict, and 
should be sent back to the ranks, and their places supplied by 
others who will be more active. Such a policy will stimulate the 
energy of this class of men. The last resource is the reserve force. 
Men of this class can render great service in connection with reg- 
ular troops by taking their places in trenches, forts, etc., and leav- 
ing them free for active operations. I think no time should be 
lost in bringing out the entire strength of this class, particularly in 
Virginia and North Carolina. If I had the reserves of Virginia 
to hold the trenches here, or even to man those below Richmond 
on the north side of the river, they would render greater service 
than they can in any other way. They would give me force to 
act with on the offensive or defensive, as might be necessary, with- 
out weakening any part of our lines. Their mere presence in the 



340 LIFE AND BETTERS OF LEE 

works below Richmond would prevent the enemy from making 
feints in that quarter to draw troops from here, except in such 
force as to endanger his own lines around Petersburg. But I feel 
confident that with vigorous effort, and an understanding on the 
part of the people of the necessity of the case, we could get more 
of this class than enough for the purpose last indicated. We could 
make our regular troops here available in the field. The same 
remarks are applicable to the reserves of North Carolina, who 
could render similar services at Wilmington, and allow the regular 
troops to take the field against any force that might land there. 
I need not remind your Excellency that the reserves are of great 
value in connection with our regular troops to prevent disaster, but 
would be of little avail to retrieve it. For this reason they should 
be put in service before the numerical superiority of the enemv 
enables him to inflict a damaging blow upon the regular forces 
opposed to him. In my opinion the necessity for them will never 
be more urgent or their services of greater value than now. And 
I entertain the same views as to the importance of immediately 
bringing into the regular service every man liable to military duty. 
It will be too late to do so after our armies meet with disaster, 
should such, unfortunately, be the case. 

I trust your Excellency will excuse the length and earnestness 
of this letter in view of the vital importance of its subject, and 
am confident that you will do all in your power to accomplish the 
objects I have in view. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, September 2j, 1864. 
Gen. J. A. Early, Commanding Valley. 

General: Your letter of the 25th instant is received. I very 
much regret the reverses that have occurred to the army in the 
Valley, but trust they can be remedied. The arrival of Kershaw 
will add greatly to your strength, and I have such confidence in 
the men and officers that I am sure all will unite in the defenses 
of the country. It will require that every one should exert all his 
energies and strength to meet the emergency. One victory will 
put all things to rights. 

You must do all in your power to invigorate your army. Get 
back all absentees — maneuver so, if you can, as to keep the 
enemy in check until you can strike him with all strength. As 
far as I can judge at this distance, you have operated more with 
divisions than with your concentrated strength. Circumstances 
may have rendered it necessary, but such a course is to be avoided 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 341 

if possible. It will require the greatest watchfulness, the greatest 
promptness, and the most untiring energy on your part to arrest 
the progress of the enemy in his present tide of success. All the 
reserves in the Valley have been ordered to you. Breckinridge will 
join you or cooperate as circumstances will permit with all his 
force. Rosser left this morning for Burkeville (intersection of 
Danville and Southside Railroads), whence he will shape his course 
as you direct. I have given you all I can. You must use the 
resources you have so as to gain success. The enemy must be 
defeated, and I rely upon you to do it. I will endeavor to have 
shoes, arms, and ammunition supplied you. Set all your officers 
to work bravely and hopefully, and all will go well. As regards 
the Western cavalry I think for the present the best thing you 
can do is to separate it. Perhaps there is a lack of confidence be- 
tween officers and men. If you will attach one brigade to Rosser, 
making him a division, and one to Fitz Lee's division under 
Wickham, Lomax will be able, I hope, to bring out the rest. The 
men are all good, and only require instruction and discipline. The 
enemy's force cannot be so greatly superior to yours. His effective 
infantry I do not think exceeds 12,000 men. We are obliged 
to fight against great odds. A kind Providence will yet overrule 
everything for our good. If Colonel Carter's wound incapacitates 
him for duty, you must select a good chief of artillery for the 
present. 

Wishing you every prosperity and success, 

I am very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

October 21, 1864. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : I consider it very important to supply the garrisons in the 
forts below Wilmington with thirty days' provisions, in case the 
enemy should succeed in cutting them off from the city. I directed 
General Whiting to endeavor to obtain provisions for the purpose 
in North Carolina, but he has not succeeded in doing so, nor do 
I know that it is in his power. The amount of subsistence issued 
to the army in Virginia and North Carolina is not sufficient to 
enable us to retain what is required for these garrisons for the 
time indicated. We now get bacon for the troops only once in four 
days, and the Commissary Department informed Colonel Cole, 
chief C. S. of the army, that we must rely on cattle. As the collec- 
tion of supplies is in the hands of the officers of the C. S. Depart- 
ment, Colonel Cole does not know what number of cattle or what 



342 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

amount of provisions he can count upon, so as to make any arrange- 
ments to provide for those garrisons from stores that may come into 
their hands. I think that it would be better that the C. S. Depart- 
ment should provide the desired supplies if practicable, and I re- 
spectfully ask that you will direct that it be done if it be in the 
power of that department to accomplish it. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

October 24, 1864. 
Capt. J. K. Mitchell, 

Flag-officer Commanding James River Squadron. 

Captain : Your letter of the 23d instant is received, and in 
compliance with your request I will give you my views as to the 
service I deem important to be rendered by the Navy in the present 
posture of affairs. 

In my opinion, the enemy is already as near Richmond as he can 
b"e allowed to come with safety, and it is certain that the defense 
of the city would be easier did our lines extend lower down 
the river, and becomes more difficult the farther we are compelled 
to retire. 

If the enemy succeeds in throwing a force to the south bank in 
rear of General Pickett's lines, it will necessitate not only the with- 
drawal of General P.'s forces but also the abandonment of Peters- 
burg and its railroad connections, throwing the whole army back 
to the defenses of Richmond. 

I should regard this as a great disaster and as seriously endanger- 
ing the safety of the city. We should not only lose a large sec- 
tion of the country from which our position around Petersburg 
enables us to draw supplies, but the enemy would be brought 
nearer to the only remaining line of railway communication be- 
tween Richmond and the South, upon which the whole army, as 
well as the population of the city, would have to depend mainly 
for support. It would make the tenure of the city depend upon our 
ability to hold this long line of communication against the largely 
superior forces of the enemy, and, I think, would greatly diminish 
our prospects of successful defense. It is therefore, in my judg- 
ment, a matter of the first moment to prevent such a movement on 
the part of the enemy; and I do not know what emergency can 
arise in the future defense of the city which will more require all 
the efforts of the Army and Navy than that which now exists. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 343 

I fully appreciate the importance of preserving our fleet and 
deprecate any unnecessary exposure of it. But you will perceive 
the magnitude of the service which it is thought you can render, 
and determine whether it is sufficient to justify the risk. It is true 
that the enemy might place torpedoes in your rear while the vessels 
are on guard down the river at night ; but if you retire it is much 
easier for him to place them in the river below you, so as to prevent 
your going down altogether, no matter how great the necessity for 
your presence below might become. It is therefore very desirable 
to guard the river as effectually as we can, and I think it can be done 
so as greatly to diminish the chance of the enemy laying torpedoes 
if our ironclads can go down as far as Bishop's every night and 
picket in their rear with small boats and some of the light gunboats. 

Our pickets on the north bank extend about half a mile below the 
lowest battery, and will be able to afford some assistance, as will 
also those on the south bank. A system of signals should be agreed 
upon between them and the fleet to give timely notice of any at- 
tempt of the enemy to approach the river or launch boats. 

We have not sufficient force to picket the banks more effectu- 
ally. Our batteries on the south side would also tend to deter the 
enemy from making the attempt you apprehend, and could afford 
assistance to the fleet. 

You of course can best judge of your ability to render the ser- 
vice required. I can only express my views of its importance, and 
I trust that if the Department can increase your force of men, or 
in any other way contribute to render you able to perform this im- 
portant duty, it will be done. As I said before, I can foresee no 
state of circumstances in which the fleet can render more impor- 
tant aid in the defense of Richmond than at present by guarding 
the river below Chaffin's Bluff. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

October 27, 1864. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the signal 
message sent me by your order yesterday. I had supposed that 
General Grant would make some movement simultaneously with 
any attack on Wilmington to prevent reinforcements being sent 
from here, and in that view I consider it important that in such an 
event General Hardee should reinforce General Bragg with all 
his available troops, or, on the other hand, should Charleston and 
not Wilmington be the real point of attack, a demonstration will 



344 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

be made against the others to detain the troops at either from the 
real point. The officers in command must judge which is the true 
movement and act accordingly. 

I think it would be well that the policy which they are to pursue 
should be made the subject of an order from the Department direct- 
ing the one not attacked to reinforce the one who is with all the 
troops he can spare. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Turnbull's, December 5, 1864. 
His Ex. Jefferson Davis, 

President C. States, Richmond. 

Mr. President: I have received the dispatch from General 
Bragg of the 4th inst, forwarded to me by Mr. B. N. Harrison, 
stating that there is still time for him to receive any assistance 
that can be spared. On the 27th ult. General Whiting informed 
me that General Bragg had carried with him 2,700 of the best 
troops from Wilmington. Since that he has ordered to Charleston 
a regiment of the North Carolina reserves, and I do not think, so 
far as I can judge, that more troops can be taken with propriety 
unless we were certain that all danger of an attack was removed 
from that point. In addition, I sent General Young with about 
400 cavalrymen (without horses), and ordered all those previously 
sent to Georgia and South Carolina to report to him at Augusta ; 
which Hampton thinks will give him about 800 mounted men, 
which I thought would strengthen the cavalry very much in that 
department. General Baker has also gone to General Bragg, so 
that he will have another good cavalry commander. 

I fear I can do nothing more under present circumstances. Gen- 
eral Early reports that his scouts stated the Sixth Corps had broken 
camp on the 2d, and taken the cars at Stevenson's Depot — said 
to be going to City Point. From reports received from Long- 
street and Ewell last night, I think this corps or a part of it may 
have reached the north side of James River last night. My last 
report from scouts on the James was to the 2d. There had been 
great activity on the river in transportation of supplies, but no 
troops had passed in any numbers since the 17th ult. Reports of 
Early and Longstreet have not yet been corroborated but the whole 
preparations of the enemy indicate some movement against us. 
All we want to resist them is men. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 345 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

December n, 1864. 
Hon. James A. Seddon, 

Secretary of War, Richmond. 

Sir: I have been informed by General Stevens that you have 
consented to the retention of our present negro force until Christ- 
mas. This will prove to be some relief, but not sufficient for 
our wants. My original request was for 5,000 laborers : 2,200 
is the greatest number which ever reported, and those in small 
bodies at different intervals. The period for which they were 
first called was thirty days, and subsequently extended to sixty 
days. A large number of them have deserted, many not serving 
the first thirty days. Since the expiration of this period the de- 
sertions have greatly increased. I cannot state the present strengtn 
of the force, but think it cannot exceed 1,200. I consequently have 
not been able to accomplish half I desired. In our present extended 
line, requiring the troops to be always on duty and prepared for 
any movements of the enemy, I cannot use them, as formerly, for 
any work requiring them to leave their trenches. This is the rea- 
son why a laboring force is necessary, and unless I can get it for the 
completion of interior lines of defense, construction of roads, and 
other work necessary to the existence of an army, I shall be unable 
to hold my position. Of the negroes called for under the act of 
February 17, 1864, I have not yet received enough to replace the 
white teamsters in the army. In fact, we have not received more 
than sufficient to supply teamsters for the Third Corps and a por- 
tion of one division. Not one has yet been received for laboring 
purposes, and to any inquiries on the subject I get no satisfactory 
reply. I beg, therefore, to call your attention to this matter, which 
I deem of the greatest importance, and request that prompt meas- 
ures may be taken to supply this demand. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Near Petersburg, December 14, 1864. 
Mr. President: 

After sending my dispatch to you yesterday, knowing that the 
snow in the Valley was six inches deep and the weather very cold, 
and presuming that active operations would necessarily be sus- 
pended, I directed Rodes's division to march for Staunton and 
requested the quartermaster-general to send cars to convey it to 
Richmond. It is now on the road, and should reach Staunton 
tomorrow evening. If the quartermaster's department is active, 



346 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

it should arrive in Richmond Friday morning - . A dispatch re- 
ceived from General Early last night stated that the scouts just 
in report that the Nineteenth Corps of the enemy had left the Val- 
ley, and that the Eighth was under marching orders. The latter 
might be preparing to move nearer the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road, for I do not think they will strip it of all defense, or both 
corps may be coming to General Grant. Colonel Withers's scouts 
report that a New York regiment of infantry and part of the 
Seventh Regiment of cavalry had left the Kanawha for the valley ; 
but I suppose they might have been intended to replace the garri- 
son at New Creek. I do not know what may be General Grant's 
next move ; his last against the Weldon Railroad and our right 
flank failed. The expeditions from Plymouth and New Berne 
against Fort Branch on the Roanoke, and Kinston, N. C, have 
both retreated, before the forces moved against them, back to their 
former positions. Everything at this time is quiet in the depart- 
ments of Virginia and North Carolina. If the reports of the 
prisoners and the statements of Federal officers to the citizens of 
the country are true, the object of the last expedition was to make 
a permanent lodgment at Weldon, draw supplies by the Roanoke 
and Seaboard Railroad and thence operate against the railroad in 
North Carolina. General Grant may not now be prepared to 
break through our center, as the canal at Dutch Gap is reported 
nearly completed. As long as he holds so large an army around 
Richmond, I think it very hazardous to diminish our force. We 
now can oppose about a division to one of his corps. I fear Savan- 
nah is in great danger, and unless our operations there are bold and 
energetic I am apprehensive of its fall. I hope, though, if all our 
troops are united Sherman may be repulsed. But there is no time 
to lose. If the Nineteenth Corps does not come to Grant we might 
spare a division ; but if the Nineteenth and Eighth are both drawn 
to him, we shall require more than we have. I ordered Gen. J. A. 
Walker with the Virginia reserves from Weldon to Kinston to 
oppose the movement against that place. He is now on his return 
to his position on the Danville and Southside Roads. 

With a firm reliance on our merciful God that He will cause all 
things to work together for our good, I remain, with great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

On February 9, 1865, General Lee was made Commander-in- 
Chief of all of the armies of the Confederacy, but it was now too 
late for him to accomplish anything. Sherman had made his 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 347 

''march to the sea," and up through the Carolinas, and was 
moving on Weldon, just across the Virginia line, with a view of 
operating on Lee's rear. Beauregard, and soon after J. E. 
Johnston, whom Lee assigned to that command, could muster 
only 18,000 men to oppose Sherman who, after Schofield from 
Wilmington united with him, had at least 100,000. And yet 
Lee conceived the bold plan of evacuating Richmond and Pet- 
ersburg, uniting with Johnston, and striking Sherman before 
Grant could go to his help. This plan would have been put 
into execution, but for the fact that the horrible condition of 
the roads, and the artillery and wagon horses, which had been 
on starvation rations all winter, prevented, and while waiting 
for better roads Grant's movements frustrated it. On the 25th 
of March Lee made a daring effort to cut Grant's lines near 
the Appomattox River, and thus recall the movement he was 
making on the Confederate right flank. Accordingly, the chival- 
rous John B.Gordon, now commanding Ewell's old corps, made 
a heroic assault on Fort Steadman which captured the fort, 
guns, and prisoners. But Fort Steadman was under the con- 
centrated and converging fire of other strong- works, and after 
a most gallant struggle Gordon was forced to retire with a loss 
of 1,949 prisoners and 1,000 killed and wounded. He brought 
into his lines 560 prisoners, among them Brigadier-General Mc- 
Laughlin, and inflicted heavy loss on the enemy in killed and 
wounded. 

But before telling of the opening of the campaign and the 
final result, I will give extracts from his letters and orders, 
illustrating Lee's feelings at this period. On February 21 he 
wrote Mrs. Lee : 

After sending my note this morning I received from the express 
office a bag of socks. You will have to send down your offerings as 
soon as you can and bring your work to a close, for I think General 
Grant will move against us soon — within a week if nothing pre- 
vents — and no man can tell what may be the result ; but, trusting 
to a merciful God, who does not always give the battle to the 
strong, I pray we may not be overwhelmed. I shall, however, en- 
deavor to do my duty and fight to the last. Should it be necessary 



348 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

to abandon our position to prevent being surrounded, what will 
you do ? Will you remain, or leave the city ? You must consider 
the question and make up your mind. It is a fearful condition, 
and we must rely for guidance and protection upon a kind 
Providence. 

And again on December 17, 1864 : 

I received day before yesterday the box with hat, gloves, and 
socks ; also the barrel of apples. You had better have kept the 
latter, as it would have been more useful to you than to me, and 
I should have enjoyed its consumption by yourself and the girls 
more than by me. 

And on December 30, 1864 : 

Yesterday afternoon three little girls walked into my room, each 
with a small basket. The eldest carried some fresh eggs laid by 
her own hens ; the second, some pickles made by her mother ; the 
third, some pop corn which had grown in her garden. They were 
accompanied by a young maid with a block of soap made by her 
mother. They were the daughters of a Mrs. Nottingham, a refugee 
from Northhampton County, who lived near Eastville, not far from 
old Arlington. The eldest of the girls, whose age did not exceed 
eight years, had a small wheel on which she spun for her mother, 
who wove all the cloth for her two brothers — boys of twelve and 
fourteen years. I have not had so pleasant a visit for a long time. 
I fortunately was able to fill their baskets with apples, which dis- 
tressed poor Bryan [his steward], and begged them to bring me 
nothing but kisses and to keep the eggs, corn, etc., for themselves. 
I pray daily and almost hourly to our Heavenly Father to come 
to the relief of you [Mrs. Lee was sick] and our afflicted country. 
I know He will order all things for our good, and we must be 
content. 

I add a number of official letters and reports, which indicate 
the current of events and Lee's views, before giving a brief out- 
line of the closing campaign : 

(Telegram from Headquarters A. N. Va.) 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 11, 1865. 
Hon. J. A. Seddon : 

There is nothing within reach of this army to be impressed. 
The country is swept clear ; our only reliance is upon the railroads. 
We have but two days' supplies. 

R. E. Lee. 



the last year of the war 349 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 16, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of the 12th inst., with its enclosures. I thank you for your prompt, 
energetic measures for the relief of the army. As soon as I was 
informed of the break in our railroad connections I issued the 
enclosed appeal to the farmers and others in the country accessible 
by our remaining communications, and sent Major Tannahill to 
them to obtain all the supplies that could be procured. I am glad 
to say that, so far as I know, the crisis in relation to this matter 
is now past. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
(Indorsement.) 
Noted with pleasure. It was the most effectual mode of obtain- 
ing supplies — more effective, I doubt not, than coercive action of 
the Department. 

J. A. S. 
January 19, 1865. 

(Enclosure.) 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 12, 1865. 
To the Farmers east of the Blue Ridge and south of James 
River : 

The recent heavy freshet having destroyed a portion of the rail- 
road from Danville to Goldsboro, and thereby cut off temporarily 
necessary supplies for the Army of Northern Virginia, an appeal 
is respectfully made to the farmers, millers, and other citizens to 
furnish with all possible promptness whatever breadstuff's, meats 
(fresh or salt), and molasses they can spare. Such citizens as 
Major Robert Tannahill may select are asked to act as agents in 
purchasing and collecting supplies through the various officers con- 
nected with the commissary department on the lines of railroad. 

Arrangements have been made to pay promptly for all supplies 
delivered under this appeal, or to return the same in kind as soon 
as practicable. 

R. E. Lee. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 19, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : There is great suffering in the army for want of soap. 
The neglect of personal cleanliness has occasioned cutaneous dis- 



350 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

eases to a great extent in many commands. The Commissary De- 
partment has been applied to, but the supply received from it is 
entirely inadequate. Soap is an article of home manufacture in 
every family almost. The materials for making it are found in 
every household, and the art is familiar to all well-trained domes- 
tics. I cannot but think that by proper efforts a plan might be 
devised to meet this want of our soldiers. All that is necessary, 
I think, is to employ or contract with some intelligent and prac- 
tical business men in the different States to insure a supply. I 
do not suppose that agents or officers of the C. S. Department can 
succeed as well as private individuals, if it be made to the interest 
of the latter to procure what we need. I beg that you will en- 
deavor to make arrangement by which the suffering of the men 
in this particular can be relieved. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

(Circular.) 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

January 25, 1865. 
To arm and equip an additional force of cavalry there is need 
of carbines, revolvers, pistols, saddles, and other accouterments 
of mounted men. Arms and equipments of the kind desired are 
believed to be held by citizens in sufficient numbers to supply our 
wants. Many keep them as trophies, and some with the expecta- 
tion of using them in their own defense. But it should be remem- 
bered that arms are now required for use, and that they cannot 
be made so effectual for the defense of the country in any way 
as in the hands of organized troops. They are needed to enable 
our cavalry to cope with the well-armed and equipped cavalry of 
the enemy, not only in the general service, but in resisting those 
predatory expeditions which have inflicted so much loss upon the 
people of the interior. To the patriotic I need make no other 
appeal than the wants of the service ; but I beg to remind those 
who are reluctant to part with the arms and equipments in their 
possession that by keeping them they diminish the ability of the 
army to defend their property, without themselves receiving any 
benefit from them. I therefore urge all persons not in the service 
to deliver promptly to some of the officers designated below such 
arms and equipments (especially those suitable for cavalry) as 
they may have, and to report to those officers the names of such 
persons as neglect to surrender those in their possession. Every 
citizen who prevents a carbine or pistol from remaining unused 
will render a service to his country. Those who think to retain 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 351 

arms for their own defense should remember that if the army 
cannot protect them, the arms will be of little use. 

While no valid title can be acquired to public arms and equip- 
ments except from the Government, it is reported that many per- 
sons have ignorantly purchased them from private parties. A 
fair compensation will, therefore, be made to all who deliver such 
arms and equipments to any ordnance officers, officer command- 
ing at a post, officers and agents of the Quartermaster and Com- 
missary Departments at any station, or officers in the enrolling 
service or connected with the nitre and mining bureau. All these 
officers are requested, and those connected with this army are 
directed, to receive and receipt for all arms and equipments, what- 
ever their condition, and forward the same, with a duplicate re- 
ceipt, to the Ordnance Department at Richmond, and report their 
proceedings to these headquarters. The persons holding the re- 
ceipt will be compensated upon presenting it to the ordnance 
bureau. 

While it is hoped that no one will disregard this appeal, all offi- 
cers connected with the Army are required, and all others are 
requested, to take possession of any public arms and equipments 
they may find in the hands of persons unwilling to surrender 
them to the service of the country, and to give receipts therefor. 
A reasonable allowance for their expenses and trouble will be 
made to such patriotic citizens as will collect and deliver to any 
of the officers above designated such arms and equipments as they 
may find in the hands of persons not in the service, or who will 
report the same to those officers. A prompt compliance with 
this call will greatly promote the efficiency and strength of the 
Army, particularly of the cavalry, and render it better able to 
protect the homes and property of the people from outrage. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, February 4, 1865. 
Gen. S. Cooper, 

A. and I. General, Richmond, Va. 

General : I received your telegram of the 1st inst. announcing 
my confirmation by the Senate as general-in-chief of the armies of 
the Confederate States. I am indebted alone to the kindness of his 
Excellency the President for my nomination to this high and 
arduous office, and I wish I had the ability to fill it to advantage. 
As I have received no instructions as to my duties, I do not know 
what he desires me to undertake. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



352 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

(Telegram.) 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

February 8, 1865. 
Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, 

Sec. of War, Richmond, Va. 

Sir : All the disposable force of the right wing of the army has 
been operating against the enemy beyond Hatcher's Run since 
Sunday. Yesterday, the most inclement day of the winter, they 
had to be retained in line of battle, having been in the same condi- 
tion the two previous days and nights. I regret to be obliged to state 
that under these circumstances, heightened by assaults and fire 
of the enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three 
days, and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant 
clothing, exposed to battle, cold, hail, and sleet. I have directed 
Colonel Cole, chief commissary, who reports that he has not a 
pound of meat at his disposal, to visit Richmond and see if nothing 
can be done. If some change is not made and the Commissary De- 
partment reorganized, I apprehend dire results. The physical 
strength of the men, if their courage survives, must fail under this 
treatment. Our cavalry has to be dispersed for want of forage. 
Fitz Lee's and Lomax's divisions are scattered because supplies 
cannot be transported where their services are required. I had to 
bring Wm. H. F. Lee's division forty miles Sunday night to get 
him in position. Taking these facts in connection with the paucity 
of our numbers, you must not be surprised if calamity befalls us. 
According to reports of prisoners, we were opposed on Hatcher's 
Run by the Second and Fifth Corps, part of the Ninth, one division 
of the Sixth, Gregg's division (Third Brigade of cavalry) . It was 
also reported that the Twenty-third Corps (Schofield's) reached 
City Point on the 5th, and that it was present. But this is not con- 
firmed by other reports. At last accounts it was stated to be on the 
Potomac, delayed by ice. A scout near Alexandria reports it is 
to march on Gordonsville, General Baker on Kinston. I think it 
more probable it will join Grant here. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Respectfully sent to the President for perusal. Please return it. 

John C Breckinridge, 

Secretary of War. 

(Indorsement.) 
This is too sad to be patiently considered, and cannot have oc- 
curred without criminal neglect or gross incapacity. Let supplies 
be had by purchase or borrowing or other possible mode. J. D. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 353 

Headquarters Confederate Army, 

February 9, 1865. 
General Orders, 
No. 1. 
In obedience to General Order No. 3, Adjutant and Inspector- 
General's Office, 6th February, 1865, I assume command of the 
military forces of the Confederate States. 

Deeply impressed with the difficulties and responsibilities of 
the position, and humbly invoking the guidance of Almighty God, 
I rely for success upon the courage and fortitude of the Army, sus- 
tained by the patriotism and firmness of the people, confident that 
their united efforts, under the blessing of Heaven, will secure peace 
and independence. 

The headquarters of the Army, to which all special reports and 
communications will be addressed, will be for the present with the 
Army of Northern Virginia. The stated and regular returns and 
reports of each army and department will be forwarded, as here- 
tofore, to the office of the Adjutant and Inspector-General. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Armies of the Confederate States, 

14th February, 1865. 
General Orders, 
No. 2. 

In entering upon the campaign about to open the General-in- 
Chief feels assured that the soldiers who have so long and so nobly 
borne the hardships and dangers of the war require no exhortation 
to respond to the calls of honor and duty. 

With the liberty transmitted by their forefathers they have in- 
herited the spirit to defend it. 

The choice between war and abject submission is before them. 

To such a proposal brave men with arms in their hands can have 
but one answer. They cannot barter manhood for peace nor the 
right of self-government for life or property. 

But justice to them requires a sterner admonition to those who 
have abandoned their comrades in the hour of peril. 

A last opportunity is afforded them to wipe out the disgrace 
and escape the punishment of their crimes. 

By authority of the President of the Confederate States a par- 
don is announced to such deserters and men improperly absent 
as shall return to the commands to which they belong within 
the shortest possible time, not exceeding twenty days from the 
publication of this order, at the headquarters of the department 
in which they may be. 



354 LIFE AND LBTTERS OF LEE 

Those who may be prevented by interruption of communica- 
tion may report within the time specified to the nearest enrolling 
officer or other officer on duty, to be forwarded as soon as prac- 
ticable, and upon presenting a certificate from such officer show- 
ing compliance with the requirement will receive the pardon 
hereby offered. 

Those who have deserted to the service of the enemy, or who 
have deserted after having been once pardoned for the same of- 
fense, and those who shall desert or absent themselves without 
authority after the publication of this order, are excluded from 
its benefits. Nor does the offer of pardon extend to other offenses 
than desertion and absence without permission. 

By the same authority it is also declared that no general am- 
nesty will again be granted, and those who refuse to accept the 
pardon now offered, or who shall hereafter desert or absent 
themselves without leave, shall suffer such punishment as the 
courts may impose, and no application for clemency will be en- 
tertained. 

Taking new resolution from the fate which our enemies intend 
for us, let every man devote all his energies to the common 
defense. 

Our resources, wisely and vigorously employed, are ample, and 
with a brave army, sustained by a determined and united people, 
success with God's assistance cannot be doubtful. 

The advantage of the enemy will have but little value if we 
do not permit them to impair our resolution. Let us then oppose 
constancy to adversity, fortitude to suffering, and courage to 
danger, with the firm assurance that He who gave freedom to our 
fathers will bless the efforts of their children to preserve it. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, February 19, 1865. 
His Excellency J. C. Breckinridge, 

Secretary of War, Richmond, Va. 

Sir : The accounts received today from South and North Car- 
olina are unfavorable. General Beauregard reports from Winns- 
borough that four corps of the enemy are advancing on that place, 
tearing up the Charlotte Railroad, and they will probably reach 
Charlotte by the 24th and before he can concentrate his troops 
there. He states that General Sherman will doubtless move thence 
on Greensboro, Danville, and Petersburg, or unite with General 
Schofield at Raleieh or Weldon. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 355 

i 

General Bragg reports that General Schofield is now preparing 
to advance from New Berne to Goldsboro, and that a strong ex- 
pedition is moving against Weldon Railroad at Rocky Mount. 
He says that little or no assistance can be received from the State 
of North Carolina — that exemptions and reorganizations under 
late laws have disbanded the State forces, and that they will not 
be ready for the field for some time. 

I do not see how Sherman can make the march anticipated by 
General Beauregard, but he seems to have everything his own 
way ; which is calculated to cause apprehension. General Beaure- 
gard does not say what he proposes or what he can do. I do not 
know where his troops are or on what lines they are moving. 
His dispatches only give movements of the enemy. He has a 
difficult task to perform under present circumstances, and one of 
his best officers, General Hardee, is incapacitated by sickness. I 
have also heard that his own health is indifferent, though he has 
never so stated. Should his strength give way, there is no one 
on duty in the department that could replace him, nor have I 
any one to send there. Gen. J. E. Johnston is the only officer 
whom I know who has the confidence of the army and people, 
and if he was ordered to report to me I would place him there 
on duty. It is necessary to bring out all our strength, and, I fear, 
to unite our armies, as separately they do not seem able to make 
head against the enemy. Everything should be destroyed that 
cannot be removed out of the reach of Generals Sherman and 
Schofield. Provisions must be accumulated in Virginia, and every 
man in all the States must be brought off. I fear it may be neces- 
sary to abandon all our cities, and preparation should be made 
for this contingency. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

(Confidential.) 
Headquarters, Petersburg, February 21, 1865. 
Hon. J. C. Breckinridge, 

Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : I have had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday's 
date. I have repeated the orders to the commanding officers to 
remove and destroy everything in enemy's route. In the event 
of the necessity of abandoning our position on the James River, 
I shall endeavor to unite the corps of the army about Burkeville 
(junction of Southside and Danville Railroad), so as to retain 
communication with the North and South as long as practicable, 
and also with the West. 



356 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I should think Lynchburg or some point west the most advan- 
tageous place to which to remove stores from Richmond. This, 
however, is a most difficult point at this time to decide, and the 
place may have to be changed by circumstances. 

It was my intention in my former letter to apply for Gen. J. E. 
Johnston, that I might assign him to duty should circumstances 
permit. I have had no official report of the condition of General 
Beauregard's health ; it is stated from many sources to be bad ; 
if he should break entirely down, it might be fatal. In that event 
I should have no one with whom to supply his place. I therefore 
respectfully request that General Johnston may be ordered to 
report to me, and that I may be informed where he is. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, February 22, 1865. 
Hon. J. C. Breckinridge, 

Sec. of War, Richmond, Va. 

Sir: I have just received your letter of the 21st. I concur 
fully as to the necessity of defeating Sherman. I hope that Gen- 
eral Beauregard will get his troops in hand at least before he can 
cross the Roanoke. If any additions can be given him, it cannot 
be south of that stream. The troops in the Valley are scattered 
for subsistence, nor can they be concentrated for the want of it. 
The infantry force is very small. At the commencement of winter 
I think it was reported under 1,800. That in western Virginia 
you know more about than I do, and there are only two regi- 
ments in western North Carolina. These united would be of 
some assistance. At the rate that Beauregard supposes Sherman 
will march, they could not be collected at Greensboro in time, 
still, I hope to make some use of them. But you may expect 
Sheridan to move up the Valley and Stoneman from Knoxville 
as Sherman draws near Roanoke. What, then, will become of 
those sections of country? I know of no other troops that could 
be given to Beauregard. Bragg will be forced back by Schofield, 
I fear, and until I abandon James River nothing can be sent from 
this army. 

Grant, I think, is now preparing to draw out by his left with 
the intent of enveloping me. He may wait till his other columns 
approach nearer, or he may be preparing to anticipate my with- 
drawal. I cannot tell yet. I am endeavoring to collect supplies 
convenient to Burkeville. Everything of value should be removed 
from Richmond. It is of the first importance to save all powder. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 357 

The cavalry and artillery of the army are still scattered for want 
of provender, and our supply and ammunition trains, which ought 
to be with the army in case of a sudden movement, are absent 
collecting provisions and forage, some in western Virginia and 
some in North Carolina. You will see to what straits we are 
reduced. But I trust to work out. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

(Circular.) 
Headquarters Armies of The Confederate States, 

22d February, 1865. 
General : 

The spirit which animates our soldiers and the natural courage 
with which they are so liberally endowed have led to a reliance 
upon these good qualities to the neglect of those measures which 
would increase their efficiency and contribute to their safety. Many 
opportunities have been lost and hundreds of valuable lives use- 
lessly sacrificed for want of a strict observance of discipline. 

Its object is to enable an army to bring promptly into action 
the largest possible number of its men, in good order and under 
the control of their officers. Its effects are visible in all military 
history, which records the triumphs of discipline and courage far 
more frequently than those of numbers and resources. 

At no time in the war has the necessity of close attention to 
this important subject been greater than at present, and at no 
time has its cultivation promised more valuable results. The 
proportion of experienced troops is larger in our army than in 
that of the enemy, while his numbers exceed our own. These 
are the circumstances most favorable for the display of the ad- 
vantages of discipline, and in which the power it imparts will be 
most clearly perceived. 

I desire therefore that you will direct every effort to improve 
the discipline of your troops. This will not only require your 
own unremitting attention, but also the zealous cooperation of 
your officers, commissioned and non-commissioned. 

The recent law abolishing the system of elections and open- 
ing the way to promotion to all who distinguish themselves by 
the faithful discharge of duty affords a new incentive to officers 
and men. In addition to the usual and stated instructions, which 
must be given at all times as fully as circumstances will permit, 
the importance and utility of thorough discipline should be im- 
pressed on officers and men on all occasions by illustrations taken 



358 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

from the experience of the instructor or from other sources of 
information. They should be made to understand that discipline 
contributes no less to their safety than to their efficiency. Dis- 
astrous surprises and those sudden panics which lead to defeat 
and the greatest loss of life are of rare occurrence among dis- 
ciplined troops. It is well known that the greatest number of 
casualties occur when men become scattered, and especially 
when they retreat in confusion, as the fire of the enemy is then 
more deliberate and fatal. The experience of every officer shows 
that those troops suffer least who attack most vigorously, and 
that a few men retaining their organization and acting in con- 
cert accomplish far more with smaller loss than a larger number 
scattered and disorganized. 

The appearance of a steady, unbroken line is more formidable to 
the enemy, and renders his aim less accurate and his fire less 
effective. Orders can be readily transmitted, advantage can be 
promptly taken of every opportunity, and, all efforts being di- 
rected to a common end, the contest will be briefer and success 
more certain. 

Let officers and men be made to feel that they will most effec- 
tually secure their safety by remaining steadily at their posts, pre- 
serving order, and fighting with coolness and vigor. 

Fully impressed with the truth of these views, I call your atten- 
tion particularly to the accompanying order with reference to the 
duties of file-closers, which you will immediately carry into exe- 
cution. 

Impress upon your officers that discipline cannot be attained 
without constant watchfulness on their part. They must attend 
to the smallest particulars of detail. Men must be habituated 
to obey or they cannot be controlled in battle, and the neglect 
of the least important order impairs the proper influence of the 
officer. 

In recommending officers or men for promotion you will al- 
ways, where other qualifications are equal, give preference to 
those who show the highest appreciation of the importance of dis- 
cipline and evince the greatest attention to its requirements. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



the last year of the war 359 

Headquarters Confederate States Armies, 

February 24, 1865. 
His Excellency Z. B. Vance, 

Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh. 

Governor : The state of despondency that now prevails among 
our people is producing a bad effect upon the troops. Deser- 
tions are becoming very frequent, and there is good reason to 
believe that they are occasioned to a considerable extent by let- 
ters written to the soldiers by their friends at home. In the 
last two weeks several hundred have deserted from Hill's corps, 
and as the divisions from, which the greatest number of deser- 
tions have taken place are composed chiefly of troops from North 
Carolina, they furnish a corresponding proportion of deserters. 
I think some good can be accomplished by the efforts of influen- 
tial citizens to change public sentiment and cheer the spirits of 
the people. It has been discovered that despondent persons rep- 
resent to their friends in the army that our cause is hopeless, 
and that they had better provide for themselves. They state 
that the number of deserters is so large in the several counties 
that there is ho danger to be apprehended from the home-guards. 
The deserters generally take their arms with them. The greater 
number are from regiments from the western part of the State. 
So far as the despondency of the people occasions this sad con- 
ditions of affairs, I know of no other means of removing it than 
by the counsel and exhortation of prominent citizens. If they 
would explain to the people that the cause is not hopeless, that 
the situation of affairs, though critical, is so to the enemy as 
well as ourselves, that he has drawn his troops from every other 
quarter to accomplish his designs against Richmond, and that 
his defeat now would result in leaving nearly our whole terri- 
tory open to us ; that this great result can be accomplished if all 
will work diligently, and that his successes are far less valuable 
in fact than in appearance, — I think our sorely-tried people would 
be induced to make one more effort to bear their sufferings a 
little longer, and regain some of the spirit that marked the first 
two years of the war. If they will, I feel confident that with the 
blessing of God what seems to be our greatest danger will prove 
the means of deliverance and safety. 

Trusting that you will do all in your power to help us in this 
great emergency, 

I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



360 life and letters of lee 

Headquarters Confederate States Armies, 

March 9, 1865. 
His Excellency Z. B. Vance, 

Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh. 

Governor : I received your letter of the 2d inst. and return 
you my sincere thanks for your zealous efforts in behalf of the 
Army and the cause. I have read with pleasure and attention 
your proclamation and appeal to the people, as also extracts 
from your addresses. I trust you will infuse into your fellow- 
citizens the spirit of resolution and patriotism which inspires 
your own action. I have now no cavalry to spare for the pur- 
pose you mention, and regret that I did not receive the sugges- 
tion at an earlier period. I think it a very good one and would 
have been glad to adopt it. I have sent a force of infantry under 
Brigadier-General Johnston (R. D.) to guard the line of the 
Roanoke and operate as far as practicable in the adjacent counties 
to arrest deserters. Another detachment of 500 men under 
Colonel McAllister has been sent to Chatham and Moore counties, 
in which the bands of deserters were represented to be very 
numerous. They will, however, operate in other quarters as 
occasion may require. They are instructed to take no prisoners 
among those deserters who resist with arms the civil or military 
authorities. I hope you will raise as large a force of local troops 
to cooperate with them as you can, and think that the sternest 
course is the best with the class I have referred to. The immun- 
ity which these lawless organizations afford is a great cause of 
desertion, and they cannot be too sternly dealt with. I hope 
you will be able to aid General Johnston, who needs all the rein- 
forcements you can give him. If he can check the progress of 
General Sherman, the effect would be of the greatest value. I 
hope the late success of General Bragg near Kinston will revive 
the spirits of the people and render your labors less arduous. 
The conduct of the widow lady whom you mention deserves the 
highest commendation. If all our people possessed her spirit, 
our success I should feel to be assured. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, Virginia, March 17, 1865. 
Hon. John C. Breckinridge, 

Sec. of War, Richmond, Va. 

Sir : A dispatch from Lieutenant-General Taylor at Meridian 
on the 12th inst. states that he had returned that morning from 
West Point; that Thomas was reported to be moving with the 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 361 

Fourth Army Corps and about 12,000 cavalry ; that General 
Maury reports enemy, some 30,000 strong, moving with fleet 
and by land from Pensacola on Mobile ; that about 30,000 bales 
of cotton in Mobile will be burned as soon as the city is invested ; 
that he has provided for these movements as fully as his re- 
sources permitted, but that he had received no aid from Missis- 
sippi or Alabama, yet hoped to embarrass the enemy in his ef- 
forts to take those States. If the estimate of the enemy's strength 
is correct, I see little prospect of preserving Mobile, and had 
previously informed him that he could not rely upon the return 
of the Army of Tennessee to relieve that city, and suggested the 
propriety of withdrawing from it, and endeavor to beat the enemy 
in the field. I hope this course will meet with the approbation of 
the Department. 

General Johnston on the 16th, from Smithfield, reports the 
Federal army south of the Cape Fear, but near Fayetteville. 
He had ordered 1,000 wagons of the Tennessee army to be used 
in filling gaps in railroads and 100 wagons to collect supplies in 
South Carolina for this army. I hope this will furnish some relief. 

General Echols at Wytheville, on the 12th, reports that a por- 
tion of the troops in East Tennessee had removed south of 
Knoxville, destination not known, and that the engineer corps 
which had commenced to repair the Tennessee Railroad from 
Knoxville east had been withdrawn and sent to Chattanooga for 
the purpose, it was thought, of repairing the road toward At- 
lanta. He also states that an intelligent scout just from Ken- 
tucky reports Burbridge's force had been taken to Nashville, and 
that considerable bodies of troops were passing up the Ohio on 
their way to Grant. He believed all these reports may be relied on. 

The enemy seems still to be collecting a force in the Shenan- 
doah Valley, which indicates another movement as soon as the 
weather will permit. Rosser's scouts report that there is some 
cavalry and infantry now at Winchester, and that Hancock has a 
portion of his corps at Hall Town. I think these troops are in- 
tended to supply the place of those under General Sheridan, which 
it is plain General Grant has brought to his army. The addition 
of these three mounted divisions will give such strength to his 
cavalry, already numerically superior to ours, that it will enable 
him, I fear, to keep our communications to Richmond broken. 
Had we been able to use the supplies which Sheridan has destroyed 
in his late expedition in maintaining our troops in the Valley in 
a body, if his march could not have been arrested it would at least 
have been rendered comparatively harmless, and we should have 



362 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

been spared the mortification that has attended it. Now, I do not 
see how we can sustain even our small force of cavalry around 
Richmond. I have had this morning to send Gen. William H. F. 
Lee's division back to Stony Creek, whence I had called it in the 
last few days, because I cannot provide it with forage. I regret 
to have to report these difficulties, but think you ought to be ap- 
prised of them, in order if there is any remedy it should be applied. 
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Confederate States Armies, 

March 27, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond. 

Sir : I have been awaiting the receipt of the order from the 
Department for raising and organizing the colored troops before 
taking any action in the matter. I understand that orders have 
been published in the newspapers, but have not seen them. In 
the mean time, I have been informed that a number of recruits 
may be obtained in Petersburg if suitable persons be employed 

to get them to enlist 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

April 1, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, -Richmond. 

Sir : After my dispatch of last night I received a report from 
General Pickett, who with three of his own brigades and two of 
General Johnston's supported the cavalry under Gen. Fitz 
Lee near Five Forks on the Road from Dinwiddie Court House 
to the Southside road. After considerable difficulty, and meet- 
ing resistance from the enemy at all points, General Pickett forced 
his way to within less than a mile of Dinwiddie Court House. 
By this time it was too dark for further operations, and General 
Pickett resolved to return to Five Forks to protect his communi- 
cations with the railroad. He inflicted considerable damage upon 
the enemy, and took some prisoners. His own loss was severe, 
including a good many officers. General Terry had his horse 
killed by a shell, and was disabled himself. Gen. Fitz Lee's 
and Rosser's divisions were heavily engaged, but their loss was 
slight. Gen. W. H. F. Lee lost some valuable officers. Gen- 
eral Pickett did not retire from the vicinity of Dinwiddie Court 
House until early this morning, when his left flank being threat- 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 363 

ened by a heavy force, he withdrew to Five Forks, where he took 
position with Gen. W. H. F. Lee on his right, Fitz Lee and Ros- 
ser on his left, with Robert's brigade on the White Oak road, con- 
necting with General Anderson. 

The enemy attacked General Roberts with a large force of 
cavalry, and after being once repulsed drove him back across 
Hatcher's Run. 

A large force of infantry, believed to be the Fifteenth Corps with 
other troops, turned General Pickett's left, and drove him back 
on the White Oak road, separating him from Gen. Fitz Lee, 
who was compelled to fall back across Hatcher's Run. General 
Pickett's present position is not known. Gen. Fitz Lee reports 
that the enemy is massing his infantry heavily behind the cavalry 
in his front. The infantry that engaged General Anderson yes- 
terday has moved from his front toward our right, and is supposed 
to participate in the operations above described. Prisoners have 
been taken today from the Twenty-fourth Corps, and it is believed 
that most of the corps is now south of the James. Our loss today 
is not known. A report from Staunton represents that the Eighth 
Corps passed over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad from the 20th 
to the 25th ult. General Hancock is at Harper's Ferry with 2,000 
men. One division of the Tenth Corps is at Winchester with about 
1,000 cavalry. The infantry at Winchester have marching orders, 
and all these troops are said to be destined for General Grant's 
army. 

The enemy is also reported to have withdrawn all his troops 
from Wolf Run Shoals and Fairfax Station, and to have concen- 
trated them at Winchester. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Petersburg, April 2, 1865. 
Gen. J. C. Breckinridge, 

Sec. of War. 

Sir : It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our 
position tonight or run the risk of being cut off in the morning. 
I have given all the orders to officers on both sides of the river, 
and have taken every precaution that I can to make the movement 
successful. It will be a difficult operation, but I hope not imprac- 
ticable. Please give all orders that you find necessary in and about 
Richmond. The troops will all be directed to Amelia Court 
House. R. E. Lee. 



364 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Headquarters, via Petersburg, April 2, 1865. 
Gen. J. C. Breckinridge. 

I see no prospect of doing more than holding onr position here 
till night. I am not certain that I can do that ; if I can, I shall 
withdraw tonight north of the Appomattox, and if possible it 
will be better to withdraw the whole line tonight from James 
River ; the brigades on Hatcher's Run are cut off from us. Enemy 
have broken through our lines and interposed between us and 
them, and there is no bridge over which they can cross the 
Appomattox this side of Goode or Bevel, which are not very far 
from the Danville Railroad. Our only chance, then, of con- 
centrating our forces is to do so near Danville Railroad, which 
I shall endeavor to do at once. I advise that all preparations be 
made for leaving Richmond tonight. I will advise you later ac- 
cording to circumstances. 

R. E. Lee. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

April 2, 1865. 

Generals Longstreet's and Hill's corps will cross the pontoon 
bridge at Battersea Factory and take the river road, north side 
of Appomattox to Bevel's Bridge tonight. General Gordon's corps 
will cross at Pocahontas and railroad bridge, his troops taking 
Hickory road, following General Longstreet to Bevel's Bridge, 
and his wagons taking the Woodpecker road to Old Colville, 
endeavoring not to interfere with Mahone's troops from Chester- 
field Court House, who will take the same road. General Ma- 
hone's division will take the road to Chesterfield Court House, 
thence by Old Colville to Goode's Bridge. Mahone's wagons will 
precede him on the same road or take some road to his right. Gen- 
eral Ewell's command will cross the James River at and below 
Richmond, taking the road to Branch Church, via Gregory's, 
to Genito road, via Genito Bridge, to Amelia Court House. The 
wagons from Richmond will take the Manchester pike and Buck- 
ingham road, via Meadville, to Amelia Court House. The move- 
ment of all the troops will commence at eight o'clock, the artillery 
moving out quietly first, the infantry following, except the pickets, 
who will be withdrawn at three o'clock. The artillery not re- 
quired with the troops will be moved by the roads prescribed for 
the wagons or such other as may be most convenient. Every 
officer is expected to give his unremitting attention to cause the 
movement to be made successfully. 

By order of General Lee. W. H. Taylor, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 



the last year of the war 365 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

April 3, 1865, 6.30 p. m. 
Hebron Church, 6 miles from Goode's Ford. 
Lieutenant-General Ewell : 

When you were directed to cross the Appomattox at Genito 
Bridge, it was supposed that a pontoon bridge had been laid at 
that point, as ordered. But I learn today from Mr. Hascall that 
such is not the case. Should you not be able to cross at that 
point or at some bridge higher up, you must take the best road 
to Rudd's Store on the Goode's Bridge road, and cross the Appo- 
mattox on the bridge at that point, and then conform to your 
original instructions. 

This portion of the army is now on its way to Goode's Bridge, 
the flats of Bevel's Bridge being flooded by high water. Notify 
me of your approach to the bridge and passage of the Appomat- 
tox by courier to Amelia Court House or wherever I may be. 
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

P. S. — 7.30 a. m., April 4th. The courier has returned with 
this note, having been able to learn nothing of you. I am about 
to cross the river. Get to Amelia Court House as soon as pos- 
sible, and let me hear from you. R. E. Lee. 

The situation at the opening of the spring campaign of 1865 
was gloomy, indeed, for the Confederacy. Grant had 162,234 
men, while Lee had only 33,000 to guard thirty-five miles of 
breastworks and protect his flanks, so that Grant could hold 
his lines, which had been made very strong by engineering skill, 
and ample material, with a force twice as large as Lee's whole 
army, and then send a force of 100,000 men to move around his 
flanks and operate on his rear. On March 28, Grant sent Sher- 
idan — who the first of the month had moved up the Valley, 
dispersed the small force which Early now had at Waynesboro, 
broken up the railways and joined him at Petersburg — with 
15,000 cavalry and the two infantry corps of Warren and Hum- 
phreys to turn Lee's right, cut his railways, and prevent his 
moving on Danville. 

Lee sent what infantry and cavalry he could to meet this 
move, and on the evening of the 31st Pickett and Fitz Lee 



366 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

attacked, and drove Sheridan's cavalry corps back to Din- 
widdie Court House, but fell back to Five Forks on the morning 
of April i. 

Here that afternoon Sheridan, with his cavalry and infantry, 
attacked and routed Pickett, who was badly posted and with 
scarcely any cover, the Confederate loss being between 3000 and 
4000 men, thirteen colors, and six guns. 

Lee was obliged to weaken his lines until he had hardly a good 
skirmish line to guard his front, and at 4 a. m. the next day 
(April 2) Grant attacked along his whole line from the Appo- 
mattox to Hatcher's Run, and broke the Confederate lines at 
several points. General Lee said, "I had to stretch my lines 
until they broke." 

An inner line was held all day against repeated efforts to 
break it, but Lee saw that evacuation was now necessary, and 
that morning sent the famous telegram to President Davis, 
which was delivered to him while he was quietly worshiping 
in St. Paul's Episcopal Church, Richmond, of which he was a 
devout member. Mr. Davis received the message with the calm 
dignity and indomitable courage which so characterized the 
Confederate President, but preparations were immediately made 
to evacuate the city and the whole line that night. 

Under a misapprehension of orders the tobacco warehouses in 
Richmond were set on fire, and the flame spread so rapidly that 
the heart of the business portion of the city was destroyed. 
Thus the heroic city, which for four years had resisted all of the 
mighty combinations against her, was literally "in sack-cloth 
and ashes" when on the morning of April 3, her brave defenders 
all gone, she opened her gates and General Wetzel marched his 
command into the city. 

The able, accomplished, brave, and patriotic soldier Lieut. - 
Gen. A. P. Hill was instantly killed at Petersburg in endeavor- 
ing to join the part of his corps which was cut off when his 
lines were broken. 

A. P. Hill had been a most conspicuous figure in that army 
since its first organization. An accomplished graduate of West 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 367 

Point, he was known in the old Army as one of its best soldiers. 
Resigning his commission when the war broke out, and cast- 
ing his lot with his native Virginia, he was successively colonel 
of the Thirteenth Virginia Infantry, brigadier-general of the 
First Virginia brigade, major-general of the famous "Light 
Division" of Jackson's corps, and lieutenant-general of the 
grand old Third Corps. 

A. P. Hill's corps had been most conspicuously gallant and 
successful in the last campaign, having killed, wounded, and 
captured a far larger number of the enemy than it numbered, 
with guns, flags and other trophies, while its own battle line was 
never broken, and it lost no guns, and was driven from no posi- 
tion to which it was assigned. And now when at last its lines 
were broken, and the army which it had adorned was about to 
take up its sad retreat to Appomattox and surrender, its heroic 
leader sacrificed his life in an effort to retrieve its disaster, and 
the name of A. P. Hill — the last on the dying lips of both Lee 
and Jackson — passed into history as one of the brightest in the 
galaxy of Confederate leaders. 

The defense of Fort Gregg, an enclosed work on the right 
of Lee's lines, with an obstinate courage and self-sacrificing de- 
votion worthy to be written alongside the most heroic achieve- 
ments of history, formed a fitting close to the grand defense of 
Petersburg. 

General Lee's plan now was to concentrate his army at 
Amelia Court House, use the Richmond and Danville Railroad 
to transfer his army, and hurry south to unite with Johnston 
and strike Sherman. But when he reached Amelia Court House 
he found that the rations he had ordered to be placed there had 
not been provided. The day's delay in trying to collect rations 
from the surrounding country proved fatal, as it enabled Grant 
to cut the railway south of him. Then began that running 
fight between overwhelming odds of the enemy and Lee's 
ragged, weary, starving- remnant of his glorious old army, 
which terminated at Appomattox. A great disaster befell the 
Confederates at Sailor's Creek, where they were attacked by 



368 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

much greater numbers in front, flank, and rear, and lost nearly 
6,000 men, among the prisoners being Generals Ewell, Custis 
Lee, Kershaw, Corse, Hunton, and Du Bose. 

They lost heavily at other points, but in turn inflicted heavy 
loss on the enemy, capturing more prisoners than they knew 
what to do with, paroling a number, and having with them 
over 1,000 when they reached Appomattox Court House. On 
the 7th of April Grant wrote Lee suggesting his surrender, and 
the famous correspondence between them ensued, and on the 
same day his corps commanders suggested to Lee that the time 
for negotiations had come. In a conference with these (Long- 
street, and Gordon commanding the infantry, Fitz Lee the cav- 
alry, and Pendleton the chief of artillery) on the night of the 
8th it was agreed that early the next morning Gordon and Fitz 
Lee should advance toward Appomattox Station, and cut their 
way through if nothing but cavalry barred the road, and that 
Longstreet should follow; but that if Grant's infantry was up 
in force they should call a halt and notify General Lee, who' 
would raise a flag of truce, and seek General Grant with a view 
to surrender. 

The interview with General Lee which General Pendleton 
had, prior to this conference with his corps commanders, in 
which Pendleton told the views of the generals, has been thus 
described by General Pendleton : 

General Lee was lying on the ground. No other heard the 
conversation between him and myself. He received my com- 
munication with the reply: "Oh, no! I trust it has not come 
to that." And added, "General, we have yet too many bold men 
to think of laying down our arms. The enemy do not fight with 
spirit, while our boys still do. Besides, if I were to say a word 
to the Federal commander he would regard it as such a confes- 
sion of weakness as to make it the occasion of demanding un- 
conditional surrender — a proposal to which I will never listen. 
I have resolved to die first ; and if it comes to that we shall force 
through or all fall in our places. 

"General, this is no new question with me. I have never be- 
lieved we could, against the gigantic combination for our subju- 
gation, make good in the long run our independence unless for- 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 369 

eign Powers should, directly or indirectly, assist us. This I was 
sure it was their interest and duty to do, and I hoped they would 
so regard it. But such considerations really made with me no 
difference. We had, I was satisfied, sacred principles to main- 
tain and rights to defend, for which we were in duty bound to 
do our Fest, even if we perished in the endeavor." 

These were, as nearly as I can recall them, the exact words 
of General Lee on that most critical occasion. You see in them 
the soul of the man. What his conscience dictated and his judg- 
ment decided, there his heart was. 

The attack of Gordon and Fitz Lee on Sheridan on the morn- 
ing of the 9th was at first highly successful. They drove the 
cavalry back about a mile and a half, capturing two pieces of 
artillery and many prisoners, and if only Sheridan had barred 
the way the surrender would not have occurred that day; but 
they now ran up against the Army of the James, under General 
Orel, 40,000 strong. What then occurred is told by Col. 
Charles S. Venable, of General Lee's staff, in an address he 
made at the great Lee Memorial Meeting held in Richmond 
after General Lee's death. Colonel Venable says : 

At 3 o'clock on the morning of that fatal day General Lee 
rode forward, still hoping that we might break through the count- 
less hordes of the enemy which hemmed us in. Halting a short 
distance in rear of our vanguard, he sent me on to General Gor- 
don to ask him if he could break through the enemy. I found 
General Gordon and Gen. Fitz Lee on their front line in the 
dim light of the morning arranging an attack. Gordon's reply 
to the message (I give the expressive phrase of the gallant Geor- 
gian) was this : "Tell General Lee I have fought my corps to 
a frazzle, and I fear I can do nothing unless I am heavily sup- 
ported by Longstreet's corps." When I bore this message back 
to General Lee, he said: "Then there is nothing left me but 
to go and see General Grant, and I would rather die a thousand 
deaths." Convulsed with passionate grief, many were the wild 
words which we spoke, as we stood around him. Said one, "O 
General, what will history say of the surrender of the army in 
the field?" He replied, "Yes, I know they will say hard things 
of us ; they will not understand how we were overwhelmed by 
numbers ; but that is not the question, Colonel ; the question is, 
is it right to surrender this army ? // it is right, then I will take 
all the responsibility." 



370 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I had the privilege once in Lexington of hearing General Lee 
give his own account of the surrender, and I am able, therefore, 
to tell of that great event as he saw it. I may add that General 
Grant's account as given in his Memoirs does not differ mater- 
ially from that which General Lee gave a party of us who were 
dining one day at his home in Lexington, Virginia. But before 
giving General Lee's account of the surrender I quote the corre- 
spondence had between the two generals : 

Headquarters Armies of The United States, 

5 p. m., April 7, 1865. 
Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. 

General : The results of the last week must convince you of 
the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of 
Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard 
it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any fur- 
ther effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that 
portion of the Confederate, Southern, army known as the Army 
of Northern Virginia. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

U. S. Grant, 
Lieutenant-General Commanding Armies of the U. S. 

To which General Lee replied : 

April 7, 1865. 
General : I have received your note of this day. Though not 
entertaining the opinion you express on the hopelessness of fur- 
ther resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I 
reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and 
therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms you 
will offer on condition of its surrender. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, Commanding the Armies of the United 
States. 

On the succeeding day General Grant returned the follow- 
ing reply : 

April 8, 1865. 
To Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. 

General : Your note of the last evening, in reply to mine of 
the same date, asking the condition on which I will accept the 
.surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 371 

In reply I would say that peace being my great desire, there 
is but one condition I would insist upon — namely, that the men 
and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms 
again against the Government of the United States until properly 
exchanged. I will meet you, or will designate officers to meet any 
officers you might name for the same purpose, at any point agree- 
able to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms 
upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will 
be received. U. S. Grant, 

Lieutenant-General. 

General Lee immediately responded : 

April 8, 1865. 

General: I received at a late hour your note of today. In 
mine of yesterday I did not intend to propose the surrender of 
the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your 
proposition. To be frank, I do not think the emergency has 
arisen to call for the surrender of this army, but as the restora- 
tion of peace should be the sole object of all, I desired to know 
whether your proposal would lead to that end. I cannot there- 
fore meet you with a view to surrender the Army of Northern 
Virginia, but as far as your proposal may affect the Confederate 
States forces under my command and tend to the restoration of 
peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 a. m. tomorrow on 
the old stage-road to Richmond, between the picket-lines of the 
two armies. R. E. Lee, 

General. 
Lieutenant-General Grant. 

After the scene at headquarters on the morning of the 9th 
described by Colonel Venable above, General Lee, accompanied 
only by Colonel Charles Marshall, of his staff, went to meet 
General Grant, having had a flag of truce sent him to tell Grant 
that he desired an interview for the purpose of negotiating terms 
of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia. The situation 
at this time was simply this : There were only 7,892 jaded, half- 
famished Confederates with arms in their hands surrounded by 
eighty thousand Federal troops already in position with heavy 
reinforcements hurrying forward, and it seemed that the glor- 
ious remna-nt of our noble army was about to die in its tracks. 

While awaiting Grant's reply Lee rested on some rails under 
an apple tree, where the staff officer who brought Grant's reply 



372 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

found him. This is the origin of the story so widely published 
and believed that the two Generals "met under an apple tree." 

The soldiers of the two armies not only cut up, root and 
branch, the tree under which the surrender was supposed to 
have occurred, but carried off, also, the whole of the small 
orchard of apple trees in which this particular tree stood. "Ap- 
pomattox apple tree" was in great demand by the relic hunters, 
and some of the returned Confederate soldiers when they got 
to Richmond determined to make a few greenbacks by supply- 
ing the demand. Accordingly they drove a brisk trade with 
pieces of apple tree cut from orchards around Richmond, and 
it would be a curious speculation to decide how many tons of 
"Appomattox apple tree" were scattered through the country. 
A gentleman present when General Lee was giving his account 
of the surrender said, "You met under an apple tree, did you 
not, General ?" He replied, "No, sir ; we did not. We met in 
Mr. McLean's parlor. If there was an apple tree there I did not 
see it." 

General Lee said that when he went to meet General Grant 
he was accompanied only by his military secretary, Col. Charles 
Marshall; that General Grant had with him members of his 
staff, and Generals Sheridan and Ord, and perhaps others were 
in the room during the interview. He said that he had left 
orders with Longstreet and Gordon to hold their commands in 
readiness, as he was determined to put himself at their head 
and cut his way out, or die in the attempt, if satisfactory terms 
were not granted him. He said that when he met General 
Grant they exchanged polite salutations, and some little general 
conversation ensued, after which General Grant and himself 
drew up to a table to discuss the business on which they met. 

Lee opened the interview by saying, "General, I am here to 
ascertain the terms upon which you will accept the surrender 
of the Army of Northern Virginia ; but it is due to proper candor 
and frankness that I should say at once that I am not willing 
to discuss, even, any terms incompatible with preserving the 
honor of my army, which I am determined to maintain at all 
hazards and to the last extremity." 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 373 

General Grant replied, "I have no idea of proposing dis- 
honorable terms, General, but I should like to know what terms 
you would consider satisfactory." 

Lee replied that the terms indicated in his letter of the 8th 
seemed fair, and Grant assenting, Lee requested him to submit 
them in writing. 

With a common lead pencil General Grant then wrote and 
handed General Lee the following paper : 

Appomattox C. H., April 9, 1865. 
Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A. : 

In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of t|,ie 
8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit : 

Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one 
copy to be given to an officer designated by me, the other to be 
retained by such officers as you may designate. 

The officers to give their individual parole not to take arms 
against the Government of the United States until properly ex- 
changed; and each company or regimental commander to sign 
parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and 
public property to be packed and stacked and turned over to the 
officers appointed by me to receive them. 

This will not embrace the side arms of the officers, nor their 
private horses, or baggage. 

This done each officer and man will be allowed to return to 
their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so 
long as they observe their parole, and the laws in force where 
they may reside. Very respectfully, 

U. S. Grant, 
Lieutenant-General. 

General Lee read it carefully and without comment except to 
say that most of the horses were the private property of the 
men riding them. General Grant replied that such horses would 
be exempt from surrender, and the paper was then handed to 
Colonel Parker, of Grant's staff, and copies in ink made by him 
and Colonel Marshall. While this was being done there were 
inquiries after the health of mutual acquaintances, but nothing 
bearing on the surrender, except that General Lee said that he 



374 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

had on his hands some two or three thousand prisoners, for 
whom he had no rations. Sheridan at once said, "I have rations 
for 25,000 men." 

General Grant having signed his note, General Lee conferred 
with Colonel Marshall, who wrote this brief note of acceptance 
of the terms of surrender offered, General Lee striking out the 
sentence, "I have the honor to reply to your communication," 
and substituting, "I have received your letter of this date" : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

April 9, 1865. 
General: I have received your letter of this date containing 
the terms of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as 
proposed by you. As they are substantially the same as those 
expressed in your letter of the 8th inst., they are accepted. I will 
proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipulations 
into effect. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

This terminated the interview, and General Lee rode back to 
his headquarters, which were three-quarters of a mile northeast 
of the courthouse. 

"General Grant returned your sword, did he not, General?" 
asked one of the gentlemen to whom General Lee was giving his 
brief but exceedingly interesting account. 

"No, sir," was the prompt reply; "he had no opportunity of 
doing so. By the terms the side arms of officers were exempt 
from surrender, and I did not of course violate those terms by 
tendering him my sword. All that was said, about swords was 
that General Grant apologized to me for not wearing his own 
sword, saying that it had gone off in his baggage and he had 
not been able to get it in time." 

I had in my possession once an autograph letter from General 
Grant to a gentleman who made inquiry of him to the effect 
that there was no tender of Lee's sword and no return of it, 
and in his Memoirs he says, "The much talked of surrendering 
of Lee's sword, and my handing it back, this and much more 
that has been said about it is the purest romance." 




Robert Edward Lee 

[As General in the Confederate States Army] 



FACING PAGE 374 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 375 

And yet the newspaper correspondents at the time vividly 
described this scene. "The historic apple tree" and "Grant's 
magnanimity in returning Lee's sword" have gone into the 
books, and at frequent intervals these stories are repeated. 

The appearance of General Lee upon this historic occasion 
has been thus described by the correspondent of a Northern 
newspaper who was present — though it will be seen that he 
overestimated General Lee's height and his weight, as we have 
seen that he was five feet eleven inches high and weighed only 
one hundred and seventy-five pounds. 

General Lee looked very much jaded and worn, but neverthe- 
less presented the same magnificent physique for which he has 
always been noted. He was neatly dressed in gray cloth, without 
embroidery or any insignia of rank, except three stars worn on 
the turned position of his coat collar. His cheeks were very 
much bronzed by exposure, but still shone ruddy underneath it 
all. He is growing quite bald, and wears one of the side locks 
of his hair thrown across the upper portion of his forehead, 
which is as white and fair as a woman's. He stands fully six 
feet one inch in height, and weighs something over two hundred 
pounds, without being burdened with a pound of superfluous 
flesh. During the whole interview he was retired and dignified 
to a degree bordering on taciturnity, but was free from all exhibi- 
tion of temper or mortification. His demeanor was that of a 
thoroughly possessed gentleman, who had a very disagreeable 
duty to perform, but was determined to get through it as well 
and as soon as he could. 

As General Lee rode back from this interview his sad counte- 
nance told the story to all who met him, and when he explained 
it to his officers they one by one took him by the hand and, with 
deep emotion, expressed their approbation of what he had done. 

The announcement was received by the troops generally with 
mingled emotions — satisfaction that "Marse Robert" had done 
right, but bitter grief that it had at last come to this. 

As showing the spirit of the men who participated in the 
brilliant action that morning it may be mentioned that many 
of them crowded around the bearer of one of the flags of truce — 
a widely known and loved chaplain, Rev. Dr. A. C. Hopkins, who, 
since the capture of his regiment at Spottsylvania Court House, 



376 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

had served with great gallantry on General Gordon's staff — 
and eagerly asked if the enemy had sent in to surrender their 
force on that road, thinking that in flanking us Grant had pushed 
a part of his force too far. They had no dream that they were 
to be surrendered. But gradually the truth broke upon them, 
and great was their chagrin when these high-mettled victors in 
the last battle of the Army of Northern Virginia learned that 
they must "yield to overwhelming numbers and resources" — 
that after all their marches, battles, victories, hardships and 
sufferings the cause they loved better than life itself must suc- 
cumb to superior force. Many bosoms heaved with emotion, 
and 

"Something on the soldier's cheeks 
Washed off the stains of powder." 

The next day General Lee published to the troops the follow- 
ing order, — the last which ever emanated from this peerless 
soldier, — which will go down the ages as a touching memento 
of that sad day at Appomattox Court House : 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

April io, 1865. 

After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed 
courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been 
compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I 
need not tell the survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who 
have remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this 
result from no distrust of them ; but feeling that valor and devo- 
tion could accomplish nothing that could compensate for the loss 
that would have attended the continuation of the contest, I have 
determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose past 
services have endeared them to their countrymen. By the terms 
of the agreement, officers and men can return to their homes, and 
remain there until exchanged. 

You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the 
consciousness of duty faithfully performed; and I earnestly pray 
that a merciful God will extend to you His blessing and protection. 
With an unceasing admiration of your constancy, and devotion to 
your country, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and gen- 
erous consideration of myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell. 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee, 

General. 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 377 

The spirit of the private soldiers may be illustrated by one of 
many similar incidents which occurred when the Confederate 
regiments were stacking their arms. A gallant color-bearer, as 
he delivered up the tattered remnant of his flag, burst into tears 
and said to the Federal soldiers who received it, "Boys, this is 
not the first time you have seen that flag. I have borne it in the 
very forefront of the battle on many a victorious field, and I 
had rather die than surrender it now." "Brave fellow," said 
General Chamberlain, of Maine, who heard the remark, "I ad- 
mire your noble spirit, and only regret that I have not the 
authority to bid you keep your flag and carry it home as a 
precious heirloom." 

The calm dignity of General Lee amid these trying scenes, 
the deep emotion with which the men heard his noble farewell 
address, and crowded around to shake his hand, how they were 
thrilled by his simple words, "Men, we have fought through the 
war together. I have done my best for you. My heart is too 
full to say more ;" Gordon's noble farewell speech ; the tender 
parting of comrades who had been bound so closely together 
by common hardships, sufferings, dangers, and victories, and 
now, by this sad blighting of cherished hopes — can only be 
appreciated by those who witnessed that scene which is forever 
daguerreotyped upon the memories and hearts of that remnant 
of Lee's splendid army. 

It is proper to add that General Grant's treatment of Lee, the 
kind courtesy with which he received him, the delicate consid- 
eration for the feelings of the vanquished with which he con- 
ducted the negotiations, and the magnanimity which he showed 
in ordering that no salutes be fired, and no cheering allowed, 
and the simple form of surrender adopted, won the highest 
admiration of the Confederate soldiers and people. The rank 
and file of the Federal army too were very kind to their old 
enemies, and the blue and the gray were soon mingling together 
in very friendly intercourse, the victors sharing their rations 
with the vanquished. 



378 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

An amusing story is told of a ragged, battle-scarred old Con- 
federate who said to some of his new-found friends in blue, 
"You uns need not think that you uns have done whipped we 
uns. You uns hain't done no sich a thing. We uns have just 
wore ourselves out a whipping of you uns. Now we uns are 
going to try to live peaceable with you uns, but if you uns don't 
behave yourselves mighty pretty we uns are going to whip you 



uns again 



A Confederate orator expressed it in a more classic phrase 
when he said, "The Army of Northern Virginia was not con- 
quered, but only wearied out with victory." 

The day after the surrender General Lee had another inter- 
view with General Grant. They met in a field a little north of 
Appomattox Court House, near a hawthorn tree, and sitting 
on their horses they conversed for about an hour on matters of 
mutual interest. General Grant was anxious for General Lee 
to meet President Lincoln, but he had left Richmond before 
General Lee got there, and the meeting never took place. 

General Long says : 

General Meade made a friendly visit to Lee at his headquarters, 
and in the course of the conversation remarked, "Now that the 
war may be considered over, I hope you will not deem it improper 
for me to ask, for my personal information, the strength of your 
army during the operations about Richmond and Petersburg." 

General Lee replied, "At no time did my force exceed 35,000 
men ; often it was less." 

With a look of surprise Meade answered, "General, you amaze 
me ! We always estimated your force at about 70,000 men." 

This conversation was repeated to the writer by General Lee 
immediately after his visitor had withdrawn. 

An amusing portion of the conversation between Meade and 
Lee has been published by General de Chanal, a French officer, 
who was present. He states that during the interview Lee turned 
to Meade, who had been an associate with him as an officer of 
engineers in the old army, and said pleasantly, "Meade, years 
are telling on you ; your hair is getting quite gray." "Ah, Gen- 
eral Lee," was Meade's prompt reply, "it is not the work of years ; 
you are responsible for my gray hairs." 

General Hunt also had an interview with Lee on that day, 
which he describes in the following language : 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 379 

"At Appomattox I spent half an hour with General Lee in his 
tent. He looked, of course, weary and careworn, but in this 
supreme hour was the same self-possessed, dignified gentleman 
that I had always known him. After a time General Wise came 
in, and in a few minutes I took my leave, asking General Lee how 
General Long was and where I would find him. He answered, 
'Long will be very glad to see you, but you will find him much 
changed in appearance ; he has suffered much from neuralgia 
of the face. He is now with General Longstreet's corps.' 

"He then described the place to me, but General Wilcox, com- 
ing in, offered to ride with me to General Long's camp, where 
I spent the afternoon. Long had been a lieutenant in my battery 
before the war and we were old friends. This was the last time 
I saw General Lee — a truly great man, as great in adversity as in 
prosperity." 

Several years after the surrender, when on a visit to Appo- 
mattox Court House, a citizen who witnessed the second meet- 
ing between Lee and Grant pointed out to me the exact spot. I 
gathered some thorns from the tree near the place, and after- 
wards covered them with evergreens and immortelles from 
General Lee's bier, and labeled the wreath, "The thorns of 
Appomattox covered with the immortelles' of Lee's last great 
victory." 

Though General Lee was so calm under all this terrible 
ordeal, no one can ever know what he suffered. Colonel Vena- 
ble said, in the speech from which I have already quoted : 

Fellow-soldiers, though he alone was calm, in that hour of 
humiliation the soul of our great Captain underwent the throes 
of death for his grand old army surrendered, and for his people 
so soon to lie at the mercy of the foe ; and the sorrows of this 
first death at Appomattox Court House, with the afflictions which 
fell upon the devoted South, weighed upon his mighty heart to its 
breaking, when the welcome messenger came from God to trans- 
late him to his home in heaven. 

One day in 1866 the writer was conversing with General Lee 
in reference to certain results of the war, when he said very 
emphatically, "Yes ! all that is very sad, and might be a cause 
of self-reproach, but that zve are conscious that zve have humbly 
tried to do our duty. We may therefore, with calm satisfaction, 
trust in God and leave results to Him." 



380 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

General Gordon testifies that in the deep agony of spirit with 
which Lee witnessed the grief of his soldiers at the surrender, 
he exclaimed, "I could wish that I were numbered among the 
slain of the last battle !" but that he at once recalled the wish and 
said, ''No ! we must live for our afflicted country." 

And one of his officers relates that during those hours of ter- 
rible suspense, when he was considering the question of surren- 
der, he exclaimed from the depths of a full heart, "How easily 
I could get rid of this and be at rest. I have only to ride along 
the lines, and all will be over. But," he quickly added, "it is 
our duty to live, for what will become of the women and children 
of the South if we are not here to support and protect them!" 

Capt. Robert E. Lee, Jr., gives this glimpse of his father after 
Appomattox : 

The day after the surrender at Appomattox, General Lee and 
several officers of his staff, as paroled prisoners of war, started 
for Richmond, accompanied by some of his staff, and on the way 
he stopped at the house of his eldest brother, Charles Carter 
Lee, who lived on the upper James. The evening was spent in 
talking with his brother, but when bedtime came, though en- 
treated to take the room and bed prepared for him, he insisted 
upon going to his old tent, pitched by the roadside, and passed 
the night in his accustomed army quarters. 

When he reached Richmond he was at once recognized by the 
people in the streets. Men, women, and children crowded around 
him, cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs, as if wel- 
coming a conqueror. He raised his hat in response to their greet- 
ings, and rode quietly to his house, on Franklin street, the build- 
ing now occupied by the Virginia Historical Society, where my 
mother and sisters were anxiously awaiting him. Thus General 
Lee returned to that private family life for which he had always 
longed, and became what he always desired to be — a peaceful 
citizen in a peaceful land. 

After the close of the war, my father, though strongly in favor 
of my returning to college, told me that if I preferred I might 
at once take possession of my farm in King William County, 
which I had inherited from my grandfather, Mr. Custis, and 
make my home there. There was but little left of the farm save 
the land, but my father thought he could arrange to help me 
build a house and purchase stock and machinery. My brother, 



THE LAST YEAR OF THE WAR 381 

Gen. W. H. F. Lee, had already gone to his farm, the historic 
"White House," in New Kent County. He and Maj. John Lee 
(our first cousin) had put up a shanty there, hitched their cav- 
alry horses to the plow, and gone to work breaking land for a crop. 
I knew my father would need any means he might have in caring 
for my mother and sisters, and so I determined to become a 
farmer at once. However, I was not at first positive in this 
decision, and in the mean time it was thought best that I should 
join my brother and cousin at the White House and help them 
make their crop of corn. So I started for New Kent with three 
servants and eight horses, and my arrival at the White House 
with these reinforcements was hailed with delight. 

Though I have been a farmer from that day to this, I will say 
that the crop of corn which we planted that summer, — and which 
we did not finish planting until the 9th of June, — with ourselves 
and our army servants as labor, and our old cavalry horses as 
team, was the best I ever made. 

Thus General Lee ended his career as a soldier, and his grand 
old army marched into history, — himself "the tallest, whitest 
chieftain of them all," — and I think I put it very conservatively 
when I say that he had proven himself the greatest soldier of 
the war, if not of history. 



CHAPTER IX 

AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 

In Richmond — Removal to Powhatan County — Indicted for "treason" in 
Judge Underwood's court — His letter to General Grant and appli- 
cation for amnesty — General Grant's letter to General Lee, and mag- 
nanimous course — General Lee's letters to his old soldiers and others, 
urging them to be law-abiding citizens — His refusal to become Gov- 
ernor of Virginia — He did not believe in "military statesmen or polit- 
ical generals" — His want of bitterness toward the North illustrated — 
His quiet rebuke of a distinguished clergyman and of other friends. 

General Lee remained for a time in Richmond with his 
family, occupying the house on Franklin street which Gen. 
Custis Lee had rented from Mr. John Stuart, and which the 
owner urged that he occupy indefinitely, writing to Mrs. Lee : 

I am not presuming on your good opinion when I feel that 
you will believe me, — first, that you and yours are heartily wel- 
come to the house as long as your convenience leads you to stay 
in Richmond ; and next that you owe me nothing, but that if 
you insist on pay that the payment must be made in Confederate 
money, for which alone it was rented to your son. You do not 
know how much gratification it is, and will afford me and my 
whole family during the remainder of our lives, to know that 
we have been brought into contact with, and to know and to 
appreciate you, and all that are dear to you. 

It would have been very pleasant in many respects for Gen- 
eral Lee and his family to remain in Richmond, but they had 
not opportunity there for the rest and quiet which he so coveted 
and so much needed. 

His old soldiers and admiring friends constantly crowded 
upon him, and there were troops of tourists who came to visit 
"the Rebel capital," and regarding "the Rebel Chief" as one 
of the principal objects of interest did not hesitate to obtrude 
upon his privacy. And so he sought some quiet country home 



AFTER THE WAR— PROMOTING PEACE 383 

away from the busy bustle of the world, where he could enjoy 
his family, and rest after his herculean labors. 

While looking out for such a home, Mrs. Elizabeth Randolph 
Cocke, granddaughter of Virginia's great statesman, Edmund 
Randolph, offered him the use of a dwelling-house situated on 
a portion of her estate in Powhatan County. To this asylum 
of rest he moved his family, and spent the spring and summer 
in this delightful home. 

Immediately after the surrender General Lee took the ground 
that everything proper should be done by the Southern people 
to restore order and to bring themselves into affiliation with 
the Government and secure their old place as citizens. Accord- 
ingly, as soon as President Johnson — after the assassination of 
President Lincoln, which General Lee denounced as a "crime 
previously unknown to the country, and one that must be depre- 
cated by every American" — became President, and issued his 
"amnesty" proclamation, General Lee applied for the benefits 
of its terms. 

He by no means admitted that he had committed any crime 
or in that sense needed "pardon," for he said in June, 1869, to 
his great lieutenant, Wade Hampton, in speaking of his con- 
duct, "I could have taken no other course save with dishonor, 
and if it were to be all gone over again, I should act in precisely 
the same way." But he wanted to put himself in position to 
meet his duties as citizen, and to set an example to his people. 

About this time (June, 1865) he was indicted for "treason," 
together with Mr. Davis and others, by a mixed grand jury of 
negroes and whites manipulated by Judge Underwood, of the 
U. S. District Court. 

He said, "I have heard of the indictment by the grand jury 
at Norfolk, and made up my mind to let the authorities take 
their course. I have no wish to avoid any trial the Govern- 
ment may order, and cannot flee." 

He wrote the following letter to General Grant, enclosing 
his application to President Johnson : 



384 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Richmond, Virginia, June 13, 1865. 
Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant, 

Commanding the Armies of the United States. 

General: Upon reading the President's proclamation of the 
29th tilt., I came to Richmond to ascertain what was proper or 
required of me to do, when I learned that, with others, I was to 
be indicted for treason by the grand jury at Norfolk. I had 
supposed that the officers and men of the Army of Northern 
Virginia were, by the terms of their surrender, protected by the 
United States Government from molestation so long as they con- 
formed to its conditions. I am ready to meet any charges that 
may be preferred against me, and do not wish to avoid trial ; 
but, if I am correct as to the protection granted by my parole, 
and am not to be prosecuted, I desire to comply with the pro- 
visions of the President's proclamation, and therefore enclose 
the required application, which I request, in that event, may be 
acted on. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

Richmond, Virginia, June 13, 1865. 
His Excellency Andrew Johnson, 
President of the United States. 

Sir : Being excluded from the provisions of amnesty and par- 
don contained in the proclamation of the 29th ult., I hereby apply 
for the benefits and full restoration of all rights and privileges 
extended to those included in its terms. I graduated at the 
Military Academy at West Point in June, 1829; resigned from 
the United States Army, April, 1861 ; was a general in the Con- 
federate Army, and included in the surrender of the Army of 
Northern Virginia, April 9, 1865. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

General Grant, to his honor be it said, took the strongest 
ground against the prosecution of General Lee, or any of the 
paroled prisoners, and it is said that he went so far as to tell 
President Johnson that he was in honor bound to protect his 
paroled prisoners and should do so to the full extent of his 
power as Commander-in-Chief of the Army. He wrote Gen- 
eral Lee the following letter : 



after the war promoting peace 385 

Headquarters Armies of United States, 
Washington, June 20, 1865. 
Gen. R. E. Lee, Richmond, Virginia : 

Your communication of date of the 13th instant, stating the 
steps you had taken after reading the President's proclamation 
of the 29th ultimo, with a view of complying with its provisions 
when you learned that, with others, you were to be indicted for 
treason by the grand jury at Norfolk; that you supposed the 
officers and men of the Army of Northern Virginia were by the 
terms of their surrender protected by the United States Gov- 
ernment from molestation so long as they conformed to its con- 
ditions ; that you were ready to meet any charges that might 
be preferred against you, and did not wish to avoid trial, but 
that if you were correct as to the protection granted bv your 
parole, and were not to be prosecuted, you desired to avail your- 
self of the President's amnesty proclamation, and enclosing an 
application therefor, with the request that in that event it be acted 
on, has been received and forwarded to the Secretary of War, 
with the following opinion indorsed thereon by me : 

"In my opinion the officers and men paroled at Appomattox 
Court House, and since, upon the same terms given to Lee, can- 
not be tried for treason so long as they observe the terms of 
their parole. This is my understanding. Good faith, as well as 
true policy, dictates that we should observe the conditions of that 
convention. Bad faith on the part of the Government, or a con- 
struction of that convention subjecting the officers to trial for 
treason, would produce a feeling of insecurity in the minds of 
all the paroled officers and men. If so disposed they might even 
regard such an infraction of terms by the Government as an 
entire release from all obligations on their part. I will state 
further that the terms granted by me met with the hearty ap- 
proval of the President at the time, and of the country generally. 
The action of Judge Underwood, in Norfolk, has already had an 
injurious effect, and I would ask that he be ordered to quash 
all indictments found against paroled prisoners of war, and to 
desist from the further prosecution of them." 

This opinion, I am informed, is substantially the same as that 
entertained by the Government. I have forwarded your appli- 
cation for amnesty and pardon to the President with the follow- 
ing indorsement thereon : 

"Respectfully forwarded through the Secretary of War to the 
President, with the earnest recommendation that this application 
of Gen. R. E. Lee for amnesty and pardon may be granted him. 



386 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The oath of allegiance required by recent order of the President 
to accompany applications does not accompany this for the reason, 
as I am informed by General Ord, the order requiring it had 
not reached Richmond when this was forwarded." 

U. S. Grant, 
Lieutenant-General. 

The indictment against General Lee was promptly quashed, 
though if it had not been it would have amounted to nothing, 
as did the indictment against Mr. Jefferson Davis, who clam- 
ored for the trial which was never given him because the ablest 
lawyers at the North, Chief Justice Chase at their head, de- 
cided that under the Constitution of the United States he could 
not be convicted of treason. 
/ But it is to be regretted that President Johnson never took 
/ the slightest notice of General Lee's application for amnesty, 
/ and that he died "a prisoner of war on parole," denied the 
privileges of citizenship accorded to the most ignorant negro 
in the land. 

Nevertheless, General Lee pursued the even tenor of his way, 
refused to leave the country as he was urged to do, and exerted 
all of his wide and potent influence to induce his people to "ac- 
cept the situation" and become good and peaceable citizens, 
rendering due obedience to "the powers that be." 

He was very careful not to attend public meetings that might 
seem to oppose the Government, or to extol the cause of the 
Confederacy. When I had the privilege after his death of ex- 
amining his private letter-book I found it literally crowded 
with letters advising his old soldiers and others to submit to 
all authority and become law-abiding citizens. I can only give 
here several of the many letters he wrote. 

The following was to the able "War Governor" of Virginia, 
Hon. John Letcher, who had just returned from prison : 

Near Carters ville, Virginia, 28th August, 1865. 
Hon. John Letcher, Lexington, Va. 

My dear Sir : I was much pleased to hear of your return to 
your home and to learn by your letter of the 2d of the kindness 
and consideration with which you were treated during your arrest, 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 387 

and of the sympathy extended to you by your former congres- 
sional associates and friends in Washington. The conciliatory 
manner in which President Johnson spoke of the South must 
have been particularly agreeable to one who has the interest of 
its people so much at heart as yourself. I wish that spirit could 
become more general. It would go far to promote confidence 
and to calm feelings which have too long existed. The questions 
which for years were in dispute between the State and General 
Governments, and which unhappily were not decided by the dic- 
tates of reason, but referred to the decision of war, having been 
decided against us, it is the part of wisdom to acquiesce in the 
result, and of candor to recognize the fact. 

The interests of the State are therefore the same as those of 
the United States. Its prosperity will rise or fall with the wel- 
fare of the country. The duty of its citizens, then, appears 
to me too plain to admit of doubt. All should unite in honest 
efforts to obliterate the effects of war, and to restore the blessings 
of peace. They should remain if possible in the country ; pro- 
mote harmony and good feeling; qualify themselves to vote, and 
elect to the State and general legislatures wise and patriotic men, 
who will devote their abilities to the interests of the country 
and the healing of all dissensions. I have invariably recommended t 
this course since the cessation of hostilities, and have endeav- j 
ored to practice it myself. I am much obliged to you for the j 
interest you have expressed in my acceptance of the Presidency 
of Washington College. If I believed I could be of advantage/ 
to the youth of the country, I should not hesitate. I have stated^ 
to the committee of Trustees the objections which exist in my 
opinion to my filling the position, and will yield to their judg- 
ment. Please present me to Mrs. Letcher and your children, and 
believe me Most truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following to a distinguished naval officer will show the 
character of the influence which General Lee exerted : 

Near Cartersville, Virginia, 7th September, 1865. 
Capt. Josiah Tatnall, Savannah, Ga. 

Sir: I have received your letter of the 23d ult, and in reply 
will state the course I have pursued under circumstances similar 
to your own, and will leave you to judge of its propriety. Like 
yourself I have since the cessation of hostilities advised all with 
whom I have conversed on the subject who come within the 
terms of the President's proclamation to take the oath of alle- 



388 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

giance and accept in good faith the amnesty offered. But I have 
gone farther and have recommended to those who were excluded 
from their benefits to make application under the proviso of the 
proclamation of the 29th of May to be embraced in its provisions. 
Both classes in order to be restored to their former rights and 
privileges were required to perform a certain act, and I do not 
see that an acknowledgment of fault is expressed in one more 
than the other. The war being at an end, the Southern States 
having laid down their arms and the questions at issue between 
them and the Northern States having been decided, I believe 
it to be the duty of every one to unite in the restoration of the 
country and the reestablishment of peace and harmony. These 
considerations governed me in the counsels I gave to others and 
induced me on the 13th of June to make application to be included 
in the terms of the amnesty proclamation. I have not received 
an answer and cannot inform you what has been the decision 
of the President. But whatever that may be, I do not see how 
the course I have recommended and practiced can prove detri- 
mental to the former President of the Confederate States. It 
appears to me that the allayment of passion, the dissipation of 
prejudice, and the restoration of reason will alone enable the 
people of the country to acquire a true knowledge and form a 
correct judgment of the events of the past four years. It will 
I think be admitted that Mr. Davis has done nothing more than 
all citizens of the Southern States, and should not be held ac- 
countable for acts performed by them in the exercise of what 
had been considered by them an unquestionable right. I have 
too exalted an opinion of the American people to believe that 
they will consent to injustice; and it is only necessary in my 
opinion that truth should be known for the rights of every one 
to be secured. I know of no surer way of eliciting the truth 
than by burying contention with the war. I enclose a copy of 
my letter to President Johnson and feel assured that however 
imperfectly I may have given you my views on the subject of 
your letter your own high sense of honor and right will lead you 
to a satisfactory conclusion as to the proper course to be pursued 
in your own case. With great respect and esteem, 

I am, your most obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following letter to the great scientist whom the whole 
world honored and whose death was so widely deplored, — who 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 389 

was General Lee's intimate friend, and in whose society in Lex- 
ington he seemed so much to delight, — will be read with pecu- 
liar interest : 

Near Cartersville, Virginia, 8th September, 1865. 
Capt. M. F. Maury. 

My dear Captain : I have just received your letter of the 8th 
ult. We have certainly not found our form of government all 
that was anticipated by its original founders; but that may be 
partly our fault in expecting too much and partly in the absence 
of virtue in the people. As long as virtue was dominant in the I 
Republic so long was fhe happiness of the people secure. I can-/ 
not, however, despair of it yet. I look forward to better days/ 
and trust that time and experience, the great teachers of men' 
under the guidance of an ever-merciful God, may save us from 
destruction and restore to us the right hopes and prospects of 
the past. The thought of abandoning the country and all that 
must be left in it is abhorrent to my feelings, and I prefer to 
struggle for its restoration and share its fate, rather than to give 
up all as lost. I have a great admiration for Mexico. The sa- 
lubrity of its climate, the fertility of its soil, and the magnificence 
of its scenery possess for me great charms ; but I still look with 
delight upon the mountains of my native State. 

To remove our people with their domestics to a portion of 
Mexico which would be favorable to them would be a work of 
"much difficulty. Did they possess the means, and could the sys- 
tem of apprenticeship you suggest be established, the United States 
Government I think would interpose obstacles, and under the cir- 
cumstances there would be difficulty in persuading the freedmen 
to emigrate. Those citizens who can leave the country and others 
who may be compelled to do so, will reap the fruits of your con- 
siderate labor; but I shall be very sorry if your presence be lost 
to Virginia. She has now need for all of her sons, and can ill 
afford to spare you. I am very much obliged to you for all you 
have done for us, and hope your labors in the future may be as 
efficacious as in the past, and that your separation from us may 
not be permanent. Wishing you every prosperity and happiness, 

I am, most truly yours, 
(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

The following to the gallant and distinguished soldier with 
whom General Lee always preserved the kindest relations, will 
be appropriately introduced in this connection : 



390 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Lexington, Virginia, 3d October, 1865. 
Gen. G. T. Beauregard, New Orleans, La. 

My dear General: I have received your letter of the 1st ult., 
and am very sorry to learn that the papers of yourself and Johns- 
ton are lost, or at least beyond your reach ; but I hope they may 
be recovered. Mine never can be, though some may be replaced. 
Please supply all you can. It may be safer to send them by pri- 
vate hand, if practicable, to Mr. Caskie at Richmond, or to me 
at this place. I hope both you and Johnston will write the his- 
tory of your campaigns. Every one should do all in his power 
to collect and disseminate the truth, in the hope that it may find a 
place in history, and descend to posterity. I am glad to see no 
indication in your letter of an intention to leave the country. I 
think the South requires the aid of her sons now more than at 
lany period of her history. As you ask for my purpose, I will 
state that I have no thought of abandoning her unless compelled 
to do so. 

After the surrender of the Southern armies in April, the revolu- 
tion in the opinions and feelings of the people seemed so com- 
plete, and the return of the Southern States into the union of 
all the States so inevitable, that it became in my opinion the 
duty of every citizen, the contest being virtually ended, to cease 
opposition, and place himself in a position to serve the country. 
I, therefore, upon the promulgation of the proclamation of Presi- 
dent Johnson of 29th of May, which indicated his policy in the 
restoration of peace, determined to comply with its requirements, 
and applied on the 13th of June to be embraced within its pro- 
visions. I have not heard the result of my application. Since 
then I have been elected to the Presidency of Washington Col- 
lege, and have entered upon the duties of the office in the hope 
of being of some service to the noble youth of our country. I 
need not tell you that true patriotism sometimes requires of men 
to act exactly contrary, at one period, to that which it does at 
another, and the motive which impels them — the desire to do 
right — is precisely the same. The circumstances which govern 
their actions change ; and their conduct must conform to the new 
order of things. History is full of illustrations of this. Wash- 
ington himself is an example. At one time he fought against 
the French under Braddock, in the service of the King of Great 
Britain ; at another, he fought with the French at Yorktown, under 
the orders of the Continental Congress of America, against him. 
He has not been branded by the world with reproach for this ; 
but his course has been applauded. With sentiments of great 
esteem, I am, most truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 391 

The following was written to one of his oldest and most 
cherished friends : 

Lexington, Virginia, 9th July, 1866. 
Capt. James May, Rock Island, Illinois. 

My dear Sir : I was truly glad to receive your friendly letter, 
after so many years of silence and separation, and I rejoice to read 
in it the expression of the same feelings of kindness and friendship 
that characterized our intercourse in early life. I assure you these 
feelings are cordially reciprocated by Mrs. Lee and myself, and we 
shall never forget the numerous kind acts extended to us by you 
during our sojourn in the West. 

Your letter deserved and should have received an earlier answer, 
but when it reached me I was engaged in the annual examination 
exercises at Washington College, which continued over three 
weeks, and since their termination I have been continuously 
occupied in business relating to the Institution. 

I must give you my special thanks for doing me the justice to 
believe that my conduct during the last five eventful years has been 
governed by my sense of duty. I had no other guide, nor had I 
any other object than the defense of those principles of American 
liberty upon which the constitutions of the several States were 
originally founded, and unless they are strictly observed, I fear 
there will be an end J*) republican government in this country. I 
concur with you irf opinion as to the propriety and duty of all' 
persons uniting in the present posture of affairs for the restoration 
and reconciliation of the country. I have endeavored to pursue 
this course myself since the cessation of hostilities, and have recom- 
mended it to others. So far as my knowledge extends there is no 
opposition at the South to the General Government. Every one 
approves of the policy of President Johnson, gives him his cordial 
support, and would I believe confer on him the Presidency for 
another term, if it was in his power. I do not know what more 
you desire, and even if I possessed the influence you attribute to 
me, how I could exercise it otherwise than as I have. But I have 
no influence, and do not feel at liberty to take a more active part 
in public affairs than I have done. 

The whole attention of the people at the South is confined to 
their private business. They have no influence in the regulation 
of public affairs, and whatever is done must be accomplished by 
those who control the councils of the country. You and your 
friends at the North are the only persons who can exercise a 
beneficial influence. 



392 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

I hope the long years which have passed since we met have 
brought you nothing but prosperity and happiness, and that the 
future may give you tranquillity and peace. 

I am, with great respect, your friend and servant, 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee, 

Lexington, Virginia, 20th April, 1867. 
Gov. Frank Fuller, 57 Broadway, New^Yjyk City, N. Y. 

T&y dear Sir : I hasten to return my thanks for your invitation 
to deliver a lecture before the "Peabody Institute of New York and 
Brooklyn," and am much indebted to you for the motives which 
prompted it. For reasons which I am sure you can appreciate, I 
have felt great reluctance. to appear before the public in any manner, 
and do not think that I could accomplish any good by departing 
from this course. My opinions would have no influence in correct- 
ing the misunderstanding which has existed between the North and 
South, and which I fear is still destined to involve the country in 
greater calamities. Apart from these considerations, my present 
duties occupy all my time, and I am unable to neglect them without 
inconvenience to others. I am therefore obliged respectfully to 
decline your invitation. 

With great respect your obedient servant, 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

The following was to one of the most gallant of his generals : 

Lexington, Virginia, May 23, 1867. 

My dear General : I was very glad to hear from your letter 
of last month the prosperous condition of the Southern Hospital 
Association, and the relief that has already been afforded to dis- 
abled and needy men. I trust that as our political troubles are 
reconciled, and business becomes reestablished and extended in 
the South, that the sufferings of all may be relieved. I feel as- 
sured that, under the present management of the association, all 
will be done that can be done, and those who are devoting their 
time and energies to this praiseworthy work will receive from 
posterity, as well as from the present generation, the thanks 
which are due. 

As regards the course Virginia may take under the recent laws 
of Congress, to which you refer, it is difficult to see what may 
eventually be the best. I think, though, it is plain in the execution 
of the laws, that a convention will be called, and a State Consti- 
tution formed. The question, then, is, shall the members of the 
convention be selected from the best available men in the State, 
or from the worst ? Shall the machinery of the State Government 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 393 

be arranged and set in motion by the former or by the latter? 
'In this view of the case, I think it is the duty of all citizens not 
disfranchised to qualify themselves to vote, attend the polls, and 
elect the best men in their power. Judge Underwood, Messrs. 
Botts, Hunnicut, etc., would be well pleased, I presume, if the 
business were left to them and the negroes. But I do not think 
this course would be either for the interest of the State or country. 
When the convention assembles it will be for them to determine 
what, under the circumstances of the case, it will be best for 
the people to do, and their decision should be submitted to by 
all as the decision of the State. I look upon the Southern people 
as acting under compulsion, not of their free choice, and that it 
is their duty to consult the best interest of their States as far as may 
be in their power to do. 

I hope that all our friends in New Orleans may do well, and 
that each may succeed in the business which they have under- 
taken. Every man must now look closely to his own affairs and 
depend upon his own good sense and judgment to push them 
onward. We have but little to do with general politics. We 
cannot control them, but by united efforts, harmony, prudence, 
and wisdom, we may shape and regulate our domestic policy. 

Please present my kindest regards to Generals Beauregard, 
Longstreet, Hood, Buckner, and all friends. Wishing you every 
happiness, I am truly yours, 

(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

To Gen. D. H. Maury. 

The following explains itself, and is most significant as show- 
ing that while fully "accepting the situation" he could by no 
means approve of the course of Southern men who united with 
the dominant party : 

Lexington, Virginia, 29th October, 1867. 
Gen. J. Longstreet, 21 Carondelet street, New Orleans, La. 

My dear General: When I received your letter of the 8th 
June I had just returned from a short trip to Bedford County, 
and was preparing for a more extended visit to the White Sulphur 
Springs for the benefit of Mrs. Lee's health. As I could not write 
such a letter as you desired, and as you stated that you would 
leave New Orleans for Mexico* in a week from the time you 
wrote, to be absent some months, I determined to delay my reply 
till my return. Although I have been here more than a month, 
I have been so occupied by necessary business and so incon- 



394 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

venienced by the effects of an attack of sickness, from which I 
have not yet recovered, that this is the first day that I have been 
able to write to you. 

I have avoided all discussion of political questions since the 
cessation of hostilities. And have in my own conduct and in 
my recommendations to others, endeavored to conform to exist- 
ing circumstances. I consider this the part of wisdom as well 
as of duty. But while I think we should act under the law and 
according to the law imposed upon us, I cannot think the course 
pursued by the dominant political party the best for the interests 
of the country, and therefore cannot say so, or give them my 
approval. This is the reason why I could not comply with the 
request in your letter. I am of the opinion that all who can should 

jvote for the most intelligent, honest, and conscientious men eli- 
gible to offices, irrespective of former party opinions, who will 
endeavor to make the new constitutions and the laws passed under 

4hem as beneficial as possible to the true interest, prosperity, and 
liberty of all classes and conditions of the people. With my best 
wishes for your health and happiness and my kindest regards to 
Mrs. Longstreet and your children, 

I am with great regards, very truly and sincerely yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

It may be added in this connection that he was accustomed 
sometimes to express himself in terms of strongest condemna- 
tion of the injustice done the South by some of the ultra 
measures of Congress. In a word, he never ceased to be a 
Virginian and a Southerner. 

The following indorsement of his narrative of the campaign 
of 1864 will be appreciated by the many friends of the distin- 
guished soldier to whom it is addressed : 

Lexington, Virginia, October 15, 1866. 
Gen. J. A. Early, Toronto, C. W. 

My dear General : I am much obliged to you for the narra- 
tive forwarded with your letter of the 4th ult. I have read it 
with interest, and have tried to find the means of replying. Not 
being able to do so, I shall wait no longer ; but will trust to the 
mail, hoping it may reach you safely. Your account corresponds 
generally with my recollection, though I cannot pretend to ex- 
press an opinion as to the accuracy of your statements, without 
giving the subject more investigation than I have now time to 
devote. I have no objection to the publication of the narrative 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 395 

of your operations before leaving the Army of Northern Virginia. 
I would recommend, however, that, while giving facts which you 
think necessary for your own vindication, you omit all epithets or 
remarks calculated to excite bitterness or animosity between dif- 
ferent sections of the country. 

With the most sincere wishes for your welfare, 

I am, very truly yours, 
(Signed.) R. E. Lee. 

The following will be read with deep interest, and will go 
down to history in vivid contrast with the political ambition 
of many others : 

Lexington, Virginia, February 4, 1867. 
Hon. Robert Ould, Virginia Senate, Richmond, Va. 

My dear Sir : I received today your letter of the 31st ult., and 
the subject to which it relates is so important that, though con- 
fined to my room by indisposition, I reply at once. I feel greatly 
honored at what you say is the prevailing wish of leading men 
in the State, that I should accept the nomination for the office of 
Governor of Virginia, and I duly appreciate the spirit that has 
led them to name me for that high position. I candidly confess, 
however, that my feelings induce me to prefer private life, which 
I think more suitable to my condition and age, and where I be- 
lieve I can better advance the interests of my State than in that 
you propose. You will agree with me, I am sure, in the opinion 
that this is no time for the indulgence of personal or political 
considerations in selecting a person to fill that office ; nor should 
it be regarded as a means of rewarding individuals for supposed 
former services. The welfare of the State and the interests of 
her citizens should be the only principle of selection. Believing 
that there are many men in the State more capable than I am 
of filling the position, and who could do more to promote the 
interests of the people, I most respectfully decline to be con- 
sidered a candidate for the office. 

I think it important, in selecting a Chief Magistrate of the 
Commonwealth, for the citizens to choose one capable of fulfilling 
its high trust, and at the same time not liable to the misconstruc- 
tion which their choice of one objectionable to the General Gov- 
ernment would be sure to create, and thereby increase the evils 
under which the State at present labors. 

I have no means of knowing, other than are apparent to you, 
whether my election as Governor of Virginia would be personally 
injurious to me or not, and, therefore, the consideration of that 



396 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

question in your letter has not been embraced in my reply. But 
I believe it would be used by the dominant party to excite hos- 
tility toward the State, and to injure the people in the eyes of the 
country; and I, therefore, cannot consent to become the instru- 
ment of bringing distress upon those whose prosperity and hap- 
piness are so dear to me. If my disfranchisement and privation 
of civil rights would secure to the citizens of the State the enjoy- 
ment of civil liberty and equal rights under the Constitution, I 
would willingly accept them in their stead. 

What I have written is intended only for your own informa- 
tion. With grateful thanks for your friendly sentiments, 

I am, very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following extract from a speech delivered in Atlanta, 
Georgia, by Hon. B. H. Hill, may be appropriately introduced 
here: 

When the future historian comes to survey the character of 
Lee he will find it rising like a huge mountain above the undu- 
lating plain of humanity, and he will have to lift his eyes toward 
heaven to catch its summit. He possessed every virtue of the 
great commanders, without treachery; a private citizen without 
wrong ; a neighbor without reproach ; a Christian without hypoc- 
risy, and a man without guile. He was a Csesar without his 
ambition ; a Frederick without his tyranny ; a Napoleon without 
his selfishness ; and a Washington without his reward. He was 
obedient to authority as a servant, and loyal in authority as a 
true king. He was gentle as a woman in life ; modest and pure 
as a virgin in thought ; watchful as a Roman vestal in duty ; sub- 
missive to law as Socrates, and grand in battle as Achilles. 

There were many peculiarities in the habits and character of 
Lee which are but little known, and may be studied with profit. 
He studiously avoided giving opinions upon subjects which it 
had not been his calling or training to investigate ; and some- 
times I thought he carried this great virtue too far. Neither the 
President, nor Congress, nor friends could get his views upon 
any public question not strictly military, and no man had as 
much quiet, unobtrusive contempt for what he called "military., 
statesmen and political generals." Meeting him once on the streets 
of Richmond, I said to him, "General, I wish you would give us 
your opinion as to the propriety of changing the seat of govern- 
ment and sfoinsf farther south." 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 397 

"That is a political question, Mr. Hill, and you politicians 
must determine it; I shall endeavor to take care of the Army, 
and you must make the laws and control the Government." 

"Ah, General," I said, "but you will have to change that rule, 
and form and express political opinions ; for, if we establish our 
independence, the people will make you Mr. Davis's successor." 

"Never, sir," he replied with a firm dignity that belonged only 
to Lee. "That I will never permit. Whatever talents I may 
possess (and they are but limited) are military talents. My 
education and training are military. I think the military and civil 
talents are distinct, if not different, and full duty in either sphere 
is about as much as one man can qualify himself to perform. I 
shall not do the people the injustice to accept high civil office 
with whose questions it has not been my business to become 
familiar." 

"Well, but, General," I insisted, "history does not sustain your 
view. C?esar, and Frederick of Prussia, and Bonaparte were 
great statesmen, as well as great generals." 

"And great tyrants," he promptly responded. "I speak of the 
proper rule in republics, where, I think, we should have neither 
military statesmen nor political generals." 

"But Washington was both, and yet not a tyrant," I repeated. 

And with a beautiful smile he said, "Washington was an ex- 
ception to all rule, and there was none like him." 

I could find no words to answer further, but instantly I said 
in thought, "Surely Washington is no longer the only exception ; 
for one like him, if not even greater, is here." 

General Lee was conspicuous for a lack of bitterness toward 
the United States authorities and the people of the North. He 
certainly had much which others w T ould have taken as an occa- 
sion of bitterness if not absolute hatred. WTiile he was suf- 
fering privation and hardship and meeting danger in opposing 
what he honestly believed to be the armed hosts of oppression 
and wrong, his home was seized (and held) by the Govern- 
ment, and his property destroyed. 

When at the close of the war he faithfully and scrupulously 
sought to carry out his parole, avoided the popular applause 
that his people were everywhere ready to give him, and sought 
a quiet retreat where he could labor for the good of the young 
men of the South, his motives were impugned, his actions were 



398 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

misrepresented, and certain of the Northern journals teemed 
with bitter slanders against him, while a United States grand 
jury (in violation of the terms of his parole, as General Grant 
himself maintained) found against him an indictment for 
"treason and rebellion." And yet amid all these provocations 
he uttered no word of bitterness, and always raised his voice 
for moderation and charity. 

Upon several occasions the writer has heard him rebuke 
others for bitter expressions, and the severest terms he was 
accustomed to employ were such as he used to his son ( Robert ) 
to whom he said one day, as he was bravely working one of 
the guns of the Rockbridge Artillery, which was engaged in 
a fierce fight with the enemy, "That's right, my son; drive those 
people back." 

When told of Jackson's wound and of his plan to cut Hooker 
off from the United States ford and drive back his army on 
Chancellorsville, the eye of the great Captain sparkled, and 
his face flushed as he remembered that in the loss of his lieu- 
tenant he had been "deprived of his right arm ;" but his quiet 
reply was, "General Jackson's plans shall be carried out — those 
people shall be driven today." 

He used sometimes to speak of the enemy as "General 
Meade's people," "General Grant's people," or "our friends 
across the river." 

When in 1863 the head of the Army of Northern Virginia 
was turned northward, and it was understood that an invasion 
of Pennsylvania was contemplated, there resounded through the 
South a cry for retaliation there for the desolation inflicted by 
the Federal armies upon our own fair land. The newspapers 
recounted the outrages that we had endured, painted in vivid 
colors the devastation of large sections of the South, reprinted 
the orders of Pope, Butler, and others of like spirit, and called 
upon the officers and men of the Army of Northern Virginia 
to remember these things when they reached the rich fields of 
Pennsylvania, arguing that the best way of bringing the war 
to a successful termination was to let the people of the North 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 399 

feel it as we had done. Prominent men urged these views 
on General Lee, and it would not have been surprising if he 
had so far yielded to the popular clamor as to have at least 
winked at depredations on the part of his soldiers. But he 
did not for a single moment forget that he led the army of a 
people who professed to be governed by the principles of 
Christian civilization, and that no outrages on the part of 
others could justify him in departing from these high princi- 
ples. Accordingly, as soon as the head of his column crossed 
the Potomac he issued a beautiful address in which he called 
upon his men to abstain from pillage and depredations of every 
kind, and enjoined upon his officers to bring to speedy pun- 
ishment all offenders against this order. If this had been in- 
tended for effect merely while the soldiers were to be allowed 
to plunder at will, nothing further would have been necessary. 

But we find him publishing the following, which forms one 
of the brightest pages in the history of that unhappy strife 
and will go down to coming ages in vivid contrast with the 
orders of Pope, Sherman, Milroy, Butler, Sheridan and other 
Federal generals, and will for all time reflect the highest honor 
alike upon our Christian chieftain and the army he led : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

Chambersburg, Pa., June 2j, 1863. 
General Orders, 
No. 73. 

The Commanding General has observed with marked satisfac- 
tion the conduct of the troops on the march, and confidently an- 
ticipates results commensurate with the high spirit they have 
manifested. No troops could have displayed greater fortitude, 
or better have performed the arduous marches of the past ten 
days. Their conduct in other respects has, with few exceptions, 
been in keeping with their character as soldiers, and entitles them 
to approbation and praise. 

There have been, however, instances of forgetfulness on the 
part of some that they have in keeping the yet unsullied reputa- 
tion of the army, and that the duties exacted of us by civiliza- 
tion and Christianity are not less obligatory in the country of the 
enemy than in our own. The Commanding General considers that 
no greater disgrace could befall the army, and through it our 



400 .LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

whole people, than the perpetration of the barbarous outrages 
upon the innocent and defenseless, and the wanton destruction of 
private property, that have marked the course of the enemy in 
our own country. Such proceedings not only disgrace the per- 
petrators and all connected with them, but are subversive of the 
discipline and efficiency of the army, and destructive of the ends 
of our present movements. It must be remembered that we make 
war only upon armed men and that we cannot take vengeance 
for the wrongs our people have suffered without lowering our- 
selves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has been excited by the 
atrocities of our enemy and offending against Him to whom 
vengeance belongeth, and without whose favor and support our 
efforts must all prove in vain. 

The Commanding General, therefore, earnestly exhorts the 
troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from unnecessary 
or wanton injury to private property; and he enjoins upon all 
officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who shall 
in any way offend against the orders on this subject. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

That those orders were in some instances violated is not de- 
nied, but both General Lee and his officers exerted themselves 
to have them carried out, and with almost perfect success, as 
even the Northern press abundantly testified to at the time. 

No blackened ruins, desolated fields, or wanton destruction 
of private property marked the line of his march. His official 
dispatches are blotted by no wicked boast of the number of 
barns burned and the amount of provisions destroyed, until he 
had made the country "such a waste that even a crow flying 
over w^ould be compelled to carry his rations." But the order 
above quoted not only expressed the feelings of the commander- 
in-chief, but was an index to the conduct of his officers, and 
the troops under their command. 

Soon after the grand jury found its indictment against Gen- 
eral Lee, at a time when President Andrew Johnson was show- 
ing a purpose to carry out his threat to "make treason odious 
by hanging the chief of the Rebel leaders," and when ultra men 
at the North were clamoring for vengeance for what they 
claimed as "the complicity of the South" in the assassination 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 401 

of Mr. Lincoln, a party of friends were spending- an evening 
at his house in Richmond, and the conversation naturally 

turned On these matters. Rev. Dr. led the conversation 

hi expressing in terms of decided bitterness the indignation 
of the South at the indictment of General Lee. The General 
pleasantly remarked, "Well, it matters little what they may 
do to me. I am old and have but a short time to live anyhow," 
and very soon turned the conversation into other channels. 

Presently Dr. got up to go, and General Lee followed 

him out to the door and said, "Doctor, there is a good old 
book which I read, and you preach from, which says, 'Love 
your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that 
hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you.' Do 
you think your remarks this evening were quite in the spirit of 
that teaching?" Dr. made, some apology for the bitter- 
ness which he felt and had expressed, and General Lee added 
with that peculiar sweetness of tone and manner that we re- 
member so well, "I have fought against the people of the North 
because I believed they were seeking to wrest from the South 
dearest rights. But I have never cherished toward them bitter 
or vindictive feelings, and have never seen the day when I did 
not pray for them." 

If the world's history affords a sublimer spectacle than that 
of this stern warrior teaching a minister of the Gospel of Peace 
the duty of love to enemies, the present writer has failed to 
note it. 

It is related that one day during the war, as they were recon- 
noitering the countless host opposed to them, one of his subor- 
dinates exclaimed in bitter tones, "I wish those people were 
all dead !" General Lee, with that inimitable grace of manner 
peculiar to him, promptly rejoined, "How can you say so, Gen- 
eral ? Now I wish that they were all at home attending to their 
own business and leaving us to do the same." 

One day in the autumn of 1869 I saw General Lee standing 
at his gate talking to an humbly clad man, who turned off, evi- 
dently delighted with his interview, just as I came up. After 



402 LIFE AND LETWERS OF LEE 

exchanging salutations the General pleasantly said, pointing 
to the retreating form, "That is one of our old soldiers who is 
in necessitous circumstances." I took it for granted that it was 
some veteran Confederate, and asked to what command he be- 
longed, when the General quietly and pleasantly added, "He 
fought on the other side, but we must not remember that against 
him now." 

The man afterwards came to my house, and said to me in 
speaking of his interview with General Lee, "Sir, he is the 
noblest man that ever lived. He not only had a kind word for 
an old soldier who fought against him, but he gave me some 
money to help me on my way." 

What a beautiful illustration of the teaching of the apostle, 
"If thine enemy hunger, feed him ; if he thirst, give him drink." 

Upon the occasion of the delivery of an address at Wash- 
ington College by a certain distinguished orator, General Lee 
came to me and said, "I saw you taking notes during the ad- 
dress. It was in the main very fine ; but if you propose pub- 
lishing any report of it I would suggest that you leave out all 
of the bitter expressions against the North and the United 
States Government. They will do us no good under our pres- 
ent circumstances, and I think all such expressions undignified 
and unbecoming." Soon after the passage of some of the most 
objectionable of the so-called "Reconstruction Acts" two of the 
professors of the College were conversing with him, when one 
of them expressed himself in very bitter terms concerning the 
dominant party and their treatment of the people of the South. 
General Lee quietly turned to his table, and picking up a manu- 
script (which afterwards proved to be his memoir of his 
father) read the following lines : 

" 'Learn from your Orient shell to love thy foe, 
And store with pearls the hand that brings thee woe : 
Free like yon rock, from base vindictive pride, 
Emblaze with gems the wrist that rends thy side : 
Mark where yon tree rewards the stony shower, 
With fruit nectareous, or the balmy flower; 
All nature cries aloud, shall man do less 
Than heal the smiter and the railer bless?' " 



AFTER THE WAR PROMOTING PEACE 403 

He then said that these lines were written "in Arabia and by 
a Mussulman, the poet of Shivaz, the immortal Hafiz," and 
quietly asked, "Ought not we who profess to be governed by 
the principles of Christianity to rise at least to the standard of 
this Mohammedan poet and learn to forgive our enemies." 

The conduct of Lee's soldiers after the close of the war has 
excited the attention and elicited the admiration of the world. 
There was much in the state of things just after the surrender 
to excite the serious apprehension of thinking men that these 
disbanded soldiers would render the condition of the South far 
worse by entering upon a career of lawlessness. After long 
exposure to the demoralizing influences of the camp, and a long 
cessation from any industrial pursuit, these young men returned 
to find their fondly cherished hopes blighted, their fortunes 
ruined, their fields laid waste, and in not a few instances 
blackened ruins marking the spot of their once happy homes. It 
would not have been surprising if they had. yielded to despair 
and had sought redress by taking the law into their own hands. 
I claim to have thoroughly known the veterans of Lee's army, 
and to have had some peculiar opportunities of seeing them 
after the close of the war. In traveling very extensively 
through the South I made it a point always to inquire after 
them, and the invariable response was, "They have gone to 
work, and are quiet, orderly members of society." Many of 
them who had been raised in luxury and ease took off their 
coats and went into the corn, tobacco, or cotton fields of the 
South, or entered upon other pursuits with a zeal and earnest- 
ness truly marvelous to those who did not know the stuff of 
which these heroic men were made. 

They "accepted the situation," and, amid provocations and 
insults not a few, have proven themselves "loyal" to their every 
pledge, law-abiding citizens of which any community might be 
proud. If asked the explanation of this, the simplest answer 
would be, "The soldiers have continued to folloiv their com- 
mander-in-chief." 

General Lee was most scrupulous in observing the terms of 
his parole. He refused to attend political gatherings, avoided 



404 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

discussing the war or its issues (except with intimate friends 
and in the freedom of private intercourse), and gave the young 
men of the South a striking example of quiet submission to 
the United States authorities. 

He was accustomed to say, "I am now unfortunately so 
situated that I can do no good, and as I am anxious to do as 
little harm as possible I deem it wisest for me to remain silent." 
And yet, as has been intimated, the good order and law-abiding 
spirit of the soldiers and people of the South were due in no 
small measure to the quiet example and influence of this noble 
man. 






CHAPTER X 
The College President 

Circumstances of his election — The condition of Washington College — Its 
history and associations — General Lee's feelings and purposes — His 
letter of acceptance — His simple arrival in Lexington and inaugu- 
ration as president — His reforms and improvements in the College — 
His system of discipline — His thorough knowledge of the class stand- 
ing and deportment of each student — His efforts for the religious wel- 
fare of the students — His great influence in that direction — Letter to 
the pastors — Conference with them and active cooperation — Prof. Ed- 
ward S. Joynes on Lee as college president — Letters. 

When General Lee went to Lexington, Virginia, in October, 
1865, as President of Washington College, I went there af the 
same time as pastor, and served during the remainder of his 
life as one of the chaplains of the College. I thus had oppor- 
tunity of seeing him illustrate that he was grander in peace than 
in war, and of watching his career as college president, until 
thoroughly convinced that he was one of the greatest, if not 
the greatest, college presidents whom this country ever pro- 
duced. 

I could easily write a volume on Lee the College President; 
I very much regret that my limited space will confine me to only 
a brief outline. 

The idea of offering General Lee the presidency of the Col- 
lege originated with Hon. Bolivar Christian of Staunton, one 
of the trustees, and it was suggested to him by hearing of a 
remark made by one of his daughters to the effect, "They are 
offering my father everything except the only thing he will 
accept, a place to earn honest bread while engaged in some 
useful work." 

Colonel Christian got a friend to write to General Lee, and 
if the answer declining to consider the question had not been 



406 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

delayed by the irregular mails of the time he would probably 
have dropped the matter. But fortunately he did not see Gen- 
eral Lee's letter declining to consider the proposition until after 
he had gone to the meeting of the Board of Trustees called in 
Lexington to nominate a President. 

The trustees were very much surprised at the nomination, as 
they had no idea that the great soldier could be induced to 
become their President, but they finally determined to make the 
effort, and unanimously elected him, and appointed their Rec- 
tor, Judge John W. Brockenbrough, to present in person the 
notice of their action, and urge on General Lee its acceptance. 

It may be mentioned, as illustrating the times, that Judge 
Brockenbrough, who had been one of the United States District 
Judges, and was one of the ablest and purest men who ever 
wore the ermine, had to borrow a suit of clothes and the money 
necessary for his expenses in order to go to Powhatan County 
and present the matter to General Lee. 

The College buildings, library, and apparatus had been 
sacked by General Hunter's troops at the time he burned the 
Virginia Military Institute, and Governor Letcher's private 
residence, and there were no funds available to rehabilitate 
them. The endowment of the College was now unproductive 
and might never yield an income, and the College had only 
40 students from the surrounding country, taught by four pro- 
fessors. In that condition of things it did seem presumptuous 
to expect a man of world-wide fame, who was being flooded 
with offers of help, to become president of a college of such 
seemingly dismal prospects. 

But on the other hand, it had an interesting history and 
hallowed associations clustering around it, which would natur- 
ally interest General Lee. Washington College was the out- 
growth of an academy founded in 1749, and the first classical 
school in the Valley of Virginia. It was named "Liberty Hall 
Academy" at the opening of the Revolution, and sent into that 
struggle a company of its students named "Liberty Hall Vol- 
unteers," and had made such reputation that it attracted the 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 407 

attention of Washington, and he endowed it with ioo shares 
of the old James River Company, which he accepted from 
Virginia only on the condition that he might give them to some 
educational institution. 

The name was changed to "Washington College" in honor 
of its benefactor, and it received further endowment from the 
Cincinnati Society, and from John Robinson, an old Revolu- 
tionary soldier. It had a long career of usefulness, and had 
sent out alumni who had been very distinguished in all of the 
professions and walks of life. 

Judge Brockenbrough skilfully presented these points to 
General Lee, and urged that while the College was now pros- 
trate it would speedily arise under his magic influence and 
able management, and that he could thus revive and perpetuate 
the work which Washington had begun. These considera- 
tions, and the fact that he could thus engage "in teaching the 
young men of the country to do their duty in life," were very 
potent with General Lee, and he promised to take the matter 
under serious consideration. 

His feelings at the time were thus given by Bishop Joseph 
P. B. Wilmer of Louisiana, in a Memorial address : 

I was seated, at the close of the day in my Virginia home, when 
I beheld, through the thickening shades of evening, a horseman 
entering the yard, whom I soon recognized as General Lee. The 
next morning he placed in my hands the correspondence with 
the authorities of Washington College at Lexington. He had 
been invited to become President of that institution. I confess 
to a momentary feeling of chagrin at the proposed change (shall 
I say revulsion?) in his history. The institution was one of local 
interest, and comparatively unknown to our people. I named 
others more conspicuous which would welcome him with ardor 
as their presiding head. I soon discovered that his mind tow- 
ered above these earthly distinctions; that, in his judgment, the 
cause gave dignity to the institution and not the wealth of its 
endowment, or the renown of its scholars ; that this door and 
not another was opened to him by Providence ; and he only wished . 
to be assured of his competency to fulfil the trust, and thus to 1 
make his few remaining years a comfort and blessing to his suf- ■* 
fering country. I had spoken to his human feelings ; he had now 



408 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

revealed himself to me as one "whose life was hid with Christ 
in God." My speech was no longer restrained. I congratulated 
him that his heart was inclined to this great cause, and that he 
was spared to give to the world this august testimony to the 
importance of Christian education. How he listened to my feeble 
words ; how he beckoned me to his side, as the fulness of heart 
found utterance ; how his whole countenance glowed with ani- 
mation as I spoke of the Holy Ghost as the great Teacher, whose 
presence was required to make education a blessing, which other- 
wise might be the curse of mankind ; how feelingly he responded, 
how eloquently, as I never heard him speak before — can never 
be effaced from memory ; and nothing more sacred mingles with 
my reminiscences of the dead. 

His letter of conditional acceptance of the presidency of the 
College is so expressive, and characteristic of the man, that 
I give it in full as follows : 

Powhatan County, Virginia, 24th August, 1865. 
Gentlemen : 

I have delayed for some days replying to your letter of the 
5th inst., informing me of my election by the Board of Trustees 
to the Presidency of Washington College, from a desire to give 
the subject due consideration. Fully impressed with the responsi- 
bilities of the office, I have feared that I should be unable to dis- 
charge its duties to the satisfaction of the Trustees, or to the 
benefit of the country. The proper education of youth requires not 
only great ability but I fear more strength than I now possess, 
for I do not feel able to undergo the 'laboiToT'conS'Sc^rrg classes 
in regular courses of instruction. I could not, therefore, under- 
take more than the general administration and supervision of the 
institution. 

There is another subject which has caused me serious reflection, 
and I think worthy of the consideration of the Board. Being 
excluded from the terms of amnesty in the proclamation of the 
President of the United States, of the 29th of May last, and an 
object of censure to a portion of the country, I have thought 
it probable that my occupation of the position of President might 
i draw upon the College a feeling of hostility ; and I should there- 
ifore cause injury to an institution which it would be my highest 
desire to advance. I think it the duty of every citizen, in the 
present condition of the country, to do all in his power to aid 
in the restoration of peace and harmony, and in no way to oppose 
the policy of the State or General Governments, directed to that 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 409 

object. It is particularly incumbent on those charged with the 
instruction of the young to set them an example of submission 
to authority, and I could not consent to be the cause of animad- 
version upon the College. 

Should you, however, take a different view, and think that my 
services in the position tendered me by the Board will be ad- 
vantageous to the College and country, I will yield to your judg- 
ment and accept it. Otherwise I must most respectfully decline 
the offer. 

Begging you to express to the Trustees of the College my heart- 
felt gratitude for the honor conferred upon me, and requesting 
you to accept my cordial thanks for the kind manner in which 
you have communicated the decision, I am, gentlemen, with great 
respect, Your most obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
"Messrs. John W. Brockenbrough, Rector; S. McD. Reid, 
Alfred Leyburn, Horatio Thompson, D. D. ; Bolivar Chris- 
tian, T. J. Kirkpatrick, Committee." 

The trustees, of course, assured him that his connection with 
the College would "greatly promote its prosperity and advance 
the general interests of education," and urged him to accept, 
and enter upon his duties at the earliest practicable day. 

And thus "the happy audacity" of the trustees, as it was 
called, prevailed, and General Lee put aside many very lucra- 
tive offers that were made to him, and accepted the presidency 
of the College at an offered salary of $1,500, though even that 
was not in sight. This was eminently characteristic of the 
man, who only asked to know the path of duty, and rejoiced 
to walk therein. 

The news that General Lee was to be President of Wash- 
ington College spread far and wide, and attracted the deepest 
interest. Money from unexpected sources flowed into the 
treasury of the College, and students came from every quarter. 

One day in the early autumn of 1865 a quiet horseman, 
mounted on a noble iron-gray, rode up Main street of Lex- 
ington, Virginia, attracting the attention of all who were on J 
the street, but not being recognized until an old soldier, see- / 
ing him, yelled out, "There is Marse Robert," and rushed to i 
hold his horse and stirrup as he dismounted at the hotel. Soon 



410 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the old soldiers and others flocked from every direction, and 
gave him "the old Confederate yell" as he retired to his room. 
Thus the new President came to his duties, having- ridden 
across the country from Powhatan on his famous war horse 
Traveler. 

In accordance with his wishes the inauguration ceremonies 
were very simple. On the 2d of October, 1865, in the pres- 
ence of trustees, faculty, and students, and after a fervent 
and appropriate prayer led by the venerable Dr. Wm. S. White 
of the Presbyterian Church (Stonewall Jackson's old pastor), 
General Lee took the oath of office, administered by Wm.White, 
Esq., justice of the peace, and entered upon his duties. 

He was no "figure-head," for if any supposed that he would 
be used simply "to attract students by the glitter of his great 
name," they soon saw that he was one of the ablest, most in- 
dustrious, most earnest, and most tactful presidents that any 
college ever had. He introduced many reforms in the College, 
and greatly enlarged the course of instruction. He gathered 
around him a very able and accomplished faculty, raised the 
standard of scholarship, renovated the old buildings, and added 
new"6nes. It was supposed that he would, from his education 
and life-long profession, wish to convert the College into a 
military school, and the faculty and trustees were ready to 
concur in whatever he desired, but he very soon gave them 
to understand that he desired nothing of the kind. He intro- 
duced "the honor_ code" of discipline, and instead of a sys- 
tem of espionage, tie 'treated the students as gentlemen, and 
expected them to act as gentlemen." If one of them should 
prove disorderly, or negligent of his studies, he sent for him, 
and had with him a fatherly talk which almost always accom- 
plished the desired end. 

I heard of this case which will serve as an illustration : A 
young fellow made his boast that while the President frequently 
got the students whom he called into his office to crying, he 
would never get him to display that weakness, but "I will talk 
back at him, and get him to laughing the first thing he knows." 

Not long afterwards this young student was summoned to 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 411 

the President's office, and some of his friends gathered around 
to see him when he came out, and learn his experience. When 
he came there were traces of tears on his cheeks, and he had 
evidently been weeping. To their eager questions, "How did 
you come out?" "Did he scold you very severely?" he replied, 
"No, I wish he had. I wish he had whipped me. I could 
have stood it better. But he talked to me so kindly, and so 
tenderly, about my mother, and the sacrifices which she, a j 
widow, is making to send me to college, and of how I ought | 
to appreciate her love, and do credit to her, by diligence in my 
studies, and correct deportment — that the first thing I knew 
I was blubbering like a baby. I promised him that I would do 
better hereafter, and I tell you, boys, / mean to do it." That 
student became one of the most diligent in the College, and 
one of the most correct young men in his deportment, and 
finally graduated with high honor. 

General Lee knew every student by name, and kept in his 
mind a record of his standing and deportment. The students 
used to say that whenever they were disposed to be a little 
noisy on the street, and turned a corner, and met the President, 
and tried to hide their identity by pulling their hats down over 
their faces, that he was sure to lift his, with that inimitable 
grace which characterized him, and call each one of them by 
name. 

Calling at his office one day with a visiting minister he 
asked about a young man who was a member of his congrega- 
tion, and the General replied, "He is an excellent young fel- 
low — has no bad habits, is full of life and fun and very popular 
with both the faculty and his fellow-students. But he is en- 
tirely too careful of the health of his father's son. He got 
last month only 50 on his Latin, 60 on his mathematics, and 
45 on his Greek, and those marks are entirely too low as our 
maximum is a hundred. We do not want our students to injure 
their health studying, but we want them to come as near to 
it as possible to miss. This young gentleman you see is a long 
way from the 'danger line.' " 



412 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Very much surprised that he could give without consulting 
his report the exact class standing of one of his 400 students, 
I asked one of the faculty if it was possible that General Lee 
could give from memory the exact class standing of every 
student in the College, giving him this incident. He replied, 
"No, not exactly that. I suppose General Lee meant to send 
for that student, and had crammed up his marks for the occa- 
sion. But he does know the relative standing of all of the 
students, and no name ever comes up at a faculty meeting 
that the General does not know all about him. We had a strik- 
ing illustration of this at our meeting yesterday. The name 
of a student was called and the General said, 'I am sorry to 
see that he has fallen so far behind on his mathematics !' The 
Professor of Mathematics replied, 'You are mistaken, General, 
he is one of the very best men in my class.' 'He only got 66 
on his last month's report,' replied the General. Upon investi- 
gation it was found that the President was right on the face 
of the report made to him, but that the clerk had made a mis- 
take in copying, and that the student's mark ought really to 
have been 96 instead of 66. I never knew General Lee to make 
a mistake in the relative standing of a student." 

General Lee did not believe in forcing the students to attend 
chapel, but sought to influence them to do so, and I have known 
no other college where the attendance on chapel was more gen- 
eral, or where the simple exercises — singing, reading the Scrip- 
tures, and prayer — seemed to be so warmly appreciated or so 
thoroughly enjoyed. 

At the faculty meeting one day a member of the faculty, 
who rarely attended himself, made an eloquent speech on the 
importance of inducing the students to attend chapel, and when 
he closed General Lee quietly remarked, "The best way that I 
know of to induce students to attend is to set them the example 
by always attending ourselves." 

Accordingly, his own seat, near the front, was always filled. 
I never knew a college president to exert himself more actively 
for the religious good of the students than did General Lee. 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 413 

I give herewith one of the letters he was accustomed to address 
to the pastors of Lexington, asking their cooperation : 

Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, 

nth September, 1869. 
Rev. and dear Sirs : 

Desirous of making the religious exercises of the College ad- 
vantageous to the students and wishing to use all means to incul- 
cate among them the principles of true religion, the Faculty 
tender to you their cordial thanks for your past services, and 
request you to perform in rotation the customary daily exercises 
at the College Chapel. The hour fixed for these services is forty- 
five minutes past seven o'clock every morning, except Sunday 
during the session, save the three winter months, December, Jan- 
uary and February, when the hour for prayer will be forty-five 
minutes past eight. The hours for lectures are fixed at eight 
and nine o'clock respectively during these periods. On Sundays 
the hour for prayer during the whole session is fixed at nine 
o'clock. 

The Faculty also request that you will extend to the students 
a general invitation to attend the churches of their choice regu- 
larly on Sundays and other days, and invite them to join the Bible 
classes established in each ; that you will as may be convenient 
and necessary, visit them in sickness and in health ; and that you 
will in every proper manner urge upon them the great importance 
of the Christian religion. 

The Faculty further ask that you will arrange among your- 
selves as may be most convenient, the periods of the session 
during which each will perform Chapel services, and that during 
those periods the officiating minister will consider himself Chap- 
lain of the College for the purpose of conducting religious worship, 
prayers, etc. 

The present session will open on the 16th inst. and close on 
the 25th June, 1870. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
To the Ministers of the Baptist, Episcopal, Methodist and Presby- 
terian churches of Lexington, Va. 

I prize beyond price the following autograph letter : 

Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, 

4th March, 1868. 
My dear Sir : 

I enclose fifty dollars of the fund contributed by the Faculty 
and students for the religious exercises of the College, not in 



414 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

compensation for your voluntary services, but in grateful testi- 
mony of them. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
Rev. J. Wm. Jones. 

He wrote similar letters to the other pastors of the town, 
and frequently talked with us about the religious interest of 
the students. He was accustomed to make lists of the denomi- 
national preference of the student, giving each pastor a list of 
the members of his church, and the men whose parents belonged 
to his church, and would ask him afterwards if he had visited 
them, and if they attended his Bible class and his church, and 
thus he would seek to promote the interests of each student. 

He said to Rev. Dr. W. S. White soon after coming to Lex- 
ington, "I shall be disappointed, sir ; I shall fail in the leading 
object that brought me here, unless these young men become 
real Christians, and I wish you and others of your sacred call- 
ing to do all m your power to accomplish this." 

He said to Rev. Dr. Brown, one of the trustees of the Col- 
lege, "I dread the thought of any student going away from the 
College without becoming a sincere Christian." 

At the "Concert of Prayer for Colleges" in 1869 I made an 
address in which I urged that the great need of our colleges 
was a genuine, all-pervasive revival, which could only come 
from above by the power of the Holy Spirit. At the close of 
the meeting General Lee came to me, and said with more than 
his usual warmth, "I wish, sir, to thank you for your address ; 
it was just what we needed. Our great want is a revival that 
shall bring these young men to Christ." 

During the great revival in the Virginia Military Institute 
in 1869, when there were over one hundred professions of 
faith in Christ, he said to me with deep emotion, "That is the 
best news I have heard since I have been in Lexington. Would 
that we could have such a revival in our College, and in all of 
the colleges." 

He said to Rev. Dr. Kirkpatrick, the able and honored Pro- 
fessor of Moral Philosophy in the College, when they were 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 415 

conversing about the religions interests of the students, his 
voice choking- with emotion and his eyes overflowing with 
tears, "Oh ! Doctor, if I could only know that all of the young 
men in the College were good Christians, I should have nothing 
more to desire." 

He sent for me one day to consult about organizing a Y. M. 
C. A. in the College, and after we had organized it he took 
the liveliest interest in its success, and contributed to it every 
year $50 from his own scant resources. 

With the first money that he raised after he went to the 
College he built a substantial and beautiful chapel, as, in his 
judgment, the most important building needed (more important 
than a President's house, he insisted), and it seems a fortu- 
nate Providence that he lies beneath that chapel, which he 
builded almost with his own hands, for he almost saw every 
block of granite placed in position, every brick laid, and every 
nail driven. 

Professor Edward S. Joynes, the accomplished Professor of 
Modern Languages in Washington and Lee University, wrote 
soon after General Lee's death, in the University Monthly, 
an article on "Lee the College President," which I copy in full : 

It is doubtless true that the voice of universal sorrow that came 
up from the entire South on the death of General Lee was, in 
its depth and fervor, a surprise even to his greatest admirers. 
Never, perhaps, did the death of any man in a time of peace 
produce so deep an impression throughout any community. In 
one universal voice, commencing at Lexington — a spot henceforth 
sacred as his home and burial-place — and circling the whole round 
of States, and cities, and villages throughout the South, the lamen- 
tation of a whole people went up to heaven, and a sense of per- 
sonal loss was felt and expressed, as though every community had 
lost a friend, and each heart its hero. 

General Lee had, indeed, not only become, for the whole 
Southern people, the most beloved representative of the principles 
for which they believed they had fought, but he had been ac- 
cepted and revered by them as the highest type of their own 
ideal character. Their favorite hero in battle and victory, he 
had splendidly illustrated their most heroic qualities. He had 
also illustrated their profounder traits, not less by his sublime 



416 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

bearing in defeat, than by the completeness of his self-sacrifice ; 
and by his patience and serenity under continued adversity, and 
his uncomplaining devotion to the labors of a new life, he had 
at once set them the example of their highest duty as a people, and 
filled the measure of their admiration for his character. Thus, 
gradually, in the quiet but anxious years during which he had 
borne their sorrows, their affection seemed to have centered around 
him with ever-increasing strength ; and when he died, the whole 
people went into mourning, with a grief even more profound and 
universal than if he had fallen in the shock of battle, in the very 
crisis of their fate ! 

Such is, we believe, the explanation of this remarkable expres- 
sion of public grief. The explanation of the ulterior fact itself, 
as we understand it, is to be found, we think, not less in the 
manner of General Lee's life since the war, than in the peculiar 
qualities of his character. If his career during the war, and his 
character as then exhibited to the Southern people, were such as 
to attract their love and admiration, his subsequent life had cer- 
tainly been such as to confirm and intensify these feelings to the 
utmost depth of devotion. And, strange as it may seem, this 
result had followed mainly from the very stillness and retirement 
of that life. General Lee, almost alone of the great Southern 
leaders, had not only taken no part in politics, but he had not 
been known — at least not until very recently — in connection with 
any of the ordinary enterprises of public business. He had also 
traveled but little, and had thus been but little seen by the people, 
and then at only long intervals ; so that subsequent more ordinary 
associations had not grown up around his person to confuse the 
heroic memories of the past. In the midst of political commo- 
tions and of public calamities that affected his deepest interests, 
he had uttered no word, but had pursued, with quiet sereneness, 
the path of patience and of duty. In addition to all this, he 
was known to be laboring and enduring not for himself, but for 
the future of the South ; and he was connected with a work in 
which, remote as it was alike from the gratification of personal 
ambition and from the possible pursuit of wealth for himself, the 
Southern people felt that they had a common interest, and that 
they and their children were the objects of his quiet but far- 
reaching labors. The life of General Lee at Washington College 
was a life of pure devotion, consecrated to the service of the 
people of the South ; and they, feeling it to be such, repaid it with 
an ardor of affection and gratitude which quietly gathered strength 
year after year, and formed no small part of their sense of be- 
reavement and sorrow at his death. 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 417 

We propose to consider, briefly, some of the aspects of these 
last years of his life. We shall consider them rather in illustra- 
tion of his own character, than with reference to the particular 
work itself. These years present, it seems to us, the most re- 
markable close that history records of such a life as his had been ; 
and they illustrate his character not less signally than do his 
greatest public achievements. Indeed, without this final illustra- 
tion the history of that character itself would have been incomplete, 
as it underwent its severest test, and received its highest and most 
emphatic vindication, in the serene patience and self-forgetting 
devotion of these very years. It seems, indeed, as if fortune had 
reserved Robert E. Lee for this work in order to perfect the 
example of a character superior to all her powers, and equal alike 
to the triumphs and calamities of the highest, and the cares and 
duties of the humblest lot. 

General Lee accepted the presidency of Washington College, 
in the first place, from a profound and deliberate sense of duty. 
The same high principle of action that had characterized his con- 
duct in the gravest crisis of public affairs, marked his decision 
here ; and here, as ever, duty alone determined his choice. There 
was absolutely nothing in this position that could have tempted 
him. Not only was it uncongenial with all the habits of his 
past life, and remote from all the associations in which he had 
formerly taken pleasure ; but it was, at that time, most uninviting 
in itself. The College to which he was called was broken in 
fortune and in hope. The war had practically closed its doors. 
Its buildings had been pillaged and defaced, and its library scat- 
tered. It had now neither money nor credit, and it was even 
doubtful whether it would be shortly reopened at all for the 
reception of students. The faculty were few in number, disor- 
ganized and dispirited. Of the slender endowment that had sur- 
vived the war, hardly anything was available, and ready money 
could not be secured even for the most immediate and pressing 
wants of the College. Under these circumstances the offer of 
the presidency to General Lee seemed well-nigh ^presumptuous ; 
and surely it was an offer from which he had~hothing to expect 
either of fortune or of fame. The men, however, who had made 
this selection, the trustees of Washington College — ever honored 
be their memory for their noble conception — had not calculated 
in vain in their estimate of General Lee's character. They felt 
that this position, however humble it might seem, would afford 
to him, what from their knowledge of the man they felt would be 
the most acceptable to him — a sphere of duty in which he could 



418 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

spend his days in the service of his beloved people; and though 
the country looked on astonished and incredulous, the result 
showed that they had not been mistaken. General Lee received 
the announcement, which was conveyed to him in person by the 
Rector, Hon. John W. Brockenbrough, with surprise and with 
deep feeling. He was at first disposed to decline the offer; but 
the distinguished Virginian who represented the trustees urged 
it upon him, and dwelt earnestly upon the high motives which 
had prompted their choice. These were motives to which General 
Lee could not be indifferent ; and at last, reserving his answer, 
he promised to reflect upon the subject. Here, as ever, he was 
deliberate, as well as conscientious. Finally, after several days' 
consideration he accepted the position. Suffice it to say here, that 
it was a deliberate sense of duty to his fellow-countrymen, and 
desire to pay back, as far as he could, through their sons, the 
sufferings and sorrows of his own generation in the South, that 
determined his decision. He had already fully resolved not to 
leave Virginia under any circumstances ; and this position, humble 
as it seemed to be, gave him the wished-for opportunity of labor- 
ing for her people, and for the South. Therefore he accepted it. 

The profound sense of duty which marked General Lee's ac- 
ceptance of this office characterized also his whole administration 
of it. He entertained the profoundest convictions on the im- 
portance of educational influences, both to individuals and to the 
country, and the deepest sense of personal responsibility in his 
own office. He felt that an institution like Washington College 
owed duty, not only to its own students, but to the whole country ; 
and that its moral obligations were not only supreme within its 
own sphere, but were attached to the wider interests of public 
virtue and of true religion, among all the people. Everybody 
around him felt unconsciously that he was actuated by these prin- 
ciples, and all were impressed by his high conceptions of duty 
and the singleness of his devotion to it. Nothing else, indeed, 
could have sustained him so serenely through so many and so 
constant details of labor and of trial. Nothing else, in such a 
man, could have held his thoughts so high, or kept his heart so 
strong, in the midst of daily tasks, always so severe, often so 
trivial and discouraging. But he never flagged ; and though he 
fully comprehended the difficulties of his office, and was often 
wearied with its incessant labors, no word of despondency fell 
from his lips. He felt that he was doing his duty. 'T have," 
he said, as reported by the Hon. Mr. Hilliard, "a self-imposed 
task, which I cannot forsake;" and in this spirit he met all the 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 419 

details of his daily labors, cheerfully to the last. Again and again, 
during his life at Lexington, were tempting offers urged upon 
him — offers of large incomes, with comparative ease and more 
active and congenial employment ; but though he fully appreciated 
these considerations, and was not indifferent to the attractions 
presented by such offers, he turned from them all, with the same 
reply. He had chosen his post of duty, and he clung to it. Year 
by year the conception of this duty seemed to grow stronger 
with him ; and year by year the College, as its instrument and 
representative, grew dearer to him. And as, gradually, the fruits 
of his labors began to be manifest, and the moral and intellectual 
results of his influence approved themselves even to his own 
modest self-estimate, his heart grew only warmer, and his zeal 
more zealous, in his work. His sense of personal duty was also 
expanded into a warm solicitude for all who were associated 
with him. To the faculty he was an elder brother, beloved and 
revered, and full of all tender sympathy. To the students, he 
was as a father, in carefulness, in encouragement, in reproof. 
Their welfare and their conduct and character as gentlemen, were 
his chief concern ; and this solicitude was not limited to their 
collegiate years, but followed them abroad into life. He thought 
it to be the office of a college not merely to educate the intellect, 
but to make Christian men. The moral and religious character 
of the students was more precious in his eyes even than their 
intellectual progress, and was made the special object of his con- 
stant personal solicitude. • 

In his annual reports to the trustees, which were models of clear 
and dignified composition, he always dwelt with peculiar em- 
phasis upon these interests ; and nothing in the College gratified 
him more than its marked moral and religious improvements 
during his administration. To the Rev. Dr. White he said, as 
affectingly narrated by that venerable minister soon after Gen- 
eral Lee's death, "I shall be disappointed, sir ; I shall fail in the 
leading object that brought me here, unless these young men all 
become consistent Christians." Other expressions, bearing elo- 
quent witness to the same truth, might be quoted ; but none 
could be more eloquent than the steady tenor of his own life, 
quietly yet constantly devoted to the highest ends of duty and 
of religion. 

Such were the principles which actuated General Lee, as Presi- 
dent of Washington College ; and their effects showed themselves 
in all the details of his administration. In the discipline of the 
College his moral influence was supreme. A disciplinarian in 



420 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the ordinary sense of the term, as it is often unworthily applied, 
he was not. He was no seeker-out of small offenses, no stickler 
for formal regulations. In his construction of college rules, and 
in his dealing with actions generally, he was most liberal ; but 
in his estimate of motives, and in the requirement of principle 
and honor, he was exacting to the last degree. Youthful indis- 
cretion found in him the most lenient of judges; but falsehood 
or meanness had no toleration with him. He looked rather to 
the principles of good conduct than to mere outward acts. He 
was most scrupulous in exacting a proper obedience to lawful 
authority ; but he was always the last to condemn, and the most 
just to hear the truth, even in behalf of the worst offender. Hence 
in the use of college punishments he was cautious, forbearing, 
and lenient ; but he was not the less firm in his demands, and 
prompt, when need was, in his measures. His reproof was stern, 
yet kind, and often even melting in his tenderness ; and his ap- 
peals, always addressed to the noblest motives, were irresistible. 
The hardiest offenders were alike awed by his presence, and 
moved, often even to tears, by his words ; and there was no stu- 
dent who did not dread a reproof from General Lee more than 
every punishment. In all his official action, and indeed in all his 
intercourse with the students, he looked to the elevation of the 
tone of principle and opinion among themselves, as the vital 
source of good conduct, rather than to the simple repression of 
vice. His discipline was moral rather than punitive. Hence 
there were few cases of dismission, or other severe punishment, 
during his administration ; and hence, also, the need for such 
punishments became ever less and less. The influence of this 
policy, aided especially by the mighty influence of his personal 
character, was all-powerful. The elevation of tone, and the im- 
provement in conduct, were steady and rapid. Immediately after 
the war, the young men of the South were wild and unrestrained, 
and acts of disorder were frequent ; in the latter years of his 
administration hardly a single case of serious discipline occurred. 
We doubt, indeed, whether at any other college in the world so 
many young men could have been found as free from miscon- 
duct, or marked by as high a tone of feeling and opinion, as 
were the students of Washington College during these latter 
years of General Lee's life. The students felt this, and were 
proud of it ; and they were proud of themselves and of their Col- 
lege, as representatives of the character and influence of Lee. 

Yet not the less was he rigidly exacting of duty, and scrupu- 
lously attentive to details. By a system of reports, weekly and 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 421 

monthly — almost military in their exactness — which he required 
of each professor, he made himself acquainted with the standing 
and progress of every student in every one of his classes. These 
reports he studied carefully, and was quick to detect short-com- 
ings. He took care, also, to make himself acquainted with each 
student personally, to know his studies, his boarding-house, his 
associations, disposition, and habits ; and though he never ob- 
truded this knowledge, the students knew that he possessed it, 
and that his interest followed them everywhere. Nor was it a 
moral influence alone that he exerted in the College. He was 
equally careful of its intellectual interests. He watched the prog- 
ress of every class, attended all the examinations, and strove 
constantly to stimulate both professors and students to the highest 
attainments. The whole College, in a word, felt his influence as 
an ever-present motive, and his character was quietly yet irre- 
sistibly impressed upon it, not only in the general working of all 
its departments, but in all the details of each. 

Of this influence, General Lee, modest as he was, was perfectly 
aware, and, like a prudent ruler, he husbanded it with a wise 
economy. He preferred to confine his direct interposition to purely 
personal acts ; and rarely, and then only on critical occasions, 
did he step forward to present himself before the whole body of 
students in the full dignity of his presidential office. On these 
occasions, which were always rare, and in the latter years hardly 
ever occurred, he would quietly post an address to the students, 
in which, appealing only to the highest principles of conduct, he 
sought to dissuade them from threatened evil. These addresses, 
which the boys designated as his "General Orders," were always 
of immediate efficacy. No single case ever occurred in which they 
failed of instant and complete effect; and no student would have 
been tolerated by his fellow-students who would have dared to 
disregard such an appeal from General Lee. One of the addresses, 
the original of which was presented to the writer by General 
Lee himself, may be here quoted, as an interesting exhibition of 
his character, and of the kind influence he sought to exert : 

"Washington College, November 26, 1866. 
"The Faculty desires to call the attention of the students to 
the disturbances which occurred in the streets of Lexington on 
the nights of Friday and Saturday last. They believe that none 
can contemplate them with pleasure, or can find any reasonable 
grounds for their justification. These acts are said to have been 
committed by students of the College, with the apparent object of 
disturbing the peace and quiet of a town whose inhabitants have 



422 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

opened their doors for their reception and accommodation, and 
who are always ready to administer to their comfort and pleasure. 

"It requires but little consideration to see the error of such 
conduct, which could only have proceeded from thoughtlessness 
and a want of reflection. The Faculty therefore appeal to the 
honor and self-respect of the students to prevent any similar oc- 
currence, trusting that their sense of what is due to themselves, 
their parents, and the institution to which they belong, will be more 
effectual in teaching them what is right and manly, than anything 
they can say. 

"There is one consideration connected with these disorderly 
proceedings which the Faculty wish to bring to your particular 
notice — the example of your conduct, and the advantage taken 
of it by others to commit outrages for which you have to bear 
the blame. They therefore exhort you to adopt the only course 
capable of shielding you from such charges : the effectual pre- 
vention of all such occurrences in the future. 

"R. E. Lee, 
"President Washington College." 

General Lee was also most laborious in the duties of his office 
as a college president. He gave himself wholly to his work. His 
occupations were constant, almost incessant. He went to his of- 
fice daily at eight o'clock, and rarely returned home until one 
or two. During this time he was almost incessantly engaged in 
college matters, giving his personal attention to the minutest 
details, and always ready to receive visitors on college business. 
It has sometimes been sneeringly alleged that General Lee was 
only "a figure-head" at Washington College, kept there merely 
for the attraction of his splendid name. Never was slander more, 
false ; for it was a slander upon him, more even than a slur upon 
the College. Never was a college president more laborious than 
he. He gave all his great powers entirely to his work. Though 
ably assisted by subordinate officers, whom he well knew how 
to employ, he yet had an eye for the supervision of every detail. 
The buildings, the repairs, the college walks and grounds, the 
wood-yard, the mess-hall, all received his attention, and a large 
portion of his time was given to the purely business affairs of 
the College. His office was always open to students or pro- 
fessors, all of whose interest received his ready consideration. 
His correspondence meanwhile was very heavy, yet no letter 
that called for an answer was ever neglected. It has been re- 
cently stated by an editor* that to a circular-letter of general 



*The Old Dominion, Richmond, Virginia, November, 1870. 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 423 

educational interest, addressed by him to a large number of col- 
lege presidents, General Lee was the only one that replied ; yet 
he was the greatest and perhaps the busiest of them all. In addi- 
tion to the formal circulars, which he always revised and signed 
himself, his correspondence with the parents and guardians of 
students was intimate and explicit, on every occasion that re- 
cmired such correspondence. Many of those letters are models 
of beautiful composition and noble sentiment. 

These varied duties grew upon him year after year with the ex- 
panding interest of the College ; and year after year he seemed 
to become more devoted to them. Again and again did the 
trustees and faculty seek to lessen his labors ; but his careful- 
ness of duty and natural love of work seemed to render it im- 
possible. The writer has heard the remark made that General 
Lee gave himself to the duties of President of Washington Col- 
lege as though he had never known any other duties or any 
other ambition ; and this was true. He himself writes to an 
old and famous comrade in arms, that he was "charmed with the 
duties of civil life." It can be truly said that he was wholly 
absorbed in his work, his noble conception of which made it 
great and worthy, even for him. This, we doubt not, is the 
explanation of the non-fulfilment of his purpose of writing the 
history of the Army of Northern Virginia. That he did enter- 
tain such a purpose, there can be no doubt ; and he doubtless 
cherished the hope in accepting the presidency of Washington 
College, that he should there find leisure to complete the design. 
But once devoted to these duties, he found that they grew upon 
him and he gave himself up to them more and more, doubt- 
less finding in them also a more and more acceptable relief from 
the recollections of that stirring but painful history ; until at 
last the purpose was overlaid, and finally, we believe, abandoned. 
He felt, we would fain believe, that for him the past, at least, 
was secure, and that other hands would surely vindicate his 
fame and that of his beloved army ; while for himself he found 
a more congenial task, and a more absorbing motive, in labor- 
ing for the living present and for the future, on behalf of the 
sons and orphans of those who, in that army, had so often fol- 
lowed him to battle and victory. 

But General Lee was not only earnest and laborious, he was 
also able as a college president. He was perfectly master of 
the situation, and thoroughly wise and skilful in all of its duties, 
of organization and of policy, as well as of detail. To this let 



424 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the results of his administration bear testimony. He found the 
College practically bankrupt, disorganized, deserted ; he left it 
rich, strong, and crowded with students. It was not merely num- 
bers that he brought to it, for these his great fame alone would 
have attracted ; he gave it organization, unity, energy, and prac- 
tical success. In entering upon his presidency, he seemed at 
once fully to comprehend the wants of the College; and its his- 
tory during the next five years was but the development of his 
plans and the reflection of his wise energy. And these plans 
were not fragmentary, nor was this energy merely an industrial 
zeal. He had from the beginning a distinct policy, which he 
had fully conceived, and to which he steadily adhered ; so that 
all his particular measures of progress were but consistent steps 
in its development. His object was nothing less than to estab- 
lish and perfect an institution which should meet the highest 
needs of education in every department. At once, and without 
waiting for the means to be provided in advance, he proceeded 
to develop this object. Under his advice new chairs were cre- 
ated, and professors called to fill them ; so that, before the end 
of the first year, the faculty was doubled in number. Still ad- 
ditional chairs were created, and finally a complete system of 
schools was established and brought into full operation. To these 
schools, or distinct departments, each one of which was com- 
plete in itself and under the individual control of its own pro- 
fessor, he gave a compact and unique organization into a system 
of complete courses with corresponding diplomas and degrees ; 
which, while securing the perfect distinctness and responsibility 
of each school, gave a perfect unity to them all. These courses 
were so adapted and mutually arranged, under their common 
organization and his general control, as to escape alike the errors 
of the purely elective system on the one hand and of the close 
curriculum on the other, and to secure, by a happy compromise, 
the best advantages of both. So admirable was this plan con- 
ceived and administered by General Lee that, heterogeneous as 
were the students, especially in the earlier years, each one found 
at once his proper place, and all were kept in the line of com- 
plete and systematic study. Under this organization, and espe- 
cially under the inspiration of his central influence, the utmost 
harmony and the utmost energy pervaded all the departments 
of the College. The highest powers of both professors and stu- 
dents were called forth, under the fullest responsibility. The 
standards of scholarship were rapidly advanced; and soon the 
graduates of Washington College were the acknowledged equals 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 425 

of those from the best institutions elsewhere, and were eagerly 
sought after for the highest positions as teachers in the best 
schools. These results, which, even in the few years of his admin- 
istration, had become universally acknowledged throughout the 
South, were due directly and immediately, more than to all other 
causes, to the personal ability and influence ot General Lee as 
President of the College. 

General Lee's plans for the development of Washington Col- 
lege were not simply progressive ; they were distinct and definite. 
He aimed to make this College represent at once the wants and 
the genius of the country. He fully realized the needs of the 
present age, and he desired to adapt the education of the people 
to their condition and their destiny. He was the ardent advo- 
cate of complete classical and literary culture. Under his in- 
fluence, the classical and literary schools of the College were 
fully sustained. Yet he recognized the fact that material well- 
being is, for a people, a condition of all high civilization, and 
therefore, though utterly out of sympathy with the modern ad- 
vocates of materialistic education, he sought to provide all the 
means for the development of science, and for its practical ap- 
plications. He thought, indeed, that the best antidote to the 
materialistic tendencies of a purely scientific training was to be 
found in the liberalizing influences of literary culture, and that 
scientific and professional schools could best be taught when 
surrounded by the associations of a literary institution. He 
sought, therefore, to establish this mutual connection, and to con- 
solidate all the departments of literary, scientific, and professional 
education under a common organization. Hence, at an early day, 
he , called into existence the schools of Applied Mathematics, 
and Engineering, and of Law, as part of the collegiate organi- 
zation ; and later he submitted to the trustees a plan for the 
complete development of the scientific and professional depart- 
ments of the College, which will ever remain as an example of 
his enlarged wisdom, and which has anticipated, by many years 
we fear, the practical attainments of any school in this country. 
In addition to all the other reasons for mourning the death of 
Lee, it is to be deeply regretted, not only for Washington Col- 
lege, but for the sake of the education of the country, that he 
did not live to complete his great designs. Had he done so, he 
would probably have left behind him an institution of learning 
which would have been a not less illustrious monument of his 
character than his most brilliant militarv achievements. As it 



425 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

is, Washington College, henceforth forever associated with his 
name, will also be inseparably associated with the memory of 
his noble influence and of his wise and far-sighted plans. Had 
this been the profession of his life, General Lee would have 
been not less famous, relatively, among college presidents than 
I he is now among soldiers. Now, after having won, in other 
j fields, a world-wide fame, he has, in this last labor of his life, 
' displayed an ability and developed a power for the highest achieve- 
ments, such as form no small part of the fame even of his dis- 
tinguished career. 

Such, briefly and imperfectly sketched, was General Lee as 
a College President. And surely this part of his life deserves 
to be remembered and commemorated by those who hold his 
memory dear. In it he exhibited all those great qualities of 
character which had made his name already so illustrious ; while, 
in addition, he sustained trials and sorrows without which the 
highest perfections of that character could never have been so 
signally displayed. This life at Washington College, so devoted, 
so earnest, so laborious, so full of far-reaching plans and of 
wise and successful effort, was begun under the weight of a 
disappointment which might have broken any ordinary strength, 
and was maintained, in the midst of public and private misfor- 
tune, with a serene patience, and a mingled firmness and sweet- 
ness of temper, that give additional brilliancy even to the glory 
of his former fame. It was his high privilege to meet alike 
the temptations and perils of the highest stations before the 
eyes of the world, and the cares and labors of the most re- 
sponsible duties of private life under the most trying circum- 
stances, and to exhibit in all alike the qualities of a great and 
consistent character, founded in the noblest endowments, and 
sustained by the loftiest principles of virtue and religion. It is 
a privilege henceforth for the teachers of our country that their 
profession, in its humble yet arduous labors, its great and its 
petty cares, has been illustrated by the devotion of such a man. 
It is an honor for all our colleges that one of them is hence- 
forth identified with the memory of his name and of his work. 
It is a boon for us all ; an honor to the country, which in its 
whole length and breadth will soon be proud to claim his fame ; 
an honor to human nature itself, that this great character, so 
often and so severely tried, has thus approved itself consistent, 
serene and grand, alike in peace and in war, in the humblest 
as well as in the highest offices. Amoner the monuments which 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 427 

shall perpetuate his fame, not the least honorable will he that 
which shall commemorate his life at Washington College; and 
among- the materials out of which the historian shall construct 
his future biography, not the least interesting, we are sure, will 
be the simple record of these last years of silent but sublime 
labor — of peaceful yet noble and far-reaching aspiration — in be- 
half of his beloved and suffering people of the South. 

Edward S. Joynes. 
Washington College, December, 1870. 

I will only add to this admirable sketch of Dr. Joynes's 
several things that I well remember, and several of his letters 
written while he was President, and relating to College mat- 
ters. In the administration of the affairs of the College Gen- 
eral Lee was very particular about small matters, and required 
that everything belonging to it should be properly used, taken 
care of, and accounted for ; his keen eye was sure to detect the 
slightest deoarture from this inflexible law. If an old fence 
was removed he required that the timbers should be carefully 
preserved; and when spades, shovels, or axes were worn out 
they had to be collected and disposed of to the best advantage. 

Upon one occasion a locust tree had to be cut down to make 
way for some new walks that were being constructed through 
the College grounds. The efficient Proctor (Captain G.) di- 
rected that a maul which was needed to "set" the stone on 
the walks should be constructed from the butt end of this tree. 
But the General, who had a great fondness for locust posts, had 
determined to have some gate posts made from this same tree, 
and when he found out what had been done he said to Captain 
G., with some sharpness of tone, "Well, sir, your maul will be an 
expensive one. You might have ordered one from New York, 
or even imported it from Liverpool at less cost." 

During a meeting of the faculty one of the professors hav- 
ing occasion to refer to the catalogue of the College picked up 
one ready wrapped for mailing, and was about to tear off the 
wrapper when the General stopped him, handed him another 
catalogue and quietly remarked, "We must take care of these 
small matters." 



428 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The following is a specimen of the letters — many of which 
I found in his letter-book — he would write to parents of 
delinquent students : 

Lexington, Virginia, December 12, 1867. 
My dear Sir : 

I am glad to inform you that your son has made more progress 
in his studies during the month of November than he did in 
October, and, as far as I can judge from the reports of his 
professors, he is fully capable of acquiring a sound education, 
provided he will faithfully apply himself. I am sorry, however, 
to state that he has been absent several times from his lectures 
in the month of November. Thirteen times he tells me he was 
prevented from attending by sickness, but five times, he says, 
he intentionally absented himself. He absented himself in the 
same way several times in October; and I then explained to 
him the necessity of punctual and regular attendance in his 
classes, which he promised to observe. 

I have again impressed upon him. the necessity, and again he 
promises amendment ; but I have thought it proper to write to 
you on the subject that you might use your authority with him; 
for I have been obliged to give him to understand that, if this 
conduct is repeated, I shall be obliged to return him to you. 

Hoping that I may be spared the necessity, I remain, 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
To , Esq. 

At this period the State of Virginia was "Military District 
No. 1," and Lexington was occupied by a strong provost guard 
commanded by an officer who seemed to be very anxious to 
make difficulties between the negroes and the students of Gen- 
eral Lee's College. And, in an evident desire to involve General 
Lee, he would address him frequent complaints of what the 
students were reported to have done or were going to do. The 
following is General Lee's reply to one of these complaints : 

Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, 

November 20, 1868. 
Colonel : 

I have received your letter of the 19th inst., which gave me 
the first intimation I had received of the proposed meeting of 
the colored people of Lexington. 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 429 

The Faculty and students of the college, to whom the subject 
has been mentioned, were equally ignorant of the contemplated 
assembly ; and I do not think the students have any intention 
of disturbing the meeting. 

Everything, however, in our power will be done by the Faculty 
as well as myself to prevent any of the students attending; and 
I heartily concur with you in the hope that the peace and quiet 
of the community may at all times be preserved. 

I have the honor to be, with much respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
Colonel 

But while General Lee did not believe that the students had 
any purpose of disturbing the meeting of the negroes, out of 
abundant caution, he issued to the students the following 
address : 

Washington College, November 20, 1868. 

It has been reported to the Faculty of Washington College 
that some of the students have threatened to disturb a public 
meeting of the colored people of Lexington, to be held at the 
Fair Grounds this evening, the 20th inst. 

It is not believed that the students of this College, who have 
heretofore conducted themselves in such an exemplary manner, 
would do anything to disturb the public peace, or bring dis- 
credit on themselves or the institution to which they belong; 
but it is feared that some, prompted by curiosity, or a desire to 
witness the proceedings, may be present. The President, there- 
fore, requests all students to abstain from attending this and all 
similar meetings ; and thinks it only necessary to call their at- 
tention to the advantages of attending strictly, as heretofore, to 
their important duties at the College, and of, in no way, inter- 
fering with the business of others. From past experience they 
may feel certain that, should any disturbance occur, efforts will 
be made to fix the blame on Washington College. It therefore 
behooves every student to keep away from all such assemblies. 

Respectfully, 

R. E. Lee, 
President of Washington College. 



430 LIFE AND LEXERS OF LEE 

The following was one of his Christmas bulletins : 

Washington College, Virginia, 

December 24, 1869. 
Academic exercises will be suspended from the 25th to the 
27th inclusive, to enable the students to join in the rites and 
services appropriate to the occasion ; and, while enjoying these 
privileges with grateful hearts, all are urged to do or counte- 
nance nothing which may disturb the peace, harmony, and happi- 
ness that should pervade a Christian community. 

R. E. Lee, 
President. 

When his old comrade Gen. R. S. Ewell made a contribu- 
tion to Washington College "to increase the President's salary," 
he wrote the following : 

Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, 

March 3, 1868. 
My dear General : 

I have just seen a letter from General Lilly, stating that you 
had given five hundred dollars to the endowment of Washington 
College, with the condition that it be applied to increasing my 
salary. The generous donation on your part was not neces- 
sary to convince me of the lively interest you retain for the in- 
stitutions of your native State, or of your friendly consideration 
for myself. I fully appreciate the kind motives which prompted 
you thus to appropriate it. But, when I tell you that I already 
receive a larger amount from the College than my services are 
worth, you will see the propriety of my not consenting that it 
should be increased. 

The great want of the College is more extensive buildings, 
suitable libraries, cabinets, philosophical and chemical apparatus, 
etc. A liberal endowment will enable it to enlarge the means 
of its usefulness, to afford the facilities of education to worthy 
young men who might not otherwise obtain one, and, as we 
must look to the rising generation for the restoration of the 
country, it can do more good in this way than any other. 

I hope, now that your care and toils are over, that your health, 
under the pleasing influences of your present life, has been 
greatly improved. For my own part, I much enjoy the charms 
of civil life, and find too late that I have wasted the best years 
of my existence. 



TJIE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 431 

I beg that you will remember me most kindly to Mrs. Ewell, 
Mr. Turner, and Major Brown ; and believe me, truly, 

Your friend, 

R. E. Lee. 
Gen. R. S. Ewell. . 

The trustees of the College had always been anxious to in- 
crease President Lee's salary, and to provide properly for his 
support, but they always found an insuperable obstacle in his 
refusal to acc,ept_q. n y jnrrea se. of his salary. On the 19th of 
1 April, 1870, during General Lee's absence in quest of health, 
[ the Board took action deeding to Mrs. Lee the President's house 
and providing for her an annuity of $3,500. 

On General Lee's return he wrote the following reply to the 
letter informing him of this action : 

Washington College, Virginia, 

May 28, 1870. 
Hon. John W. Brockenbrough, 

Rector, Washington College, Va. 

My dear Sir : I received with feelings of deepest gratitude 
the resolutions of the Board of Trustees of Washington College, 
at their meeting on the 19th ult. The warm sympathy expressed 
at my sickness, and the cordial approval of my absence, ren- 
dered more grateful to me the generous provisions for the sup- 
port of my family. Though fully sensible of the kindness of 
the Board, and justly appreciating the manner in which they 
sought to administer to my relief, I am unwilling that my family 
should become a tax to the College, but desire that all its funds 
should be devoted to the purposes of education. I know that 
my wishes on this subject are equally shared by my wife, and 
I, therefore, request that the provisions of the fourth and fifth 
resolutions, adopted at the session of the 19th of April, may not 
be carried into effect. I feel full assurance that, in case a com- 
petency should not be left to my wife, her children would never 
suffer her to want. 

With my warmest gratitude for the consideration of the Board 
of Trustees, and my special thanks for the kind manner in which 
you have communicated to me their action, 

I am, with the highest respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 



432 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

The following letters explain themselves : 

Lexington, Virginia, 26th February, 1870. 
Gen. Wm. S. Harney, 

Maj.-Gen., U. S. A., St. Louis, Missouri. 

My dear General : I have learned .through a letter from 
General Lilly to a member of the Endowment Committee of 
Washington College your kind sentiments toward the institu- 
tion and of your generous donation for the endowment of the 
Presidential chair. This information recalls so vividly to my mind 
the kind acts extended to me in former years, that I hope you 
will allow me in thanking you in the name of the Trustees of 
the College for your aid in their plans of education to express 
to you my individual thanks for the manner in which it has been 
bestowed. 

Wishing you health and happiness, 

I am, very respectfully, etc., 

R. E. Lee. 

Lexington, Virginia, 19th February, 1870. 
Monsieur Devismes, Fabricant des Armes, 
Boulevard des Italiens, Paris. 

Sir : Colonel McCullough since his return from France has 
described to me his interesting visit to your Laboratory, and 
your friendly feelings to the people of the Southern States of 
North America. I am, therefore, induced in presenting to 
you my thanks for the skilful workmanship you bestowed upon 
the beautiful sword sent me by a friend in Paris in 1863, to 
express you my gratitude for your kind sentiments toward the 
people of the South. 

With much respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

The distinguished gentleman to whom the following was ad- 
dressed was (tog^ether with Professor Long) one of the. able 
corps of English professors whom Jefferson induced to come 
as members of the first faculty of the University of Virginia : 

Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, 

17th February, 1870. 
Prof. I. Hewitt Keye, A. F. R. L., 
21 Westbourne Square, W. London. 

Dear Sir : I have received by the hands of Colonel McCul- 
lough the two volumes you have presented to the library of 
Washington College, — a copy of your philological Essays, and 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 433 

your Latin Grammar ; they are highly valued for their intrinsic 
merits and for the kind feelings their donation evinces toward 
a State for whose benefit the labors of your early life were so 
well bestowed, and by whose people your memory is still warmly 
cherished. I beg also to return you my sincere thanks for the 
kindness extended to Colonel McCullough during his visit to 
London, and for the interest you take in Washington College. 
You will lay me under additional obligations if you will present 
my regards to your former colleague, Prof. George Long, and 
my grateful thanks for his excellent translation of the thoughts 
of the Emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus ; my acknowledgments 
for which I hope have reached him. 

Wishing you much happiness and continued usefulness, I am, 
with great respect, Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

The following to his beloved friend and gallant lieutenant, 
Gen. John B. Gordon, was one of the many similar letters in 
which he declined other most lucrative positions because he 
was determined to remain at his post as President of Washing- 
ton College : 

Lexington, Virginia, 14th December, 1869. 
Gen. J. B. Gordon, 

Pres. So. Life Ins. Co., Atlanta, Ga. 

My dear General : I have received your letter of the 3d inst. 
and am duly sensible of the kind feelings which prompted your 
proposal. It would be a great pleasure to me to be associated 
with you, Hampton, Ben. H. Hill, and the other good men whose 
names I see on your list of directors, but I feel that I ought not 
to abandon the position I hold at Washington College at this 
time or as long as I can be of service to it. Thanking you for 
your kind consideration, to which I know I am alone indebted 
for your proposition to become the President of the Southern 
Life Insurance Company, and with my kindest regards to Mrs. 
Gordon, and my best wishes for yourself, 

I am very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee. 

I cannot better close this chapter than by quoting the conclu- 
sion of a Memorial Sermon preached in Citadel Square Baptist 
Church, Charleston, S. C, by the pastor, Rev. E. T. 
Winkler, D. D. : 



434 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

When I seek to penetrate into the mind of our great leader, 
to understand how he, who failed to save the country by the 
sword, still hoped to save its laws, its institutions, its customs, 
its sciences, its letters, its magistracies, its altars, — all that has 
been overwhelmed by a fierce and tumultuous democracy, — I 
admire the simple and noble expedient to which he resorted. 
General Lee established new claims to the reverence of his 
countrymen when he exchanged the camp for the college, and 
the sword for the pen. 

Men have praised his modest retirement to scholastic retreats 
when the war was over, his silence amid political clamors, his 
labors in failing health, his devotion to the interests of peace, 
and virtue, and religion. How few realize that, in the quiet 
hall of the lecturer and professor, he renewed the war, trans- 
ferring it to the sphere of mind ! A year before his death Wash- 
ington liberally endowed the college that bears his name in Lex- 
ington, a town situated on the high western bank of North 
River, a little over a hundred miles from Richmond. The Vir- 
ginia Military Institute is there, where Stonewall Jackson taught, 
and there is that lamented warrior's grave. There his com- 
mander now reposes. 

"They were swifter than eagles, they were stronger than lions. 
Lovely and pleasant in their lives, in their deaths they are not 
divided." Lexington is the parable of the great Virginia soldiers. 
In that quiet scholastic retreat, in that city set upon a hill and 
crowned with martial trophies, they, being dead, yet speak. 
Richmond desires his body. It is natural that the metropolis he 
defended so bravely and so long should yearn for that mighty 
presence. But the removal of his remains from Lexington would 
obscure the final lesson of his career. At Lexington the Southern 

! leader intrenched himself upon the baitlefi£ld__of ..intelligence 
and gathered around him the ardent youth of a new generation, 
and the spirits of the illustrious dead, for the redemption of his 
conquered country. Lexington is the capital upon the column, 
otherwise incomplete, of a harmonious and beautiful patriotism. 

The earthworks he erected are fast disappearing. The fields 
he glorified by his valor have swept away the stains of heroic 
blood, and are now robed as with a golden vesture in the yel-, 
low autumnal grain. The cause for which he contended is lost. 
Yet the great character is immortal, and the great lesson re- 
mains. O ye, in whose service that perfect mechanism was worn 
out, for whom he endured sleepless nights, watchful days ; for 



THE COLLEGE PRESIDENT 435 

whom he planned and marched ; for whom he encountered ex- 
posures, and perils, and privation, and combats, until defense 
after defense of Nature was carried, and the citadel of life was 
assailed, and spotless sword was surrendered to the grim con- 
queror, revere that last legacy, so simple, as coming from the 
war-worn soldier. Take care of your institutions of learning. 
Esteem education, mental, moral, and religious, as the only bul- 
wark of the republic. Regard service and sacrifice, not as the 
means of success, but as the true glory of life. And think of j 
manliness as attaining its noblest elevation when it bows before \ 
the cross of Jesus Christ. 

As David composed "The Song of the Bow," to celebrate the 
glory of that warrior king who had checked the invaders of 
Palestine, and at last fell upon the memorable mountains of Gil- 
boa, so will the people of this land, for countless generations, 
celebrate the memory of the consummate soldier who resisted 
the overwhelming flood of our enemies, and guarded for years 
the vast bulwarks of our country, until, battle-spent, he died — 
a nobler chief than Saul — a hero adorned with religion, and vin- 
dicating his country less by his prowess than by his pure virtues. 
Favored land, which has produced so rare a spirit, which encircles 
by its boundaries the fields of his shining valor, which has so long 
beheld a monument to the glory of religion in the person of her 
most honored son ! Favored land, where the echoes of his prayers 
still linger, after the trumpets of his charging squadrons have died 
away ! Favored land, where the laurels, and the standards, and 
the spoils of war lie low before the Mercy-Seat ! Favored land, 
where the spirit of her greatest son is expressed in the inspired 
ascription of old, "Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto 
Thy name give glory !" 



CHAPTER XI 

ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 

Devotion to duty the keynote of his life — This illustrated by an anecdote 
given by Gen. John B. Magruder — Incident given by Ex-President 
Davis — Bishop Wilmer's interview with him — What he wrote on loose 
sheets found in his army satchel — Modest humility, simplicity, and 
gentleness of Lee illustrated by incidents and his own letters — His 
temperate habits and efforts to promote temperance in others — His 
refusals to accept gifts — Illustrations — His lack of nepotism illus- 
trated — His social character illustrated — Wonderful memory of 
names and faces — Genial conversation, quiet wit or broad humor illus- 
trated by anecdotes and letters — His domestic life further illustrated 
— Letter to Mr. Davis on his release from prison — His love for chil- 
dren illustrated — His Christian character illustrated by incidents, let- 
ters and extracts from his orders and dispatches — A man of prayer 
and a devout Bible student — A "son of consolation" to the afflicted. 

I have given in previous chapters incidents and letters illus- 
trating the character of the soldier and man whose life I have 
outlined, but I must now bring out briefly some points in his 
character which might be illustrated at great length, as the 
material is very abundant. 

Devotion to Duty. — This was the keystone of Lee's life. 
The letter which has been so extensively published, purporting 
to be written by him at Arlington to his son Custis at West 
Point, in which occurs the expression "Duty is the sublimest 
word in the English language," is unquestionably spurious, the 
product of some ingenious newspaper correspondent who got 
at Arlington a number of General Lee's letters, and taking 
extracts from several manufactured one to his taste! But that 
expression did occur in one of Lee's letters to his son, and it 
is certain that all through his life he acted on it. 

Whether as the dutiful son devoting himself to the comfort 
of his mother; the cadet at West Point passing through the 
Academy without ever receiving a demerit; the officer in the 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 437 

United States Army; the General in the Confederate Army; 
or the College President — duty was the pole star which guided 
him throughout his eventful career. 

Gen. John B. Magruder related an incident to the effect that 
after the capture of the City of Mexico a party of American 
officers were having a banquet in one of the palaces when a 
toast was proposed, "To the young engineer officer whose skill 
and gallantry has found a path for the American army into the 
halls of the Montezumas." 

Looking around they perceived that Captain Lee was absent, 
and sent Magruder to find and bring him to the banquet hall. 
After a search Magruder found him in a distant room busy on 
a map, and accosting him, reproached him for his absence from 
the banquet, and insisted upon his going at once with him. The 
earnest worker looked up from his work with a calm, mild 
gaze which is so well remembered, pointed to his instruments 
and shook his head. 

"But," exclaimed Magruder in his impetuous way, "this is 
mere drudgery ! Make some clerk do it, and you come with 
me!" "No," was the reply, "No, I am but doing my duty, 
and with me in small matters, as well as in large ones, duty 
must come before pleasure !" 

At the great Lee Memorial meeting in Richmond, Ex-Presi- 
dent Davis, in the eloquent speech which he made, related this 
incident : While Mr. Davis was Secretary of War the Cuban 
Junta in New York selected Captain Lee of the Engineers to 
be the leader of the revolution which they were then projecting 
in the Island of Cuba, and offered him rank, pay, and emolu- 
ments far beyond what he could hope to attain in the United 
States service. He went to Washington to consult Mr. Davis, 
and he began a discussion of the military problem, but Lee 
interrupted him to say that it was not so much that upon which 
he wished advice, but upon this question — he had been edu- 
cated in the service of the United States and he doubted whether 
it would now be right for him to accept place and pay under a 



438 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

foreign government. Deciding this in the negative he did not 
hesitate to remain in the United States Army, and rejected the 
tempting offer made to him. 

But when his native State, Virginia, called him into her 
service in 1861, he felt it his duty, as we have seen, to reject 
the supreme command of the United States armies, which was 
tendered him, and obey the call of his old Mother. 

In reference to General Lee's views and feelings at the break- 
ing out of the war, Bishop Joseph P. B. Wilmer of Louisiana, 
in a Memorial address, testifies as follows : 

In what temper of mind he entered this contest, I can speak 
with some confidence, from personal interviews with him soon 
after the commencement of hostilities. "Is it your expectation," 
I asked, "that the issue of this war will be to perpetuate the insti- 
tution of slavery ?" 

"The future is in the hands of Providence," he replied. "If 
the slaves of the South were mine, I would surrender them all 
without a struggle, to avert this war." 

I asked him, next, upon what his calculations were based in so 
unequal a contest, and how he expected to win success ; was he 
looking to divided counsels in the North, or to foreign inter- 
position? His answer showed how little he was affected by the 
hopes and fears which agitated ordinary minds : "My reliance 
is in the help of God." 

"Are you sanguine of the result?" I ventured to inquire. "At 
present I am not concerned with results. God's will ought to 
be our aim, and I am quite contented that His designs should 
be accomplished and not mine." 

And so, all through that great contest, — in the hour of vic- 
tory and the hour of defeat alike, — he seemed animated only 
by a desire to do his duty, whatever others might think. 

One day in 1866 the writer was conversing with General Lee 
in reference to certain results of the war, when he said, very 
emphatically, "Yes, all that is very sad, and might be a cause 
of self-reproach, but that zve are conscious that zve have humbly 
tried to do our duty. We may, therefore, with calm satisfac- 
tion, trust in God, and leave results to him." 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 439 

After the surrender he determined that it was his duty to 
remain in his native State, share her fortunes, and abide all 
the perils of personal danger which then seemed to surround 
him. 

He said to an intimate friend who visited him in Richmond 
soon after the surrender, "What course I shall pursue I have 
not decided upon, and each man must be the judge of his own 
action. We must all, however, resolve on one thing — not to 
abandon our country. Now, more than at any other time, 
Virginia and every State in the South needs us. We must try 
and, with as little delay as possible, go to work to build up 
their prosperity. The young men especially must stay at home, 
bearing themselves in such a manner as to gain the esteem of 
every one at the same time that they maintain their own self- 
respect." 

It was my sad privilege, not long after General Lee's death, 
to look over some papers found in his army satchel, together 
with his parole, and other things which had not been disturbed 
since his return from Appomattox Court House. On loose 
sheets he had written — evidently to amuse a leisure hour in 
camp — a great many maxims, proverbs, quotations from the 
Psalms, selections from standard authors, and reflections of 
his own. On one sheet was found, in his well-known hand- 
writing, the following : 

Private and public life are subject to the same rules ; and truth 
and manliness are two qualities that will carry you through this 
world much better than policy, or tact, or expediency, or any 
other word that was ever devised to conceal or mystify a devia- 
tion from a straight line. 

On another sheet he had written : 

The warmest instincts of every man's soul declare the glory 
of the soldier's death. It is more appropriate to the Christian 
than to the Greek to sing: 

"Glorious his fate, and envied is his lot, 
Who for his country fights and for it dies." 

There is a true glory and a true honor ; the glory of duty done — 
the honor of the integrity of principle. 



440 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

In these days of policy and "short cuts" these words should 
be written in letters of gold where the youth of the country 
would see, and read them, and imitate the example of the man 
who always walked the path of Duty as God gave him to see it. 

Modest Humility, Simplicity, and Gentleness — these 
were preeminent characteristics of Lee. 

If ever there lived a man who might of right be proud, it 
was he. Descended from a long line of illustrious ancestors; 
allied by marriage to the family of George Washington; of 
manly beauty rarely equaled ; with honors constantly clustering 
around his brow until his fame was co-extensive with two con- 
tinents — it would surely have been excusable had he exhibited, 
if not a haughty spirit, at least a consciousness of his superiority 
and his fame. 

But modest humility, simplicity, and gentleness were most 
conspicuous in his daily life. Scrupulously neat in his dress, 
he was always simply attired and carefully avoided the gold lace 
and feathers in which others delighted. During the war he 
usually wore a suit of gray, without ornaments, and with no 
insignia of rank, save three stars on his collar, which every 
Confederate colonel was entitled to wear. But he always kept 
a handsomer (though equally simple) uniform which he wore 
upon occasions of ceremony. Gen. W. N. Pendleton, chief of 
artillery of the Army of Northern Virginia, relates that on 
the morning of the surrender he found him before daybreak 
dressed in his neatest style, and that to his inquiries he pleas- 
antly replied, "If I am to be General Grant's prisoner today 
I intend to make my best appearance." There was a smaller 
number of attendants about General Lee's headquarters and 
less display of "the pomp and circumstances of war" than 
about the quarters of many officers of inferior rank. He was 
frequently seen riding alone among the troops or attended by 
a single courier, more than half of the time with his hat lifted 
in response to loving salutations or enthusiastic cheers from 
his ragged soldiers. 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 441 

^The following" is a specimen of a number of letters I found 
in his letter-book in reply to parties offering to write his biog- 
raphy, or asking for material to enable them to do so : 

Lexington, Virginia,, December 7, 1869. 
I have received your letter of the 3d inst. and am sensible of 
the implied compliment in your proposal to write a history of my 
life. 

I should be happy to see you in Lexington, but not on the errand 
you propose, for I know of nothing good I could tell you of 
myself, and I fear I should not like to say any evil. 

The few incidents of interest in which I have been engaged 
are as well known to others as to myself, and I know of nothing 
I could say in addition. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

General Lee rarely slept in a house — never outside of his 
lines — during the war, and when on the march some convenient 
fence corner would be his most frequent place of bivouac. The 
writer has not infrequently seen some colonel or major or 
quartermaster entertained in princely style at some hospitable 
mansion, while near by the commander-in-chief would bivouac 
in the open air. 

He never allowed his mess to draw from the commissary 
more than they were entitled to, and not infrequently he would 
sit down to a dinner meagre in quality and scant in quantity. 

He was exceedingly abstemious in his own habits. He never 
used tobacco, and rarely took even a single glass of wine. 
Whisky or brandy he did not drink, and he did all in his power 
to discourage their use by others. 

In the spring of 1861, while on an inspection tour to Nor- 
folk, a friend there insisted that he should take two bottles 
of very fine old "London Dock" brandy, remarking that he 
would be certain to need it and would find it very difficult 
to obtain so good an article. General Lee declined the offer, 
saying that he was sure he would not need it. "As proof that 
I will not," he said, "I may tell you that just as I was start- 
ing to the Mexican war a lady in Virginia prevailed on me 



442 LIFE AND LETfERS OF LEE 

to take a bottle of fine old whisky which she thought I could 
not get on without. I carried that bottle all through the war 
without having had the slightest occasion to use it, and on 
my return home I sent it back to my good friend that she 
might be convinced that I could get on without liquor." But 
the gentleman still insisted, and the General politely yielded 
and took the two bottles. At the close of the war he met a 
brother of this gentleman (from whom I get this incident) 
in Lexington and said to him, "Tell your brother that I kept 
the brandy he gave me all through the war, and should have 
it yet, but that I was obliged to use it last summer in a severe 
illness of one of my daughters." 

I was walking with him one day in Lexington during the 
sway of the military, when seeing a young man stagger out 
of one of the bar-rooms, he seemed very much annoyed by the 
spectacle, and said, "I wish that these military gentlemen, 
while they are doing so many things which they have no right 
to do, would close up all of these grog shops which are luring 
our young men to destruction." 

That he felt a lively interest in promoting sobriety among 
the young men of the College, the following letter will show : 

Washington College, Virginia, December 9, 1869. 
Messrs. S. G. M. Miller, J. L. Logan, T. A. Ashby, Committee. 
Gentlemen : The announcement, in your letter of the 8th 
inst., of an organization of the "Friends of Temperance" in the 

j College, has given me great gratification ; I sincerely hope that 
it may be the cause of lasting good, not only to the members 

1 themselves, but to all those with whom they associate to the 
extent of their influence and example. My experience through life 
has convinced me that, while moderation and temperance in all 

' things are commendable and beneficial, abstinence from spirituous 
liquors is the best safeguard to morals and health. The evidence 
on this subject that has come within my own observation is con- 
clusive to my mind, and, without going into the recital, I cannot 
too earnestly exhort you to practice habitual temperance, so that 
you may form the habit in youth, and not feel the inclination, 

) on temptation, to depart from it in manhood. By so doing your 
health will be maintained, your morals elevated, and your sue- 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 443 

cess in life promoted. I shall at all times, and in whatever way 
I can, take great pleasure in advancing the object of your society, 
and you may rely on my cooperation in the important work which 
you have engaged. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

During the war he was accustomed to do everything in his 
power, both by precept and example, to prevent drunkenness 
among his officers who drank too freely, saying, "I cannot 
consent to place in the control of others one who cannot con- 
trol himself." 

It may be w 7 orth while for me to digress so far as to say 
that Stonewall Jackson, "Jeb" Stuart, and 'a large number of 
the most distinguished of the Confederate officers imitated the 
example of their chief, and were strict temperance men. Upon 
one occasion Jackson was suffering so much from fatigue and 
severe exposure that his surgeon prevailed on him to take a 
little brandy. He made a very wry face as he swallowed it, 
and the doctor asked, "Why, General, is not the brandy good ? 
It is some that we have recently captured, and I think it very 
fine." "Oh, yes," was the reply, "it is very good brandy. I 
like liquor — its taste and its effects — and that is just the reason 
why I never drink it." Upon another occasion, after a long 
ride in a drenching rain, a brother officer insisted upon Jack- 
son's taking a drink with him, but he firmly replied, "No, sir; 
I cannot do it. I tell you / am more afraid of King Alcohol 
than of all the bullets of the enemy." 

The young men of the country who think that it is manly 
to drink, and cowardly to refuse, would do well to study and 
imitate the example of these two great men. 

One day on his lines, when reconnoitering the position of 
the enemy, the men gathered around him and General Lee 
turned and said in a very quiet tone and manner, "Men, you 
had better go into the back yard ; they are firing up here, and 
you are exposing yourselves to unnecessary danger." This 
order was promptly obeyed; but looking back, the men saw 



444 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

the General, apparently unconscious of any danger for him- 
self, walk across the yard in the direction of a low tree that 
grew a short distance from the spot where he stopped: On 
reaching it he stooped down, and picking up a small object from 
the ground placed it gently among the branches of the tree 
over his head. A few moments afterwards he mounted his 
' horse and rode away to another part of the lines. We then 
found that the object which had so strangely attracted his 
attention, even under the enemy's fire, was a young unfledged 
sparrow that had fallen from its mother's nest and lay stunned 
and helpless on the ground. 

The following was found in his own handwriting on one of 
the loose sheets in the satchel to which I have before referred : 

The forbearing use of power does not only form a touchstone, 
but the manner in which an individual enjoys certain advantages 
over others is a test of a true gentleman. 

The power which the strong have over the weak, the magis- 
trate over the citizen, and employer over the employed, the edu- 
cated over the unlettered, the experienced over the confiding, even 
the clever over the silly — the forbearing or inoffensive use of all 
this power or authority, or a total abstinence from it when the 
case admits it, will show the gentleman in a plain light. The 
gentleman does not needlessly and unnecessarily remind an 
offender of a wrong he may have committed against him. He 
cannot only forgive, he can forget ; and he strives for that noble- 
ness of self and mildness of character which impart sufficient 
strength to let the past be but the past. A true man of honor 
feels humbled himself when he cannot help humbling others. 

His spirit of Self-denial for the good of others. — 
This was closely allied to his modest humility. A number of 
illustrations of this have already been given, and only a few 
more, of the many, can now be added. 

A great deal has been written of the famous dinner of sweet- 
potatoes to which Marion, the American partisan, invited the 
British officer. General Lee considered himself fortunate when 
he had a good supply of sweet-potatoes or a jug of buttermilk. 

General Ewell told the writer, not long before his death, 
that being at General Lee's headquarters before the evacuation 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 445 

of Petersburg, and being unable to remain to dinner, the Gen- 
eral insisted upon his taking his lunch, which he found to be 
two cold sweet-potatoes, of which he said he was very fond. 

Luxuries which friends sent for his mess-table went regu- 
larly to the sick and wounded in the hospitals, and he was 
accustomed to say, "I am content to share the rations of my 
men." 

We have seen how he refused the house offered him by the 
city of Richmond during the war. 

After the war offers of pecuniary help poured in upon him. \ 
An English nobleman offered him a country seat in England 
and an annuity of £3,000. He was offered a salary of $50,000 / 
to go to New York and become president of a company to 
promote Southern commerce. ■ 

I found his letter-book filled with replies to offers of this 
character. He said to the English nobleman, with a graceful 
expression of his appreciation of his kind offer, "I must abide 
the fortunes and share the fate of my people." To the rest / 
he replied, "I cannot leave my present position. I have a self- j 
imposed task. I have led the young men of the South in battle. ( 
I must teach their sons to discharge their duty in life." 

An insurance company offered him a salary of $10,000 to 
become their president, and sent a distinguished Confederate 
soldier to urge his acceptance. To his reply that he could not 
discharge its duties without giving np the presidency of the 
College, and that he could not do that, the reply was made, 
"We do not wish you to give up your present position, Gen- 
eral, or to discharge any duties in connection with our com- 
pany. The truth is that we only want your name connected 
with the company. That would amply compensate us for the 
salary we offer you." General Lee's face flushed, and his 
whole manner indicated his displeasure as he replied, "I am \ 
sorry, sir, that you are so little acquainted with my character ) 
as to suppose that my name is for sale at any price." 

We have already seen how he refused to allow the trustees 
of the College to increase his salary, or to settle the President's 
house and a handsome annuity on Mrs. Lee. 



446 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

It may be added that the trustees delicately persisted in their 
purpose, and after General Lee's death sent Mrs. Lee a check 
for the first quarter of the annuity; but this noble Virginia 
matron, catching the spirit of her husband, promptly returned 
the check, and in a beautiful letter said that she could not accept 
the annuity, or the house, but was prepared to give place to the 
new President whom they should elect. 

Fortunately the trustees elected as their new President Gen. 
G. W. C. Lee, the accomplished son of his noble sire, and thus 
Mrs. Lee lived, and died, in the house to which she had become 
so much attached. 

We have in the chapter on the College President given his 
letter to General Ewell, declining to use his contribution of 
$500 "to increase the salary of the President," and saying, 
"I already receive more salary than my poor services are 
worth." 

Illustrations of his refusal to take gifts might be almost 
indefinitely multiplied. 

In this respect he was like George Washington, and Jeffer- 
son Davis, who refused the gift of a house from the city of 
Richmond, and after the war declined a large sum which his 
friends raised for his support ; and Wade Hampton, and John 
B. Gordon, both of whom refused to allow their friends to 
rebuild their homes when burned. If he differed from certain 
others of our public men who have been all too eager to accept 
whatever gifts were offered them, so much the better for his 
simple taste and self-denying spirit. 

Absence of nepotism preeminently characterized General Lee 
in all of his recommendations of men for promotion. His son 
Robert served as a private in the ranks of the Rockbridge 
Artillery, sharing with his comrades of that corps all of their 
dangers, hardships, drudgery, and privations, when a hint from 
his father would have secured him promotion to some place of 
honor. The General told, with evident relish, that during the 
battle of Sharpsburg he became very uneasy about Robert, 
knowing that his battery had suffered severely and not hearing 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 447 

anything from him. At last he made it convenient to ride up 
to the battery, which had just been relieved from a very perilous 
position where it had suffered fearful loss, and had his fears 
increased by not recognizing his son among the men. To the 
hearty greeting of the brave fellows, he replied, "Well, you have 
done nobly today, but I shall be compelled to send yon in again." 

"Will you, General ?" said a powder-begrimed youth whom 
he did not recognize, until he spoke, as his son Robert. "Well, 
boys ! come on ; the General says we must go in again, and you 
know he is in the habit of having his own way about such 
matters." Thus the anxiety of the commander-in-chief was 
relieved, and his son went gaily to work at his gun, and con- 
tributed his full share toward "keeping those people back." 

I had the following from the lips of the distinguished officer, 
Gen. John Echols, who related it : 

When General Echols was compelled by failing health to 
ask to be relieved from the command of southwest Virginia, 
he went to Richmond to confer with President Davis as to 
his successor, and to endeavor to impress upon him the very 
great importance of the district, and of the commander being 
a man of fine ability. Mr. Davis fully sympathized with his 
views, and, after reflection, said, "I know of no better man 
for that position than Gen. Custis Lee. To show you my esti- 
mate of his ability, I will say that, when some time ago .1 
thought of sending General Lee to command the Western 
Army, I had determined that his son Custis should succeed 
him in command of the Army of Northern Virginia. Now, I 
wish you to go up and see General Lee, tell him what I say, 
and ask him to order General Custis Lee to the command of 
that department. Tell him I will make his son major-general, 
lieutenant-general, or, if need be, full general, so that he may 
rank any officer likely to be sent to that department." 

General Echols promptly sought Lee's headquarters, deliv- 
ered Mr. Davis's message, and urged compliance. But to all 
of his arguments and entreaties the old chieftain had but one 
reply, "I am very much obliged to Mr. Davis for his high 



448 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

opinion of Custis Lee. I hope that, if he had the opportunity, 
he will prove himself in some measure worthy of that confi- 
dence. But he is an untried man in the field, and I cannot 
appoint him to that command. Very much against his wishes 
and my own, Mr. Davis has kept him on his personal staff, and 
he has had no opportunity to prove his ability to handle an army 
in the field. Whatever may be the opinion of others, I cannot 
pass by my tried officers and take for that important position 
a comparatively new man — especially when that man is my 
own son. Mr. Davis can make the assignment if he thinks 
proper — I shall certainly not do so." 

The records of the Confederate War Department would be 
searched in vain for any word of General Lee seeking place 
either for himself or son. 

Rev. Dr. T. V. Moore, so long pastor of the First Presby- 
terian Church in Richmond, and who died in Nashville, Ten- 
nessee, related the following in his memorial sermon : 

After the cartel for the exchange of prisoners during the war 
was suspended, one of his own sons was taken prisoner. A Fed- 
eral officer of the same rank in Libby Prison sent for me, and 
wished me to write to General Lee, begging him to obtain the 
consent of the Confederate authorities to his release, provided 
he could, as he felt sure would be the case, induce the United 
States authorities to send General Lee's son to the lines to effect 
this special exchange. 

In a few days a reply was received in which, with the lofty 
spirit of a Roman Brutus, he respectfully but firmly declined 
to ask any favor for his own son that could not be asked for the 
humblest soldier in the army. The officer, while disappointed, 
was yet so struck with the unselfish nobleness of the reply that he 
begged the letter from me as a memento of General Lee, adding, 
with deep emphasis, "Sir, I regard him as the greatest man now 
living." 

It will add greatly to the force of the above incident to 
recall the fact that the son (Gen. W. H. F. Lee) was at 
home, severely wounded, at the time he was captured ; that his 
accomplished wife was lying at the point of death, and actually 
died before his release (the Federal authorities refusing to allow 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 449 

Gen. Custis Lee to take the place of his brother, as he nobly 
offered to do), and that he was closely confined in a casemate 
at Fortress Monroe and threatened with death by hanging in 
retaliation for alleged cruelty on the part of the Confederate 
authorities toward certain Federal prisoners. 

Only those who knew how devoted to his children General 
Lee was can appreciate the noble self-denial which he exer- 
cised when, under these circumstances, the tenderest feelings 
of a loving father were sacrificed to his sense of duty to his 
country. 

Not long after his West Virginia campaign General Lee 
was recommending a certain officer for promotion, when a 
friend urged him not to do so, alleging that this officer was 
accustomed to speak very disparagingly and disrespectfully of 
him. The quick reply was, "The question is not what he thinks 
or is pleased to say about me, but what I think of him. I have 
a high opinion of this officer as a soldier, and shall most unques- 
tionably recommend his promotion, and do all in my power 
to secure it." 

Surely the pages of this world's history afford no nobler 
example of self-denial for the good of others than that of the 
modest, unobtrusive life of the Christian soldier and model 
man — Robert Edward Lee. 

The Social Character of this great man was in every 
respect very beautiful and admirable. He had about him a 
quiet dignity which forbade all undue familiarity, and those 
who only saw him amid the pressing cares of the war might 
call him "reserved;" but in the social circle he showed a charm- 
ing affability and courtesy which won the hearts of all who 
had the privilege of meeting him thus. 

It is related that during one of his great marches a plain 
old farmer started out from his home with the full purpose 
of seeing General Lee. Riding up to a bivouac fire around 
which some officers were gathered, he was so courteously 
received by a plainly dressed "colonel" that he forgot his special 



450 .LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

mission and accepted an invitation to join the group. Pres- 
ently he turned to his polite "colonel," and expressing his great 
desire to see General Lee was very much astonished at the 
quiet reply, "I am General Lee, and I am most happy to have 
met you." Even amid his pressing duties at the College he 
found time to be the most thoroughly polite gentleman in the 
community. He seemed to think himself called on to visit 
all strangers who came to Lexington, and frequently surprised 
and delighted them by his unexpected courtesy. How often 
have I seen him in the stores and shops of the town chatting 
pleasantly with every comer, or walking a mile through mud 
or snow to call on some humble family who will hand it down 
as an event in their history that they had a visit from General 
Lee. 

His house was the abode of real "old Virginia hospitality," 
and many visitors to Lexington recall with sad pleasure the 
grace and dignity with which they were welcomed to that 
model home. Quiet and unobtrusive, a good listener and 
always ready to allow others to lead the conversation. Gen- 
eral Lee was yet possessed of very fine conversational powers 
and showed the greatest tact in adapting himself to the tastes 
of his guests and making them feel at home. A plain farmer 
upon whose lands our troops were once camped told me that 
he had less difficulty in gaining access to General Lee, was 
treated by him with far more courtesy, and felt more at home 
in his tent than with certain quartermasters with whom he 
came in contact. 

In the spring of 1869 an old gentleman who was so deaf 
that it was exceedingly difficult to converse with him called 
one evening at General Lee's house. The room was full of 
company, but the General took his seat beside his deaf visitor, 
talked to him with apparent ease, chose such topics as he was 
familiar with, and conducted the conversation with such tact 
that the old gentleman went away charmed with his visit. 

General Lee rarely forgot a face or a name. I have seen him 
frequently recognize at once some old soldier whom he had 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 451 

barely met during the war, and who would be as surprised as 
delighted that his loved commander had not forgotten him. 
He knew by name nearly all of the ladies and children of 
Lexington and vicinity, and seemed worried if he ever met 
one whom he failed to recognize. I remember seeing him 
once at a public gathering very much annoyed at not knowing 
a young lady present, until he learned, by diligent inquiry, 
that she was a stranger who had just reached town that 
evening. The only occasion upon which I ever knew him to 
fail to recognize an old acquaintance was under the following 
circumstances : Seeing the General one morning coming down 
to the chapel with a gentleman who was evidently an Episcopal 
clergyman, I purposely threw myself in the way in order that 
I might be introduced, and thus have opportunity to ask 
him to officiate in my place at the chapel service. Noticing 
that in the introduction the General called my own name, but 
did not call that of the visitor, I said, "Excuse me, General, 
but I did not hear the name." With the inimitable grace pecu- 
liar to him he replied, "It is time for us to go in to the service." 
As I came down from the platform the General (whose seat, 
by the way, was always near the front) met me and said, 
"I am ashamed to say, sir, that I do not know the name of that 
gentleman. And I am so sure that I ought to know him that 
I would be sorry for him to find out that I do not recognize 
him. I wish that you would ascertain his name." 

I immediately approached the gentleman, told him that I did 
not hear his name when introduced, and thus got him to give 
it. The General, who had followed within ear-shot, at once 
stepped up and began to introduce the gentleman to all around. 
The next day he said to me, "I was really very much ashamed 
at not knowing that gentleman yesterday. I ought to have 
recognized him at once. He spent at least an hour in my 
quarters in the City of Mexico just after its occupation by the 
American army, and although I have never seen him since 
(and had never seen him before) he made a very agreeable 
impression upon me, and I ought not to have forgotten him." 



452 LIFE AND LETTBRS OF LEE 

I never saw General Lee's courtesy desert him for a moment 
even amid the most trying circumstances. His uniform cour- 
tesy and kindness was sometimes abused by thoughtless vis- 
itors who obtruded upon him at unreasonable hours, and still 
more by letters which flooded his mails, and to which he 
was very careful to reply. While at Washington College he 
received bushels of letters from all sorts of people on all sorts 
of subjects, and would worry himself to reply to them, when 
most men would have passed them by in silence. He one day 
showed me a letter from a distressed damsel in St. Louis, who 
said that her lover had been a soldier "either in Mr. Lee's 
or Mr. Johnston's army;" that she had not heard from him 
since the close of the war, and that his family reported him 
dead, but she believed that this was only a trick on their part 
to prevent him from marrying her. She wrote to beg that 
"Mr. Lee" would write her if he knew anything of him, and 
if he did not, that he would write for her to "Mr. Johnston" 
to see if he could give her any information. General Lee made 
the most diligent inquiries after the man in question, saying 
that he "would be very glad to relieve the poor woman if he 
could," and after all of his inquiries proved futile, he wrote 
her a kind letter of sympathy. 

He received many letters from Federal officers, newspaper 
men, etc., and the mingled courtesy, tact, and quiet humor 
with which he would reply would form a most interesting chap- 
ter if it were proper to publish the letters in full. 

I cannot, however, refrain from giving the following ver- 
batim copy of a reply to a distinguished Federal general, who 
wrote to propound to him certain questions which are plainly 
indicated in General Lee's answer : 

Lexington, Virginia, January 18, 1869. 
Dear Sir : 

A reply to your letter of- the 4th inst. would require more 
time than I can devote to it, and lead to a discussion of military 
affairs from which, for reasons that will occur to you, I hope 
that you will excuse me. 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 453 

I will, therefore, only say that the failure of the Confederate 
army at Gettysburg was owing to a combination of circumstances, 
but for which success might have been reasonably expected. 

It is presumed that General Burnside had good reasons for his 
move from Warrenton to Fredericksburg; and as far as I am 
able to judge, the earlier arrival of his pontoons at Aquia Creek 
would not have materially changed the result. Their appear- 
ance would only have produced an earlier concentration of the 
Confederate army at Fredericksburg. 

As regards General McClellan, I have always entertained a 
high opinion of his capacity, and have no reason to think that 
he omitted to do anything that was in his power. 

It is difficult for me to say what success would have attended 
the execution of your plan of moving the Federal army to Aquia 
Creek after its attack on Fredericksburg, and of threatening Rich- 
mond from Fortress Monroe with the available troops in that 
quarter and then entering the Rappahannock with the main army. 

I do not think that the Confederate army would have retreated 
to Richmond until the movement developed the necessity. 

After the accomplishment of an event it is so easy, with the 
aid of our after knowledge, to correct errors that arose from pre- 
vious want of information that it is difficult to determine the weight 
that should be given to conclusions thus reached. 

Thanking you for your expressions of kindness and regretting 
my inability to comply more fully with your wishes, I am very 
truly, Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

The above letter was never published; but it is hoped that 
the distinguished gentleman to whom it was addressed will 
pardon its introduction here, as I have carefully suppressed 
his name. Upon another occasion he received a letter from 
some Spirit Rappers asking his opinion on certain great mili- 
tary movements. He wrote in reply a most courteous letter 
in which he said that the question was one about which mili- 
tary critics would differ; that his own judgment about such 
matters was but poor at best, and that inasmuch as they had 
power to consult (through their mediums) Caesar, Alexander, 
Napoleon, Wellington, and all of the other great captains who 
have ever lived he could not think of obtruding his opinion 
into such company. 



454 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Not long after the close of the war General Lee received a 
letter from Gen. David Hunter of the Federal army, in which 
he begged information upon two points — i. His (Hunter's) 
campaign in the summer of 1864 was undertaken on informa- 
tion received at the War Department in Washington that Gen- 
eral Lee was about to detach forty thousand picked troops to 
send to General Johnston. Did not his (Hunter's) movements 
prevent this and relieve Sherman to that extent? 2. When he 
found it necessary to retreat from before Lynchburg, did he 
not adopt the most feasible line of retreat? 

General Lee wrote a very courteous reply in which he said, 
"The information upon which your campaign was undertaken 
was erroneous. I had no troops to spare General Johnston, 
and no intention of sending him any — certainly not forty thou- 
sand, as that would have taken about all I had. As to the sec- 
ond point, I would say that I am not advised as to the motives 
which induced you to adopt the line of retreat which you took, 
and am not, perhaps, competent to judge of the question; but 
I certainly expected you to retreat by zvay of the Shenandoah 
Valley, and was gratified at the time that you preferred the 
route through the mountains to the Ohio — leaving the Valley 
open for General Early's advance into Maryland." 

There was a quiet humor, and upon occasion a keen wit in 
General Lee, which was only appreciated by those who came 
into intimate contact with him. 

While in winter quarters at Petersburg a party of officers 

were one night busily engaged in discussing, at the same time, 

a mathematical problem and the contents of a stone jug which 

was garnished by two tin cups. In the midst of this General 

I Lee came in to make some inquiry. He got the information 

I he wanted, gave a solution of the problem, and went out, the 

officers expressing to each other the hope that the General had 

'not noticed the jug and cups. The next day one of the officers, 

/ in the presence of the others, was relating to General Lee a very 

strange dream he had the night before. The General listened 

with apparent interest to the narrative, and quietly rejoined, 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 455 

"That is not at all remarkable. When young gentlemen dis- 
cuss at midnight mathematical problems, the 'unknown quan- 
tities' of which are a stone jug and two tin cups, they may 
expect to have strange dreams." 

One day at Petersburg General Lee, who never suffered a 
day to pass without visiting some part of his lines, rode by 
the quarters of one of his major-generals and requested him 

to ride with him. As they were going he asked General 

if a certain work which he had ordered to be pushed was com- 
pleted. He replied with some hesitation that it was, and Gen- 
eral Lee then proposed that they should go and see it. Arriv- 
ing at the spot it was found that little or no progress had been 

made since they were there a week before, and General 

was profuse in his apologies, saying that he had not seen the 
work since they were there together, but that he had ordered 

it to be completed at once, and that Major had informed 

him that it had been already finished. General Lee said nothing 
then, except to remark quietly, "We must give our personal 
attention to the lines." But riding on a little farther he began 

to compliment General on the splendid charger he rode. 

"Yes, sir," said General , "he is a splendid animal, and I 

prize him the more highly because he belongs to my wife, and 
is her favorite riding-horse." "A magnificent horse," rejoined 

General Lee, "but I should not think him safe for Mrs. 

to ride. He is entirely too spirited for a lady, and I would 
urge you by all means to take some of the mettle out of him 

before you suffer Mrs. to ride him again. And, by the 

way, General, I would suggest to you that these rough paths 
along these trenches would be very admirable ground over 
which to tame him." The face of the gallant soldier turned 
crimson ; he felt most keenly the rebuke, and never afterwards 
reported the condition of his lines upon information received 

from Major , or any one else. The spirited charger felt 

the effect of this hint from headquarters. 

Had I space I should be glad to give as illustrating this 
point a large number of his private letters. But I can here add 



456 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

only two. Philip Stanhope Worsley, Fellow of Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford — a scholar and poet whose untimely death, 
noticed with deepest regret throughout the literary world in 
England, cut short a career of the brightest promise — sent 
General Lee a copy of his "Translation of the Iliad of Homer," 
and on the fly-leaf he had written the following dedication : 

To General R. E. Lee — the most stainless of living commanders, 
and, except in fortune, the greatest — this volume is presented with 
the writer's earnest sympathy, and respectful admiration : 

"The grand old bard that never dies, 
Receive him in our English tongue ! 
I send thee, but with weeping eyes, 
The story that he sung. 

"Thy Troy is fallen, thy dear land 
Is marred beneath the spoiler's heel. 
I cannot trust my trembling hand 
To write the things I feel. 

"Ah, realm of tombs ! — but let her bear 
This blazon to the last of times : 
No nation rose so white and fair, 
Or fell so pure of crimes. 

"The widow's moan, the orphan's wail, 

Come round thee ; yet in truth be strong ! 
Eternal right, though all else fail, 
Can never be made wrong. 

"An angel's heart, an angel's mouth, 
Not Homer's, could alone for me, 
Hymn well the great Confederate South, 
Virginia first, and Lee. 

"P. S. W." 

I found in General Lee's letter-book the following letters to 
Mr. Worsley: 

Lexington, Virginia, February 10, 1866. 
Mr. P. S. Worsley. 

My dear Sir : I have received the copy of your translation of 
the "Iliad," which you so kindly presented to me. Its perusal 
has been my evening's recreation, and I have never enjoyed the 
beauty and grandeur of the poem more than as recited by you. 
The translation is as truthful as powerful, and faithfully repro- 
duces the imagery and rhythm of the bold original. 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 457 

The undeserved compliment to myself in prose and verse, on 
the first leaves of the volume, I receive as your tribute to the 
merit of my countrymen who struggled for constitutional gov- 
ernment. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) R. E. Lee. 

Lexington, Virginia, March 14, 1866. 
Mr. P. S. Worsley. 

My dear Mr. Worsley: In a letter just received from my 
nephew, Mr. Childe, I regret to learn that, at his last accounts 
from you, you were greatly indisposed. So great is my interest 
in your welfare that I cannot refrain, even at the risk of intrud- 
ing upon your sick-room, from, expressing my sincere sympathy 
in your affliction. I trust, however, that ere this you have recov- 
ered, and are again in perfect health. Like many of your tastes 
and pursuits, I fear you may confine yourself too closely to your 
reading: less mental labor, and more of the fresh air of heaven, 
might bring to you more comfort, and to your friends more enjoy- 
ment, even in the way in which you now delight them. Should 
a visit to this distracted country promise you any recreation, I 
hope I need not assure you how happy I should be to see you 
at Lexington. I can give you a quiet room and careful nursing, 
and a horse that would delight to carry you over our beautiful 
mountains. I hope my letter informing you of the pleasure I 
derived from the perusal of your translation of the "Iliad," in 
which I endeavored to express my thanks for the great compli- 
ment you paid me in its dedication, has informed you of my high 
appreciation of the work. Wishing you every happiness in this 
world, and praying that eternal peace may be your portion in 
that to come, 

I am, most truly, your friend and servant, 

(Signed) R. E. Lee. 

His domestic life has already been fully treated and illus- 
trated in the preceding narrative by his letters to his family, 
and I can only give here several other letters which throw 
additional light on this phase of his life. These letters are to 
his son, Gen. W. H. F. Lee, who had now located at the White 
House. 

Lexington, Virginia, 26th February, 1867. 
My dear Son : 

You must not think because I write so seldom that you are 
absent from my thoughts. I think of you constantly, and am 



458 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

ever revolving in my mind all that concerns you. I have an ardent 
desire to see you re-established at your home and enjoying the 
pleasure of prosperity around you. I know this cannot be accom- 
plished at once, but must come from continuous labor, econ- 
omy, and industry, and be the result of years of good manage- 
ment. We have now nothing to do but to attend to our material 
interests, which collectively will advance the interests of the State, 
and to await events. The dominant party cannot reign forever, 
and truth and justice will at last prevail. I hope I can get down 
to see you and R. during the next vacation. I shall then have 
a more correct apprehension of existing circumstances, and can 
follow your progress more satisfactorily. I was very much 
obliged to you for the nice eye-glasses you sent me Xmas, and 
asked your mother and the girls to thank you for them, which 
I hope they did. I fear they are too nice for my present circum- 
stances We have all now to confine ourselves strictly to 

our necessities 

I wish I was nearer to you all. M. is still in Baltimore, though 
she contemplates leaving there soon and going to Norfolk. She 
speaks also of halting at B. on her way to Richmond. All here 
unite in much love. Your mother is about the same — busy with 
her needle and her pen — and as cheerful as ever. C. has not 
been well of late, but I hope he is now better, and the girls are 
quite well. Your friends in town frequently inquire after you, 
and will be glad to see you again. 

Affectionately, your father, 

R. E. Lee. 

A number of his letters expressing his delight at his son's 
contemplated marriage — giving vivid pictures of home life at 
Lexington, and kindly and most sensible advice about the 
details of farming, etc. — would be of deep interest to the reader, 
but may not be inserted because of their reference to persons 
who are still, fortunately, living. 

I will, however, give a few extracts from other letters. In 
a letter dated December 21, 1867, he thus alludes to his visit 
to Petersburg to attend his son's marriage. 

My visit to Petersburg was extremely pleasant. Besides the 
pleasure of seeing my daughter and being with you, which was 
very great, I was gratified in seeing so many old friends. 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 459 

When our army was in front of Petersburg I suffered so much 
in body and mind on account of the good townspeople, especially 
on that gloomy night when I was forced to abandon them, that 
I have always reverted to them in sadness and sorrow. My old 
feelings returned to me as I passed well-remembered spots, and 
recalled the ravages of hostile shot and shell. But when I saw 
the cheerfulness with which the people were working to restore 
their fortunes, and witnessed the comforts with which they were 
surrounded, a cloud of sorrow which had been pressing upon me 
for years was lifted from my heart. 

This is bad weather for completing your house, but it will soon 
pass away and your sweet helpmate will make everything go 
smoothly. When the spring opens and the mocking-birds resume 
their song, you will have much to do, so you must prepare in 
time 

In a letter to the same under date of March 30, 1868, he 
pleasantly says : 

I am very glad that you are so pleased with your house. I 
think it must be my daughter that gives it such a charm. I am 
sure that she will make everything look bright to me. It is a good 
thing that the wheat is doing so well, for I am not sure that 

"The flame you are so rich in 
Will light a fire in the kitchen, 
Nor the little god turn the spit, spit, spit." 

Some material ailment is necessary to make it burn brightly, 
and furnish some good dishes for the table. Shad are good 
in their way, but they do not swim up the Pamunkey all the year. 

The quotations from these family letters will be concluded 
with the following written just before his trip south, the spring 
before his death : 

Lexington, Virginia, 22c! March, 1870. 
My dear Fitzhugh : 

Your letter of the 17th inst. has been received. Lest I should 
appear obstinate, if not perverse, I have yielded to the kind impor- 
tunity of my physicians and of the faculty, to take a trip toward 
the South. In pursuance of my resolution I expect to leave here 
Thursday next in the packet boat and hope to arrive in Rich- 
mond on Friday afternoon. I shall take Agnes with me as my 
companion (she has been my kind and uncomplaining nurse), 
and if we could only get down to see you, my sweet daughter, 



460 LIFE AND LEfTERS OF LEE 

and dear grandson. But as the doctors think it important that 
I should reach a Southern climate as soon as practicable, I fear 
I shall have to leave my visit to you till my return. I shall go 
first to Warrenton Springs, N. C, to visit the grave of my dear 
Annie, where I have always promised myself to go, and I think 
if I am to accomplish it, I have no time to lose. I wish to witness 
her quiet sleep, with her dear hands crossed over her breast as 
it were in mute prayer, undisturbed by her distance from us, 
and to feel that her pure spirit is roaming in bliss in the land of 
the blessed. 

From there, according to my feelings, I shall either go to Nor- 
folk or to Savannah, and take you in if practicable on my 

return We are all as usual. Your mother still talks of 

visiting you, and when I urge her to make preparations for her 
journey she replies, rather disdainfully, that she has none to 
make, they have been made years ago. Custis and Mildred are 
well, and Mary writes that she will be back by the ist of April. 
We are having beautiful weather now, which I hope may con- 
tinue. I am so tired sitting at my table that I must conclude. 
Love to all from your affectionate father, 

R. E. Lee. 

I quote the following from Captain Lee's "Recollections" : 

Amidst the press of duties, great and small, at Lexington, my 
father found time to correspond with his sons, who were farm- 
ing down on the Pamunkey River, and to offer them constant 
sympathy, advice, and substantial aid. The following letter was 
in reply to one of mine, in which evidently I had been confiding 
to him my agricultural woes : 

"Lexington, Virginia, 12th March, 1868. 
"My dear Rob: 

I am sorry to learn from your letter of the ist that the winter 
has been so hard on your wheat. I hope, however, the present 
good weather is shedding its influence upon it, and that it will 
turn out better than it promises. You must take a lesson from 
the past season. What you do cultivate, do well. Improve and 
prepare the land in the best manner; your labor will be less and 
your profits more. Your flat lands were always uncertain in wet 
winters. The uplands were more sure. Is it not possible that 
some unbidden guest may have been feasting on your corn ? Six 
hundred bushels is a large deficit in casting up your account for 
the year. But you must make up by economy and good man- 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 461 

agement. A farmer's motto should be 'Toil and Trust.' I am 
glad that you have got your lime and sown your oats and clover. 
Do you use the drill, or sow broadcast? I shall try and get down 
to see you if I go to Richmond, for I am anxious to know how 
you are progressing and to see if I can in any way aid you. 
Whenever I can, you must let me know. You must still think 
about your house, and make up your mind as to the site and kind, 
and collect the material. I can help you to any kind of a plan, 
and with some ready money to pay the mechanics. I have 
recently had a visit from Dr. Oliver, of Scotland, who is exam- 
ining lands for immigrants from his country. He seems to be a 
sensible and judicious man. From his account, I do not think 
the Scotch and English would suit your part of the country. It 
would require time for them to become acclimated, and they 
would probably get dissatisfied, especially as there is so much 
mountain region where they could be accommodated. I think 
you will have to look to the Germans ; perhaps the Hollanders, 
as a class, would be the most useful. When the railroad shall 
have been completed to West Point I think there will be no 
difficulty in getting whites among you. I would try and get 

some of our own young men in your employ I rode out 

the other day to Mr. Andrew Cameron's and went into the field 
where he was ploughing. I took great pleasure in following the 
ploughs around the circuit. He had four in operation. Three 
of them were held by his former comrades in the army, who 
are regularly employed by him, and much, he says, to his satis- 
faction and profit. People have got to work now. It is creditable 
to them to do so ; their bodies and their minds are benefited by 
it, and those who can and will, will be advanced by it." 

When my mother left her home in Arlington, in the spring of 
1 86 1, she found it impossible to carry away all the valuable 
relics of General Washington, which her father had inherited 
from Mount Vernon, and which had been objects of great inter- 
est at Arlington for more than fifty years. After the Federal 
authorities took possession of the place the most valuable of 
these Mount Vernon relics were taken over to Washington and 
placed in the Patent Office, where they remained on exhibition 
for many years, labeled, "Captured from Arlington." They were 
subsequently removed to the National Museum, where they are 
now, but the label has disappeared. In 1869 a member of Con- 
gress suggested to my mother that she should apply to President 
Johnson to have them restored to her. In a letter written by 
my father to this same gentleman, a bit of quiet irony occurs : 



462 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

"Lexington, Virginia, February 12, 1869. 
Mrs. Lee has determined to act upon your sugges- 
tion, and apply to President Johnson for such of the relics from 
Arlington as are in the Patent Office. From what I have learned, 
a great many things formerly belonging to General Washing- 
ton, bequeathed to her by her father, in the shape of books, 
furniture, camp equipage, etc., were carried away by individuals, 
and are now scattered over the land. I hope the possessors appre- 
ciate them, and may imitate the example of their original owner, 
whose conduct must at times be brought to their recollection by 
these silent monitors. In this way they will accomplish good to 
the country." 

During the winter of i869-'70 General Lee's health began visibly 
to fail, and it became evident to his doctors and himself that 
there was a serious trouble about the heart. Yet, although con- 
stantly in pain, and at times feeling excessive weariness and 
depression, he complained but little, was uniformly bright and 
cheerful, and still kept up his old-time playful humor, both in 
conversation and in his letters. To my sister Mildred, who was 
in Richmond on a visit, he writes jokingly about the difficulty 
experienced by the family in finding out what she meant in a recent 
letter to him : 

"Lexington, Virginia, 8th January, 1870. 
"My Precious Life : 

"I received yesterday your letter of the 4th. We held a family 
council over it. It was passed from eager hand to hand, and 
attracted wondering eyes and mysterious looks. It produced few 
words, but a deal of thinking, and the conclusion arrived at, I 
believe unanimously, was that there was a great fund of amuse- 
ment and information in it, if it could be extracted. I have, 
therefore, determined to put it carefully away till your return, 
then seize a leisure day and get you to interpret it. Your mother's 
commentary, in a suppressed soliloquy, was that you had suc- 
ceeded in writing a wretched hand. Agnes thought it would 
keep this cold weather — her thoughts running on jellies and 
oysters in the store-room. But I, indignant at such aspersions 
upon your accomplishments, retained your epistle and read in an 
elevated tone an interesting narrative of travels in sundry coun- 
tries, describing gorgeous scenery, hair-breadth events by flood 
and field, not a word of which, they declared, was in your letter. 
Your return I hope will prove the correctness of my version 
of your annals. ... I have little to tell. Gayety continues. . . . 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 463 

Last night there was a cadet hop ; night before a party at Colonel 
Johnston's ; the preceding, a college conversazione at your mother's. 
It was given in honor of Miss Maggie Johnson's visit to us, of a 
few days. You know how agreeable I am on such occasions ; 
but on this, I am told, I surpassed myself. 

"On New Year's Day, the usual receptions. I refer you to 
Agnes for details. We are pretty well. I think I am better. 
Custis is busy with the examination of the Cadets, the students 
preparing for theirs. Cadet Cook, who was so dangerously injured 
by a fall from his window, on the ist, it is hoped now will 
recover. The Misses Pendleton were to have arrived this morn- 
ing. Miss Ella Henniberger is on a visit to Miss Campbell. 
Miss Lizzie Letcher still absent. Messrs. Anderson, Baker, W. 
Graves, Mooreman, Strieker, and Webb have all been on visits 

to their sweethearts and have left without them Mrs. 

Smith is as usual. Gus* is as wild as ever. We catch our own 
rats and mice now, and are independent of cats. All unite in 
love to you. Your affectionate father, 

"R. E. Lee." 

He wrote the following on the release of Mr. Davis from 
prison : 

Lexington, Virginia, ist June, 1864. 
Hon. Jefferson Davis. 

My dear Mr. Davis : You can conceive better than I can 
express the misery which your friends have suffered from your 
long imprisonment and the other afflictions incident thereto. To 
none has this been more painful than to me ; and the impossibility 
of affording relief has added to my distress. Your release has lifted 
a load from my heart which I have not words to tell, and my 
daily prayer to the great Ruler of the world, is that He may 
shield you from all evil, and give you that peace which the world 
cannot take away. 

That the rest of your days may be triumphantly happy, is the 
sincere and earnest wish of your most obedient faithful friend, 
and servant, 

R. E. Lee. 

His love for children was very conspicuous, but I can now 
give only a few of the thousands of illustrations that might 
be given. 

*Pet cat. 



464 LIFE AND LET1ERS OF LEE 

One day on the street in Lexington a little girl of six sum- 
mers was trying in vain to induce her younger sister to go 
home, when seeing General Lee approaching she appealed to 
him with child-like simplicity. "Oh, General, Fanny won't go 
home — please make her!" The kind-hearted old hero could 
not resist this call of childhood, but with gentle persuasion 
induced the little girl to comply with her sister's request, and 
trudged back a quarter of a mile to lead the little ones by the 
hand and enjoy their innocent prattle. 

The superintendent of one of the Sunday-schools of Lexing- 
ton once offered a prize to the scholar who should bring into 
the school by a given time the largest number of new scholars, 
and the pastor of the church urged that they should not con- 
fine their efforts to the children but should seek to bring in 
the old as well, since none were too wise to study God's word. 
A boy of five caught the spirit of the pastor's speech and went 
after his friend, General Lee, to beg him to "go with me to 
our Sunday-school and be my new scholar." The little fellow 
was greatly disappointed when told that the General attended 
another church, and said with a deep sigh, "I am very sorry. 
I wish he belonged to our church so that he could go to our 
Sunday-school, and be my new scholar." 

The General was very much amused and kindly answered 
his little friend, "Ah, C , we must all try to be good Chris- 

, tians — that is the most important thing. I can't go to your 
Sunday-school to be your new scholar today. But I am very 

i glad that you asked me. It shows that you are zealous in a good 
cause, and I hope that you will continue to be so as you grow 
up. And I do not want you to think that I consider myself too 
old to be a Sunday-school scholar. No one ever becomes too old 
to study the precious truths of the Bible." 

This last remark was evidently intended for several of the 
College students who were near by, and listening with deep 
interest to the colloquy between the General and the young* 
recruiting officer of the Sunday-school army. He knew all of 
the children in Lexington, and along the roads and by-paths 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 465 

of his daily rides, and it was pleasing to witness their delight 
when they met him. He could be seen at any time stopping 
on the street to kiss some bright-eyed little girl, or pass a joke 
with some sprightly boy. One of these was accustomed to go 
to the chapel service frequently and sit by the General, who 
treated him so cordially and kindly as to make him feel entirely 
at his ease, and give him the idea that wherever he saw General 
Lee his place was by his side. 

Accordingly, at the next College Commencement the little 
fellow stole away from his mother, and before she was aware 
of it was on the platform sitting at the General's feet, gazing 
up into his face utterly oblivious of the crowd, and entirely 
unconscious that he was out of place. After remaining in this 
position for some time, receiving an occasional kind word 
from General Lee, he went fast asleep resting his head on 
the General's knees. The great man remained in one position 
for a long time, and put himself to considerable inconvenience 
and discomfort that he might not disturb the sleeping child. A 
distinguished lady present remarked that "this picture of help- 
less innocence confidingly resting on greatness formed a sub- 
ject worthy of the greatest artist." 

At the Healing Springs in 1868 General Lee was one day 
sitting in the parlor conversing with a number of ladies and 
children who had assembled to see him, when Frank S., a 
bright little fellow from Richmond, ran in from a romp on 
the lawn. Seeing a foot conveniently crossed and belonging 
to a kind-looking old gentleman, he without further ceremony 
mounted it for his horse and began to ride in approved boy 
fashion, to the no small amusement of the company and annoy- 
ance of the mother, who feared that General Lee would be 
displeased with so unwarrantable liberty. But the General was 
delighted, and after suffering the little fellow to ride to his 
heart's content, took him in his lap and sought an introduction 
to the mother of his "merry little friend." 

In the summer of 1867 General Lee, accompanied by one of 
his daughters, rode on horseback from Lexington to the Peaks 



466 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

! of Otter. In a mountain defile not far from an humble home 
they came suddenly upon some children who were playing near 
the road and who began to scamper off on his approach. Gen- 
eral Lee called them back and asked, "Why are you running 
jaway? Are you afraid of me?" "Oh, no, sir," replied a little 
; girl, "we are not afraid of you; but we are not dressed nice 
[enough to see you.'" "Why, who do you think I am." "You 
jare General Lee — we knew you by your picture. Father was 
one of your soldiers." The admiration and love of the chil- 
dren for General Lee was not confined to those who met him. 
But his pictures are in every home in the South, and the chil- 
dren of city and mountain alike were taught to love him when 
: living, and are now taught to cherish and revere his memory. 
I have never seen children manifest more sincere grief at the 
death of a near relative than that exhibited by the children of 
' Lexington at the death of General Lee. The schools were all 
closed, their usual sports were abandoned, and the children 
mingled their tears with those of strong men and women as 
they realized that their kind, dearly loved friend had gone from 
among them. And all over the South the weeping little ones 
attested how they loved the great chieftain who always had a 
pleasant smile and a kind word for them. 

The Christian character of Lee has been exhibited 
through all of this narrative, in his own letters and in incidents 
told concerning him, but I could write a volume on this trait 
of his character alone. 

I can never forget my first interview and conversation with 
General Lee on religious matters. It was in 1863, while our 
army was resting along the Rapidan, soon after the Gettys- 
burg campaign. Rev. B. T. Lacy and myself went, as a com- 
mittee of our chaplains' association, to consult him in refer- 
ence to the better observance of the Sabbath in the army, and 
especially to urge that something be done to prevent irreligious 
officers from converting Sunday into a grand gala-day for 
inspections, reviews, etc. It was a delicate mission. We did 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 467 

not wish to appear as either informers or officious intermed- 
dlers, and yet we were very anxious to do something to further 
the wishes of those who sent us, and to put a stop to what was 
then a growing evil, and, in some commands, a serious obstacle 
to the efficient work of the chaplain. The cordial greeting 
which he gave us, the marked courtesy and respect with which 
he listened to what we had to say, and the way he expressed 
his warm sympathy with the object of our mission, soon put 
us at our ease. But, as we presently began to answer his 
questions concerning the spiritual interests of the army, and 
to tell of that great revival which was then extending through 
the camps, and bringing thousands of our noble men to Christ, 
we saw his eye brighten and his whole countenance glow with 
pleasure; and as, in his simple, feeling words, he expressed 
his delight, we forgot the great warrior, and only remem- 
bered that we were communing with a humble, earnest 
Christian. When Mr. Lacy told him of the deep interest which 
the chaplains felt in his welfare, and that their most fervent 
prayers were offered in his behalf, tears started in his eyes, 
as he replied, "I sincerely thank you for that, and I can only 
say that I am a poor sinner, trusting in Christ alone for sal-/ 
vation, and that I need all the prayers you can offer for me." 

The next day he issued a beautiful order in which he 
enjoined the observance of the Sabbath, and that all military 
duties should be suspended on that day except such as were 
absolutely necessary to the safety or subsistence of the army. 

General Lee always took the deepest interest in the work of 
his chaplains and the spiritual welfare of his men. He was 
a frequent visitor at the chaplains' meetings, and a deeply 
interested observer of their proceedings; and the faithful chap- 
lain who stuck to his post and did his duty could be always 
assured of a warm friend at headquarters. 

While the Army of Northern Virginia confronted General 
Meade at Mine Run, near the end of November, 1863, and a 
battle was momentarily expected, General Lee, with a number 
of general and staff officers, was riding down his line of battle, 



468 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

when, just in rear of Gen. A. P. Hill's position, the cavalcade 
suddenly came upon a party of soldiers engaged in one of 
those prayer-meetings which they so often held on the eve 
of battle. An attack from the enemy seemed imminent, already 
the sharp-shooting along the skirmish-line had begun, the 
artillery was belching forth its hoarse thunder, and the mind 
and heart of the great chieftain were full of the expected com- 
bat. Yet, as he saw those ragged veterans bowed in prayer, he 
instantly dismounted, uncovered his head, and devoutly joined 
in the simple worship. The rest of the party at once followed 
his example, and those humble privates found themselves lead- 
ing the devotions of their loved and honored chieftains, 
f It is related that as his army was crossing the James, in 
\1864, and hurrying on to the defense of Petersburg, General 
Lee turned aside from the road, and, kneeling in the dust, 
jdevoutly joined a minister in earnest prayer that God would 
give him wisdom and grace in the new stage of the campaign 
upon which he was then entering. 

I was one clay distributing tracts and religious newspapers 
in our trenches below Petersburg when I noticed a brilliant 
cavalcade approaching. Generals Lee, A. P. Hill, and John B. 
Gordon, with their staffs, were inspecting our lines, and recon- 
noitering those of the enemy. I stepped one side, expecting 
simply to give them the military salute as they passed. But 
the quick eye of Gordon recognized me, and his cordial grasp 
detained me as he eagerly inquired after my work. General 
Lee reined in his horse, the others also stopped, and the humble 
chaplain found himself surrounded by a group of whose notice 
he might well be proud. A. P. Hill, my old colonel and life- 
long friend, said, "John (as he always familiarly addressed 
me), don't you think the boys would prefer 'hard-tack' to tracts 
just now ?" 

"I have no doubt that many of them would," I replied ; "but 
they crowd around and take the tracts as eagerly as they sur- 
round the commissary when he has anything to 'issue;' and 
besides other advantages, the tracts certainly help them to bear 
the lack of 'hard-tack.' " 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 469 

"I have no doubt of it," he said, "and I am glad that you are 
able to supply the tracts more abundantly than we can the 
rations." 

General Lee joined in the conversation, and presently asked 
if I ever had calls for prayer-books. I told him that I fre- 
quently had, and often distributed them. He replied, "Well, 
you would greatly oblige me if you would call at my quarters, 
and get and distribute a few which I have. I bought a new 
one when in Richmond the other day, and upon my saying 
that I would give my old one, which I had carried through the 
Mexican war and had kept ever since, to some soldier, the 
bookseller offered to give me a dozen new prayer-books for the 
old one. I accepted, of course, so good an offer, and now I 
have a dozen to give away instead of one." 

The cavalcade rode away, and the chaplain felt a new inspira- 
tion in his work. 

I called at headquarters at the appointed hour. The General 
was absent on some important duty, but he had (even amid 
his pressing cares and responsibilities) left the prayer-books 
with a member of his staff, with directions concerning them. 
In each one he had written, in his own well-known handwriting, 

"Presented to by R. E. Lee." Had I been disposed 

to speculate I could easily have sold these books, containing 
the autograph of our great chieftain, for a large sum, or have 
traded each one for a dozen others. I know that the soldiers 
to whom I gave them have treasured them as precious memen- 
toes, or handed them down as priceless heirlooms. I saw one 
of these books several years ago in the hands of a son whose 
father was killed on the retreat from Petersburg. It zvas not 
for sale. Indeed, money could not buy it. 

I could fill pages with quotations from General Lee's orders 
and dispatches, expressing his "profound gratitude to Almighty 
God" — his "thanks to God" — his "gratitude to Him who hath 
given us the victory" — his sense of "the blessing of Almighty 
God" — his "grateful thanks to the only Giver of victory" — and 
his "ascribing unto the Lord of hosts the glory due unto his 



470 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

name." And I regret that my space will not allow me to quote 
in full his beautiful Thanksgiving day, and fast-day orders, 
which breathed the spirit of the humble, devout Christian, and 
were not mere official proclamations. But as a specimen of 
them I quote the conclusion of his order for the observance 
of the 2 1 st of August, 1 863, — after the Gettysburg campaign, — 
as a day of "Fasting, Humiliation, and Prayer." He says : 

Soldiers! we have sinned against Almighty God. We have 

forgotten His signal mercies, and have cultivated a revengeful, 

haughty, and boastful spirit. We have not remembered that the 

defenders of a just cause should be pure in His eyes ; that "our 

1 times are in His hands" ; and we have relied too much on our own 

arms for the achievement of our independence. God is our only 

refuge and our strength. Let us humble ourselves before Him. 

JLet us confess our many sins and beseech Him to give us a 

i lhigher courage, a purer patriotism, and more determined will; 

\ that He will convert the hearts of our enemies ; that He will 

(hasten the time when war, with its sorrows and sufferings, shall 

cease, and that He will give us a name and place among the 

nations of the earth. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

He was emphatically a man of prayer, was accustomed to 
have family prayers, and had his season of secret prayer which 
rhe allowed nothing to interrupt. He was a devout and con- 
\ stant Bible reader, and found time to read the old book even 
amid his most pressing duties. He became president of the 
Rockbridge County Bible Society, and in his letter of accept- 
ance spoke of "the inestimable knowledge of the priceless truths 
of the Bible." 

In a letter to Hon. A. W. Beresford Hope, acknowledging 
the receipt of a Bible from friends in England, he speaks of 
it as "a book, in comparison with which all others in my eyes 
are of minor importance ; and which in all my perplexities and 
distresses has never failed to give me light and strength." In 

letter to Col. F. R. Farrar, who presented a Bible to the Col- 
ege chapel, he speaks of it as a "book which supplies the 
lace of all others, and one that cannot be replaced by any 
other." 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 471 

As I was watching all alone by his body the day after his 
death I picked up from the table a well-used pocket Bible, on 
the fly-leaf of which was written in his well-known and char- 
acteristic chirography, "R. E. Lee, Lieutenant Colonel, U. S. A." 

As I turned its leaves and saw how he had marked many 
passages, especially those teaching the great doctrines of Sal- 
vation by Grace, Justification by Faith, or those giving the / 
more precious promises to the believer, I thought of how, with / 
simple faith, he took this blessed book as the man of his coun-/ 
sel and the light of his pathway; how its precious promises 
cheered him amid the afflictions and trials of his eventful lifejj 
and how its glorious hopes illumined for him the "valley aria 
shadow of death." 

He was a very "son of consolation" to the afflicted, and his 
letters of this character were very numerous and very beauti- 
ful. I can give only several specimens. On the death of Bishop 
Elliott of Georgia he wrote his wife a touching eulogy on one 
"whom for more than a quarter of a century I have admired, 
loved, and venerated," and concluded by saying, "You have 
my deepest sympathy, and my earnest prayers are offered to 
Almighty God that He may be graciously pleased to comfort 
you in your great sorrow, and bring you in His own good 
time to rejoice with him whom in His all-wise Providence He 
has called before you to heaven." To the widow of Gen. Geo. 
W. Randolph he wrote on the death of her husband : 

It is the survivors of the sad event whom I commis- 
erate, and not him whom a gracious God has called to himself ; 
and whose tender heart and domestic virtues make the pang of 

parting the more bitter to those who are left behind For / 

what other purpose can a righteous man be summoned into the/ 
presence of a merciful God than to receive his reward? How-j 
ever, then, we lament we ought not to deplore him, or wish 

him back from his peaceful happy home Mrs. Lee anc|) 

my daughters, while they join in unfeigned sorrow for youe 
bereavement, unite with me in sincere regards, and fervent prayers 
to Him who can alone afford relief, for His gracious support, 
and continued protection to you. May His abundant mercies be 
showered upon you, and may His almighty arm guide and uphold 
you. 



472 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

He wrote Rev. Dr. Moses D. Hoge of Richmond, Virginia, 
the great Presbyterian preacher, after speaking of matters con- 
nected with the Virginia Bible Society, the following concern- 
ing the death of his wife : 

And now, my dear sir, though perhaps inappropriate to the 
occasion, you must allow me to refer to a subject which has 
caused me great distress and concerning which I have desired to 
write ever since its occurrence ; but to tell the truth I have not 
had the heart to do so. I knew how powerless I was to give 
any relief and how utterly inadequate was any language that 
I could use even to mitigate your suffering. I could, therefore, 
only offer up my silent prayers, to Him who alone can heal your 
bleeding heart that in His infinite mercy He will be ever present 
with you ; to dry your tears and staunch your wounds ; to sus- 
tain you by His grace and support you by His strength. I hope 
you felt assured that in this heavy calamity, you and your chil- 
dren had the heartfelt sympathy of Mrs. Lee and myself, and 
that you were daily remembered in our prayers. 

With our best wishes and sincere affection, I am very truly 
yours, R. E. Lee. 

Oh the death of Maj. R. Kidder Meade, Jr., engineer officer 
on his staff, he wrote the following letter to his mother : 

Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, 

August 9, 1862. 
My dear Madam : 

It is fitting that I should sorrow with you in the untimely death 
of your gallant son. In him our country has lost a most accom- 
plished, brave, and skilful officer, who bade fair to serve her 
in the highest ranks of the profession. In the campaign of the 
Peninsula he devoted himself to his work with distinguished 
zeal and intelligence. Under my own eye he had labored with 
untiring energy, and performed invaluable service in the field. 
During the eventful week of the battles on the Chickahominy 
he distinguished himself by his bravery, making bold and skil- 
ful reconnaissances which contributed much to the success of 
our arms. It was his incessant labor and great exposure during 
that week, alas ! which proved fatal to this noble young patriot. 
May the God of the widow and the fatherless give consolation to 
his mother and orphan sisters in this great sorrow. 

I am most respectfully yours, 
Mrs. R. K. Meade. R. E. Lee. 



ANALYSIS OF HIS CHARACTER 473 

On the death of Randolph Fairfax, who fell at Fredericks- 
burg, he wrote to his father : 

Camp, Fredericksburg, December 28, 1862. 
My dear Doctor : 

I have grieved most deeply at the death of your noble son. I 
have watched his conduct from the commencement of the war, 
and have pointed with pride to the patriotism, self-denial, and 
manliness of character he has exhibited. I had hoped an oppor- 
tunity would occur for the promotion he deserved ; not that it 
would have elevated him, but have shown that his devotion to 
duty was appreciated by his country. Such an opportunity would 
undoubtedly have occurred ; but he has been translated to a better 
world, for which his purity and piety eminently fitted him. You 
do not need to be told how great is his gain. It is the living 
for whom I sorrow. I beg that you will offer to Mrs. Fairfax 
and your daughters my heartfelt sympathy, for I know the depth 
of their grief. That God may give you and them strength to bear 
this great affliction, is the earnest prayer of, 

Your early friend, 
Dr. Orlando Fairfax, Richmond. R. E. Lee. 

General Lee was an Episcopalian, and sincerely attached to 
the church of his choice ; but his large heart took in Christians 
of every name, and not a few will cordially echo the remark 
made by the venerable Dr. White, who said with deep feeling 
during the Memorial services, "He belonged to one branch of 
the church, and I to another. Yet in my intercourse with him — 
an intercourse rendered far more frequent and intimate by the 
tender sympathy he felt in my ill-health — the thought never 
occurred to me that we belonged to different churches. His 
love for the truth, and for all that is good and useful, was 
such as to render his brotherly kindness and charity as bound- 
less as were the wants and sorrows of the race." 

If I have ever come in contact with a sincere, devout Chris- 
tian, — one who, seeing himself to be a sinner, trusted alone 
in the merits of Christ, — who humbly tried to walk the path of ( 
duty, "looking unto Jesus the author and finisher of our faith," 
and whose piety was constantly exemplified in his daily life,^' 
that man was the world's great soldier, and model man, Robert 
Edward Lee. 



CHAPTER XII 

HIS DEATH AND FUNERAL SERVICE AND THE WORLD'S TRIBUTE 
TO HIS MEMORY 

Causes of his sickness — From a vestry meeting to his death-bed — His last 
moments — His funeral — The world's tribute to his fame. 

And now I have left myself but little room in which to give 
what a large volume would not contain if fully treated. In 
the campaign of 1863 General Lee contracted a severe sore 
throat which resulted in rheumatic inflammation of the sac 
enclosing the heart. He was never entirely well after this, 
though he remained at his post of duty, and never complained. 

In October, 1869, he was again attacked by inflammation of 
the heart, accompanied by muscular rheumatism of the back, 
right side, and arms. He suffered a good deal during the 
winter, but attended so faithfully to his duties, and made so 
little complaint, that it was hoped that he was himself again, 
but in March, 1870, his physicians, who were all the time 
uneasy about him, persuaded him to go south. He returned 
seemingly better, spent the summer at the Hot Springs in Bath 
County, Virginia, and when in September, 1870, he resumed 
his duties at the College he seemed to be in better health and 
spirits than for a long time before. On the 28th of September 
he was very busy in his office, and at 4 o'clock p. m. attended 
a meeting of the vestry of Grace Episcopal Church, over which 
he presided. Important matters pertaining to the building of 
a new church, and an increased salary for the Rector, occu- 
pied the meeting, and General Lee's last public act was to make 
\ an exceedingly liberal contribution, in addition to the large one 
he had already made. He went from this meeting to his home, 
started to ask a blessing at the tea-table, and finding himself 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 475 

unable to utter the prayer which his heart dictated, took his 
seat quietly and without agitation. "His face seemed to some 
of the anxious group about him to wear a look of sublime 
resignation, and to evince a full knowledge that the hour had 
come when all the cares and anxieties of his crowded life were 
at an end." His physicians, Drs. R. S. Barton and R. L. Madi- 
son, were summoned, and every attention that love and skill 
could bestow was given him, but all was in vain, and soon after 
9 o'clock on the morning of October 12 he calmly breathed his 
last. 

Col. Wm. Preston Johnston (son of Albert Sydney John- 
ston), who at the time was a professor in Washington College 
and almost constantly at General Lee's bed-side, in a most 
touchingly interesting account of his death says this of his last 
moments : I 

As the old hero lay in the darkened room, or with the UmpJ 
and hearth fire casting shadows upon his calm, noble front* all 
the massive grandeur of his form and face and brow remained ; 
and death seemed to lose its terrors, and to borrow a grace and 
dignity in sublime keeping with the life that was ebbing away. 
The great mind sank to its last repose almost with the equal 
poise of health. The few broken utterances that evinced at times 
a wandering intellect were spoken under the influence of the 
remedies administered ; but as long as consciousness lasted there 
was evidence that all the high, controlling influences of his whole 
life still ruled ; and even when stupor was laying its cold hand 
on the intellectual perceptions, the moral nature, with its com- 
plete orb of duties and affections, still asserted itself. A Southern 
poet has celebrated in song those last significant words, "Strike 
the tent" ; and a thousand voices were raised to give meaning) 
to the uncertain sound, when the dying man said, with emphasis,' 
"Tell Hill he must come up !" These sentences serve to show 
most touchingly through what fields the imagination was pass- 
ing ; but generally his words, though few, were coherent ; but 
for the most part indeed his silence was unbroken. 

This self-contained reticence had an awful grandeur, in solemn 
accord with a life that needed no defense. Deeds which required 
no justification must speak for him. His voiceless lips, like the 
shut gates of some majestic temple, were closed, not for con- 



476 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

cealment, but because that within was holy. Could the eye of the 
mourning watcher have pierced the gloom that gathered about 
the recesses of that great soul, it would have perceived a pres- 
ence mere full of an ineffable glory. Leaning trustfully upon 
the all-sustaining Arm, the man whose stature, measured by 
mortal standards, seemed so great, passed from this world of 
shadows to the realities of the hereafter. 

He left no "last words," and none were needed, since his 
whole life had been "a living epistle, known and read of men," 
and there came from his silent form a voice more eloquent 
than the tongue of man can utter, saying, "Be ye followers 
[imitators] of me even as I, also, was of Christ." 

On the morning of the 12th of October I was hurrying to 
General Lee's house, — I had learned that he was worse, — when 
the tolling of the bells announced his death. Without any con- 
cert, but from mutual impulse, every place of business in the 
town was closed, the exercises of the College, the Virginia Mili- 
tary Institute, and all of the schools were suspended, and the 
whole community was in tears. 

At 1.30 p. m. on the 14th of October the remains Were 
removed from the residence to the chapel, where they lay in 
state until Saturday the 15th, the day of the funeral, a guard of 
honor composed of students of the College being in constant 
attendance. At 9 o'clock that day the chapel was crowded and 
a deeply interesting Memorial service was held, at which brief 
addresses were made by Rev. Dr. W. N. Pendleton (General 
Lee's pastor), Rev. Dr. W. S. White (Stonewall Jackson's old 
pastor), and Rev. J. Wm. Jones. 

At this time one of the most destructive freshets ever known 
in that region prevailed, bridges were washed away, and roads 
torn up, and as there was no railway then running to Lexing- 
ton it was very difficult for people from a distance or even 
from the county to get to the funeral. And yet there was an 
immense crowd present. 

I wrote at the time for the Richmond, Virginia, Dispatch 
an account of the funeral, which was more accurate than I can 
write now, and so I give it as follows : 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 477 

The order of the procession was as follows : 

Music. 
Escort of honor, consisting of officers and soldiers of the Con- 
federate Army. Chaplain and other clergy. Hearse and pall- 
bearers. General Lee's horse. The attending physicians. 
Trustees and faculty of Washington College. Dignitaries of 
the State of Virginia. 

Visitors and faculty of Virginia Military Institute. 

Other representative bodies and distinguished visitors. 

Alumni of Washington College. 

Citizens. 

Cadets Virginia Military Institute. 

Students Washington College as guard of honor. 

At 10 o'clock precisely the procession was formed on the Col- 
lege grounds in front of the President's house, and moved down 
Washington street, up Jefferson street to the Franklin Hall, 
thence to Main street, where it was joined, in front of the hotel, 
by the Representatives of the State of Virginia, and other repre- 
sentative bodies in their order, and by the organized body of the 
citizens in front of the court-house. 

The procession then moved by the street to the Virginia Mili- 
tary Institute, where it was joined by the visitors, faculty, and 
cadets of the Institute, and was closed by the students of Washing- 
ton College as a guard of honor, and then moved up through the 
Institute and College grounds to the chapel. 

The procession was halted in front of the chapel, when the 
cadets of the Institute and the students of Washington College 
were marched through the College chapel past the remains, 
and were afterwards drawn up in two bodies on the south side 
of the chapel. The remainder of the procession then proceeded 
into the chapel and were seated under the direction of the mar- 
shals. The gallery and side blocks were reserved for ladies. 

As the procession moved off, to a solemn dirge by the Insti- 
tute band, the bells of the town began to toll, and the Institute 
battery fired minute-guns, which were kept up during the whole 
exercises. 

In front of the National Hotel the procession was joined by the 
committee of the legislature, consisting of Col. W. H. Taylor, 
Col. E. Pendleton, W. L. Riddick, Major Kelley, Geo. Walker, 
Z. Turner, H. Bowen, T. O. Jackson, and Marshall Hanger; the 
delegation from the city of Staunton, headed by Colonel Bolivar 



478 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

Christian and other prominent citizens ; and such other delega- 
tions as had been able to stem the torrents which the great freshet 
had made of even the smaller streams. 

It was remarked that the different classes who joined in the 
procession mingled into each other, and that among the boards 
of the College and Institute, the faculties, the students and cadets, 
the legislative committee, the delegations, and even the clergy, 
were many who might with equal propriety have joined the soldier 
guard of honor ; for they, too, had followed the standard of Lee 
in the days that tried men's souls. 

Along the streets the buildings were all appropriately draped, 
and crowds gathered on the corners and in the balconies to see 
the procession pass. Not a flag floated above the procession, 
and nothing was seen that looked like attempt at display. The 
old soldiers wore their ordinary citizen's dress, with a simple 
black ribbon in the lapel of their coats ; and Traveler, led by two 
old soldiers, had the simple trappings of mourning on his saddle. 

The Virginia Military Institute was very beautifully draped, 
and from its turrets hung at half-mast, and draped in mourning, 
the flags of all the States of the late Southern Confederacy. 

When the procession reached the Institute, it passed the corps 
of cadets drawn up in line, and a guard of honor presented arms 
as the hearse passed. When it reached the chapel, where an 
immense throng had assembled, the students and cadets, about 
six hundred and fifty strong, marched into the left door and 
aisle past the remains and out by the right aisle and door to their 
appropriate place. The rest of the procession then filed in. The 
family, joined by Drs. Barton and Madison, the attending phy- 
sicians, and Colonels W. H. Taylor and C. S. Venable, members 
of General Lee's staff during the war, occupied seats immedi- 
ately in front of the pulpit ; and the clergy, of whom a number 
were present, faculty of the College, and faculty of the Institute, 
had places on the platform. 

The coffin was covered with flowers and evergreens, while the 
front of the drapery thrown over it was decorated with crosses 
of evergreens and immortelles. 

Rev. Dr. Pendleton, the long intimate personal friend of Gen- 
eral Lee, his chief of artillery during the war, and his pastor 
the past five years, read the beautiful burial services of the Epis- 
copal Church. No sermon was preached, and nothing said besides 
the simple service, in accordance with the known wishes of Gen- 
eral Lee. 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 479 

After the funeral services were concluded in the chapel, the 
body was removed to the vault prepared for its reception, and the 
concluding services read by the chaplain from the bank on the 
southern side of the chapel, in front of the vault. 

There was sung in the chapel the 124th hymn of the Episcopal 
collection ; and, after the coffin was lowered into the vault, the 
congregation sang the grand old hymn, 

"How firm a foundation, ye saints of the Lord." 

This was always a favorite hymn of General Lee's, as well as 
of Stonewall Jackson, and was,- therefore, especially appropriate 
upon this sad occasion. 

The vault is constructed of brick, lined with cement. The top 
just reaches the floor of the library, and is double capped with 
white marble, on which is the simple inscription — 

"Robert Edward Lee, 
Bom January 19, 1807 ; \ 
Died October 12, 1870." 

This temporary structure is to be replaced by a beautiful sar- 
cophagus, the design of which has been already committed to 
Valentine, the gifted Virginia sculptor. 

The simple services concluded, the great assemblage, with 
hearts awed and saddened, defiled through the vaulted room in 
which was the tomb, to pay the last token of respect to the mighty 
dead. Thus ended the funeral of Gen. Robert E. Lee. 

The world's tribute to his memory began the day of his 
death, and has continued to the present. 

I sent the first telegram announcing his death to the Rich- 
mond Dispatch, that paper gave it to the Associated Press, and 
it was sent over the country and cabled to Europe as follows : 

Lexington, Virginia, October 12, 1870. 

10 A. m. 
General Lee died this morning at half past nine o'clock. He 
began to grow worse on Monday and continued to sink until he 
breathed his last this morning. He died as he lived, calmly and 
quietly, and in the full assurance of faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. 
The places of business are all closed, the bells are tolling, and 
the whole community thrown into the deepest grief. 

Lexington. 

Immediately newspapers were put in mourning all through 
the South, glowing editorials were published, meetings were 



480 LIFE AND LMTERS OF LEE 

held in every city, town and village, resolutions were passed, 
eulogies were pronounced on platform and in pulpit, and the 
people were in tears for Lee the soldier and man. 

The Northern press was far more eulogistic than could have 
been expected so soon after the war, and the European press 
was very strong in its eulogies. 

I do not exaggerate when I say that many volumes would 
not contain the eulogies that were pronounced, for I under- 
took to make a partial collection of them and have a trunk full 
now. 

His old soldiers were especially prominent in doing him 
honor, and all over the South they held meetings and passed 
glowing eulogies on their great commander, and loved friend. 
I can only quote just two extracts from the hundreds of eulo- 
gies of his soldiers. 

The first was the action of the soldiers of Rockbridge County, 
assembled the day after his death, Capt. A. Graham acting as 
chairman, and Chaplain J. Wm. Jones as secretary, the resolu- 
tions being reported by a committee consisting of Maj. J. B. 
Dorman and Chaplain J. Wm. Jones. The paper was written 
by Major Dorman and is as follows : 

i. Resolved, That as humble members of the great army of 
which Gen. Robert E. Lee was the illustrious head and chief, 
we mourn his death. With feelings untinged by bitter memories 
of a stormy past, and with no vain thought of exalting his name 
in the opinion of mankind, we meet to do him honor. At his 
open grave passion must stand abashed and eulogy is dumb. 
Striving to mount up to that clear air, wherein his own spirit 
dwelt, of calm wisdom, and heroic patience, we seek only to ren- 
der a last, simple, but just tribute to his memory. At different 
times he was known to some or all of us from the day that he 
received the sword of Virginia at the hands of her sovereign 
convention, and from the seven days around Richmond, through 
the varying fortunes of an unequal fight, to the closing scenes 
at Appomattox. He has been known to us again as the beloved 
and venerated citizen of onr own community, and the President 
of the noble institution of learning to which George Washington 
gave an endowment and a name. We have been daily witness to 






J 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 481 

his quiet, unostentatious, Christian life; we have seen him prove 
that "him no adversity could ever move, nor policy at any time 
entice to shrink from God and from his word." Knowing him, 
as we thus did, in war and in peace, we pronounce him to have 
been, in all the elements of real greatness which may challenge 
cavil and defy the touch of time, the peer of the most renowned 
of any age or country, and the foremost American of the won- 
drous century in which he lived. 

He is gone from among us — "gone before the Father ; far 
beyond the twilight judgments of this world ; high above its mists 
and obscurities." No more shall we look upon his noble form, 
meet his benignant smile, or receive his kindly greeting. But 
here where he set his last great example of steadfast, unselfish 
devotion to duty, the memory of his greatness and his worth 
must ever linger ; and while we reverently bow in submission to 
the summons of Infinite Wisdom calling him away, we send up 
a solemn aspiration of thankfulness that to us was the honor 
and the blessing of communion with him in his last days on earth, 
and to our people is committed the pious office of consigning 
his mortal remains to the tomb. Hallowed through all times 
shall be the spot whence his spirit passed from earth to heaven ! 

2. Resolved, That we tender to Mrs. Lee and her family the 
expression of our profound sympathy in an affliction which we 
feel full well can be but little mitigated by poor words of human 
consolation. 

3. Resolved, That the usual badges of mourning be worn for 
six months. 

4. Resolved, That the officers and soldiers of the late Confed- 
erate States resident in Rockbridge unite in an association for 
the erection of a suitable monument at this place; and that the. 
chairman appoint a committee to report a plan of organization to 
an adjourned meeting on Saturday next. 

The only other extract I will give is the conclusion of 
Ex-President Jefferson Davis's speech at the great Lee Memo- 
rial Meeting held in Richmond on the 3d of November, 1870. at 
which there was probably the largest gathering of Confederate 
generals and other distinguished soldiers that has been had 
since the war. Mr. Davis was made president of the meeting, 
was given a most enthusiastic ovation as he stepped upon the 
platform, and made an address of rare eloquence, which he 
concluded as follows : 



482 LIFE AND LEfTERS OF LEE 

Here he now sleeps in the land he loved so well, and that land 
I is not Virginia only, for they do injustice to Lee who believe he 
! fought only for Virginia. He was ready to go anywhere, on any 
service for the good of his country, and his heart was as broad 
as the thirteen States struggling for the principles that our fore- 
fathers fought for in the Revolution of 1776. He sleeps with 
the thousands who fought under the same flag — and happiest they 
who first offered up their lives. He sleeps in the soil to him and 
to them most dear. That flag was furled when there was none 
to bear it. Around it we are assembled a remnant of the living, 
to do honor to his memory, and there is an army of skeleton sen- 
tinels to keep watch above his grave. This good citizen, this 
gallant soldier, this great general, this true patriot, had yet a higher 
praise than this or these, he was a true Christian. The Christian- 

Lity which ennobled his life gives to us the consolatory belief that 
he is happy beyond the grave. 

But, while we mourn the loss of the great and the true, drop 
we also tears of sympathy with her who was a helpmeet to him — 
the noble woman who, while her husband was in the field leading 
the Army of the Confederacy, though an invalid herself, passed 
the time in knitting socks for the marching soldiers ! A woman 
fit to be the mother of heroes — and heroes are descended from her. 
Mourning with her, we can only offer the consolations of the 
Christian. Our loss is not his, for he now enjoys the rewards 
of a life well spent, and a never-wavering trust in a risen Saviour. 
This day we unite our words of sorrow with those of the good 
and great throughout Christendom, for his fame is gone over 
the water — his deeds will be remembered ; and when the monu- 
ment we build shall have crumbled into dust, his virtues will still 
live, a high model for the imitation of generations yet unborn. - 

Charles A. Dana said in the New York Sun that "in the 
death of General Lee an able soldier, a sincere Christian, and 
an honest man has been taken from earth." 

The New York Herald, in the course of a glowing eulogy, 
said: 

In him the military genius of America was developed to a 

' greater extent than ever before. In him all that was pure and 

lofty in mind and purpose found lodgment. He came nearer the 

ideal of a soldier and Christian general than any man we can 

i think of, for he was a greater soldier than Havelock, and equally 

as devout a Christian. 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO IIIS MEMORY 483 

The Philadelphia Age, in a long discussion of his campaigns, 
says : 

As a great master of defensive warfare Lee will prob- 
ably not be ranked inferior to any general known in history 

The Cincinnati Enquirer said : 

He was the great general of the "Rebellion." It was 

his strategy and superior military knowledge which kept the banner 
of the South afloat so long 

Horace Greeley said in his "American Conflict" : 

The Rebellion had failed, and gone down, but the Rebel army 
of Virginia and its commander had not failed 

The Halifax Nova Scotia Chronicle pronounced him the 
greatest General of the Age. 

The Montreal (Canada) Telegraph said : 

Posterity will rank Lee above Wellington or Napoleon, before 
Saxe or Turenne, above Marlborough or Frederick, before Alex- 
ander, or Caesar In fact, the greatest general of this or 

any other age. He has made his own name, and the Confederacy 
he served, immortal. 

Colonel Chesney, Lord Wolseley, Lord Roberts, Colonel 
Henderson, and others of the ablest soldiers in the British army ; 
Von Moltke, Bismarck, Colonel Von Borcke, Colonel Scheibert, 
Major Mangold and others of the most accomplished soldiers 
of Prussia have all expressed themselves in terms of highest 
admiration of Lee the soldier. 

General Garnett Joseph Wolseley said : 

The fierce light which beats upon the throne is as a rush light 
in comparison with the electric glare which our newspapers now 
focus upon the public man in Lee's position. His character has 
been subjected to that ordeal, and who can point to a spot upon 
it ? His clear, sound judgment, personal courage, untiring activity, 
genius for war, absolute devotion to his State, mark him out as 
a public man, as a patriot to be forever remembered by all Ameri- 
cans. His amiability bf disposition, deep sympathy with those in 
pain or sorrow, his love for children, nice sense of personal honor, 
and general courtesy endeared him to all his friends. I shall 
never forget his sweet, winning smile, nor his clear, honest eyes, 



/ 



484 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

that seemed to look into your heart while they searched your 
brain. I have met with many of the great men of my time, but 
Lee alone impressed me with the feeling that I was in the pres- 
ence of a man who was cast in a grander mould and made of 
different and finer metal than all other men. He is stamped upon 
my memory as being apart and superior to all others in every 
way, a man with whom none I ever knew and few of whom I 
have read are worthy to be classed. When all the angry feelings 
aroused by secession are buried with those that existed when the 
Declaration of Independence was written ; when Americans can 
review the history of their last great war with calm impartiality, 
I believe all will admit that General Lee towered far above all 
men on either side in that struggle. I believe he will be regarded 
not only as the most prominent figure of the Confederacy, but as 
the greatest American of the nineteenth century, whose statue 
is well worthy to stand on an equal pedestal with that of Wash- 
ington and whose memory is equally worthy to be enshrined in 
the hearts of all his countrymen. 

(Signed) Wolseley. 

Professor George Long, the great scholar of England, in 
reference to a dedication of his book on "Thoughts of the 
Emperor M. Aurelius Antoninus," said : 

"Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni," and if I dedi- 
cated this little book to any man, I would dedicate it to him who 
led the Confederate Armies against the powerful invader, and 
retired from an unequal contest defeated but not dishonored; to 
the noble Virginian soldier, whose talents and virtues place him 
by the side of the best and wisest man who sat on the throne of 
the imperial Caesars. 

And the London Standard said : 

A country that has given birth to men like him, and those who 
followed him, may look the chivalry of Europe in the face without 
shame; for the fatherlands of Sidney and of Bayard never pro- 
duced a nobler soldier, gentleman, and Christian than Gen. Robert 
E. Lee. 

I have thus given a few specimen quotations from the world's 
tribute to Lee, and might multiply them almost indefinitely. 
Edward V. Valentine, Virginia's gifted sculptor, has put into 
life-speaking marble the beautiful recumbent figure which decks 
the tomb of Lee, and is one of the finest works of art in this 



DEATH, FUNERAL SERVICE AND TRIBUTE TO HIS MEMORY 485 

country, and which was unveiled on the 28th of June, 1883, 
in the presence of an immense crowd, and after an address by 
Senator John W. Daniel of Virginia which ranks among the 
great orations of history. 

There has been erected, also, a fine monument at New 
Orleans, and Mercie's Equestrian Statue at Richmond, which 
was unveiled in the presence of perhaps the largest crowd of 
Confederate soldiers ever assembled on such an occasion, and 
after an oration of great ability and eloquence by Col. Archer 
Anderson. Other monuments to him are projected ; but Lee's 
fittest monument is in the hearts of his people. 

He sleeps well in the beautiful Valley of Virginia beneath 
the chapel he built hard by the office which was the scene of 
his last and noblest labors, and which is preserved just as he 
left it the day of his fatal illness. 

In the cemetery near by bivouacs his great lieutenant, Stone- 
wall Jackson. They weredDorn, the one on the 19th of Janu- 
ary and the other on the #f st of the same month. It seems 
fitting that their graves should be near together — Cavalier and 
Puritan, but brothers in arms, brothers in faith, and brothers 
in glory, they will shine forever in the world's galaxy of true 
patriots, stainless gentlemen, great soldiers, and model Chris- 
tians. "They were swifter than eagles, they were stronger 
than lions, they were lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in 
their death they were not divided." 

From all parts of the world pilgrims come to visit these 
tombs, and loving' hands bring fresh flowers, immortelles, and 
evergreens — fit emblems of the fadeless wreaths which now 
deck their brows. 

I know not how more appropriately the tomb of Lee could 
be placed. The blue mountains of his loved Virginia sentinel 
his grave. Young men from every section throng the classic 
shades of "Washington and Lee University," and delight to 
keep ward and watch at his tomb. The clear streams as they 
flow along their emerald beds seem to murmur his praises and 
roll on to the ocean his fame. 



486 LIFE AND LETTERS OF LEE 

But the day will come — nay now is — when at the North as 
well as at the South Robert Edward Lee of Virginia, of 
America, of the world, will be recognized as one of the finest 
specimens of the soldier and the man whom God ever gave to 
bless the world. 









